LIBRARY 

UNlViftSrt^Of 
SAN  DIEGO 


9 


>*  MAJRTIH 


''ilere  I  stand, 
1  Cannot  do  otherwise.  Goflttip  me!  Ame.r1 


THE 


LIFE  OF  LUTHER; 


Iptwl  ftifmnr*  in  its  (felhr 


OPENING  SCENES 


THE   REFORMATION. 


BY  BARNAS   SEARS,  D.D. 


PHILADELPHIA : 
AMERICAN  SUNDAY-SCHOOL  UNION, 

Ho.  146    CHESTNUT    STREET. 

NSW  roSJC:  No.  147  NASSAU  STREET BOSTON:  No.  »  CORMUILL. 

LOVISriLLK:  No.  108  FOC&TH  VIKEZT. 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1849,  by  the 

AMERICAN   SUNDAY-SCHOOL   UNION, 

hi  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of 
Pennsylvania. 


49"  No  books  are  published  by  the  AMERICAN  SUNDAY-SCHOOL  UNION 
without  the  sanction  of  the  Committee  of  Publication,  consisting  of 
fourteen  members,  from  the  following  denominations  of  Christians,  yiz. 
Baptist,  Methodist,  Congregationalist,  Episcopal,  Presbyterian,  and  Re- 
formed Dutch.  Not  more  than  three  of  the  members  can  be  of  the 
same  denomination,  and  no  book  can  be  published  to  which  any  mem- 
ber of  the  Committee  shall  object 


PREFACE. 


IN  an  age  so  distinguished  for  historical  research  as  the 
present,  it  would  be  remarkable  if  there  were  no  demand 
for  a  Life  of  LUTHEK,  founded  upon  new  investigations.  In 
the  English  language  the  want  of  such  a  work  is  much 
greater  than  in  the  German.  In  the  latter,  the  facts 
newly  discovered,  though  they  lie  scattered  in  many  dif- 
ferent publications,  are  recorded ;  while,  in  the  former, 
they  are  nearly  or  quite  unknown.  To  say  nothing  of 
Luther's  letters,  edited  by  De  Wette,  and  of  Melancthon's, 
by  Bretschneider,  without  which  no  good  biography  of 
Luther  can  be  written,  elaborate  historical  essays,  almost 
without  number,  on  points  connected  with  the  life  of  the 
Reformer  have  been  published  within  a  few  years  in  Ger- 
many, of  which  hardly  a  trace  can  be  found  in  English 
or  American  books.  The  year  1846,  the  third  centennial 
of  Luther's  death,  was,  in  this  respect,  unusually  prolific. 
In  the  recent  histories,  too,  of  old  towns  and  cities,  in  the 
publications  of  learned  societies,  in  the  later  critical  bio- 
graphies of  many  of  the  associates  and  contemporaries  of 
the  Reformer,  and  in  several  special  and  general  histories 


4  PREFACE. 

relating  to  the  affairs  of  Germany  in  that  period,  import- 
ant additions  have  been  made  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
life  and  times  of  Luther. 

About  three  years  ago,  the  Committee  of  Publication 
of  the  American  Sunday-School  Union  applied  to  the 
•writer,  to  prepare  a  life  of  Luther,  to  be  published  under 
the  auspices  of  that  society.  Having,  from  the  time 
of  my  temporary  residence  in  Germany,  in  the  years 
1834-6,  when  my  historical  studies,  under  the  guidance 
of  Neander,  commenced,  contracted  some  familiarity  with 
the  writings  of  Luther,  and  with  the  history  of  his  age, 
I  was  induced  by  my  historical  tastes,  and  my  interest 
in  the  Reformer,  some  of  whose  minor  works  I  had  edited, 
no  less  than  by  the  hope  of  doing  a  service  to  the  young, 
to  engage  in  the  undertaking.  During  this  interval  of 
three  years,  nearly  all  the  works,  amounting  to  some 
hundreds  of  volumes,  which  cast  new  light  on  the  subject 
in  hand,  have  been  carefully  examined.  Many  new  facts 
have  been  brought  together,  and  many  obscurities  re- 
moved, while  not  a  few  apocryphal  accounts  have  been 
discarded. 

Persons  who  are  conversant  with  the  sources  of  infor- 
mation, will  not  complain  that  the  admirable  work  of 
Jurgens  on  the  youth  of  Luther  should  be  followed,  so  far 
as  it  extends.  No  other  single  work,  except  Luther's 
letters,  has  been  used  so  much  as  this.  But  from  the 
year  1517,  to  Luther's  death  in  1546,  no  such  explorer 
and  guide  could  be  found.  Fortunately,  from  that  date, 


PREFACE.  5 

Luther  is  his  own  best  biographer.  The  five  large  volumes 
of  his  published  letters,  with  the  supplementary  collec- 
tions, embrace  the  history  of  this  period  of  his  life  with 
remarkable  fulness  of  detail.  The  fact  that  no  life  of  the 
Reformer  had  been  written,  in  which  was  incorporated 
the  body  of  materials  contained  in  his  correspondence, 
determined  the  mind  of  the  writer  to  make  that  corres- 
pondence a  subject  of  particular  study  with  reference  to 
his  object.  The  new  colouring  which  would  hereby  be 
given  to  the  narrative  would,  it  was  believed,  render  it 
both  more  truthful  and  more  interesting.  Luther  would 
appear  in  his  own  dress.  His  thoughts,  expressed  in  his 
own  words,  would  reveal  his  true  character  as  nothing 
else  would.  Never  could  such  a  plan  be  more  justifiable 
than  in  the  case  of  one  so  accustomed  as  he  was,  to  give 
unreserved  freedom  to  his  tongue  and  pen,  and  to  speak 
out  all  that  was  in  his  heart.  Indeed,  so  perfectly  does 
the  character  of  the  individual  shine  forth  in  his  own 
utterances  and  actions  that  a  separate  portraiture  of  it 
has  been  omitted  as  superfluous. 

It  will,  I  trust,  appear  that  the  author  has  had  no 
theory  to  establish,  no  secret  purpose  to  answer,  but  has 
studiously  laboured  to  set  forth  Luther  in  his  real  cha- 
racter. His  faults  have  not  been  concealed,  nor  his 
virtues  wittingly  overdrawn.  It  seemed  irreverent  to 
interrupt  the  solemn  voice  of  history,  and  ill-advised  to 
imitate  the  example  of  those  who  transfigure  imperfect 
1* 


6  PREFACE. 

and  erring  men  into  pure  saints,  for  the  blind  homage  of 
the  ignorant  and  credulous. 

In  order  to  give  full  relief  to  the  picture  of  Luther's 
youth  and  early  manhood,  for  the  benefit  of  the  young 
reader,  it  was  necessary  to  abridge  the  latter  "part  of  his 
life.  This  design  was  favoured  by  the  consideration  that 
Luther's  later  years  were  involved  in  controversies,  which 
it  would  be  improper  to  perpetuate  in  the  publications  of 
the  Union.  Indeed,  the  biographical  _  interest  sensibly 
abates  at  the  point  where  it  begins  to  expand  into  general 
history,  a  circumstance  which  would  of  itself  justify  the 

limited  plan  of  the  present  work. 

B.  SEARS. 
Newton  Centre,  Jan.  21, 1850. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  ENGRAVINGS. 


Page  6.  Entrance  to  Luther's  House  in  Wittenberg, 
with  "1540"  inscribed  at  the  top. 

Page  9.  The  Electoral  or  All-saints'  Church  at  Wit- 
tenberg, described  on  page  122. 

Page  11.  Taken  from  a  medal  struck  in  Saxony,  in  the 
year  1617,  the  first  Jubilee  of  the  Reformation.  It  re- 
presents Luther  taking  a  bushel  from  a  lamp  or  candle — 
a  symbol  of  the  gospel,  as  is  intimated  by  the  open 
Bible  at  the  side,  and  the  name  of  Jehovah  above,  in 
Hebrew  letters. 

Page  43.  Luther's  House,  or  the  Old  Augustinian 
Cloister.  His  apartment  was  in  the  second  story,  con- 
nected with  the  second  and  third  windows  from  the 
right.  The  entrance  was  at  the  door  on  the  right  of 
the  tower  and  near  by  it. 

Page  44.  Taken  from  a  medal  struck  by  the  city 
of  Worms  in  1617.  It  represents  a  burning  candle 
standing  upon  an  open  Bible,  with  a  serpent  endeavour- 
ing to  extinguish  it,  and  a  hand  from  the  clouds  point- 
ing to  it,  and  intimating  that  divine  strength  feeds  the 
flame.  The  medal  itself  has  a  Latin  inscription — sig- 
nifying, "0  Lord!  let  it  shine  on  for  ever." 

Page  56.  The  Ninety-five  Theses  of  Luther  on  Indul- 
gences, posted  up  on  the  door  of  the  Electoral  Church  at 
Wittenberg.  The  hammer  is  lying  at  his  feet. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  ENGRAVINGS. 

Page  64.  The  Augusteum,  or  University,  on  the  left, 
and  Melancthon's  house  towering  high  on  the  right. 

Page  114.  Luther's  Monument,  erected  in  1817 — 1821, 
in  the  Market-place  at  Wittenberg. 

Page  115.  Jubilee-medal  struck  in  Saxony,  in  1617, 
representing  the  Elector,  Frederick  the  Wise,  'In  his 
robes  of  office,  holding  a  sword  in  his  right  hand,  and 
pointing  with  his  left  to  the  name  of  Jehovah.  By  his 
side  stands  Luther,  holding  a  burning  light  in  his  right 
hand,  and  with  the  left  pointing  to  the  Bible.  On  the 
table-cloth  is  seen  the  Elector's  coat  of  arms. 

Page  262.     Luther's  seal,  described  by  himself,  p.  449. 

Page  131.  A  rear- view  of  the  Parochial  or  City 
Church  in  Wittenberg,  where  Luther  commonly  preached. 

Page  176.  From  a  medal  of  the  second  Jubilee  of  the 
Reformation,  in  1717,  in  Saxe-Weisenfels.  It  represents 
the  Church  founded  upon  a  rock — the  waves  of  the  ocean 
dashing  wildly  around  it. 

Page  287.  Taken  from  a  medal  struck  by  the  City  of 
Nuremberg,  in  1717,  representing  a  Bible  open  to  the 
passage — "The  word  of  the  Lord  endureth  for  ever." 
V.  D.  M.  I.  M.  are  the  initials  of  the  same  words  in 
Latin — "Verbum  Dei  Manet  In  Sternum."  On  the 
left  of  the  Bible  is  a  mason's  plummet-rule  or  level, 
with  reference  to  the  passage  (Gal.  vi.  16):  "As  many 
as  walk  according  to  this  rule,  peace  be  on  them  and 
mercy,"  &c. 

Page  294.  The  Double-headed  Eagle  and  Crown  repre- 
sent the  German  Empire. 

Page  318.  Taken  from  a  medal  struck  in  Saxony,  in 
1617,  representing  a  brick-kiln  on  the  left ;  on  the  right, 


DESCRIPTION  OF  ENGRAVINGS.  9 

the  brazen  serpent,  or  serpent  on  the  cross,  and  the 
name  of  Jehovah  with  a  pillar  of  cloud  between.  The 
meaning  is,  that  as  Moses  conducted  the  children  of 
Israel  from  the  bondage  of  Egypt,  so  did  Luther  conduct 
the  people  of  God  from  papal  captivity. 

Page  365.  The  Castle  of  the  Elector  at  Wittenberg. 

Page  366.  Taken  from  a  medal  struck  at  Halle,  in 
Suabia,  in  1617,  resembling  that  on  page  294 ;  except 
that  it  has  the  city  arms  or  seal. 

Page  403.  Chapel  Corpus  Christ!  (Body  of  Christ), 
one  of  the  oldest  public  buildings  in  Wittenberg. 

Page  404.  From  a  medal  of  Saxe-Gotha,  struck  in 
1717,  representing  a  palm-tree  among  thorns,  and  yet 
flourishing.  Its  emblematical  import,  as  applied  to  the 
church,  is  obvious.  Upon  the  medal  itself  is  inscribed  a 
verse  from  Ovid — "Vixi  annos  bis  centum,  nunc  tertia 
vivitur  setas" — "  I  have  lived  two  centuries,  and  am  now 
living  in  the  third." 

Page  486.  The  Yard  or  Court  of  the  Elector's  Castle 
at  Wittenberg. 


PART   I. 

FROM  LUTHER'S  BIRTH  TILL  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE 
REFORMATION  IN  1517. 


CHAPTER  I. 

LUTHER'S  BOYHOOD  TO  THE  FOURTEENTH  YEAR  OF  HIS  AGE, 
WHEN  HE  LEFT  HIS  FATHER'S  HOUSE. 

SECTION  I. — Luther's  Birth-place  and  Parentage. 

OME  twenty- 
five  miles 
north-west  of 
Leipsic  is  situ- 
ated the  old 
town  of  Halle, 
on  the  Saale. 
From  this 
town,  the  road 
running  to  the 
west,  after 
crossing  a  fer- 
tile plain,leads 
to  a  romantic 
spot,  at  a  dis 
tance  of  ten 
miles,  where  the  hills  of  south-western  Saxony  be- 
gin to  rise,  and  the  flat  lands,  extending  all  the 
way  from  the  Baltic  Sea,  reach  their  termination. 
Here  the  road,  passing  between  two  beautiful 
sheets  of  water,  the  one  fresh  and  the  other  salt, 
enters  a  vale,  with  ranges  of  vine-clad  hills  on  eithei 
side,  which  becomes  wider  and  wider,  till  at  the  dis 
tance  of  nearly  ten  miles,  it  contracts  again,  and  the 
heights  that  bounded  it  converge  and  form  the  varied 

11 


12  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

and  pleasant  scenery  of  Eisleben,  once  the  capital 
of  the  county  of  Mansfeld.  As  the  traveller  enters 
this  town,  he  leaves,  on  the  left,  before  proceeding 
very  far,  the  house  where  Luther  was  born,  now 
converted  into  an  edifice  for  the  accommodation  of  an 
orphan  school.  In  the  same  quarter  of  the  city,  a 
few  rods  to  the  east,  is  St.  Peter's  Church,  where, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  times,  the  boy  was, 
on  the  very  next  day  after  his  birth,  baptized,  and 
christened  Martin,  as  that  happened  to  be  St.  Martin's 
day.  This  circumstance  is  highly  characteristic  of 
the  religious  sentiments  of  that  age.  The  senses  and 
the  imagination  were  employed,  more  perhaps  than 
the  heart,  in  the  service  of  religion.  The  infant 
child  was  to  be  brought  at  once,  in  imagination  at 
least,  into  connection  with  a  saint;  and  it  was  be- 
lieved that  an  association  of  the  name  would  be 
adapted  to  awaken  in  him  a  corresponding  assoqa- 
tion  of  ideas.  The  font  which  was  used  on  that  occa- 
sion is  still  shown  to  the  curious  traveller. 

Leaving  these  places  and  passing  directly  on, 
about  half-way  through  the  town,  the  visiter  will 
reach  the  point  where  a  broad  street,  coming  from 
the  left,  meets  at  right-angles  with  the  one  he  is  in. 
Turning  in  that  direction  he  will  see  most  of  the 
city  lying  before  him,  on  a  rising  eminence.  At  a 
little  distance  stands,  on  the  left,  the  old  and  some- 
what stately  house  in  which  Luther  died.  On  the 
other  side  of  the  street,  a  few  rods  above,  is  to  be 
seen  the  church  in  which  he  preached  his  last  ser- 
mon, the  very  pulpit  in  which  he  stood  being  still 
preserved. 

Let  us  now  look  for  that  district  in  Thuringia,  or 
Western  Saxony,  where  the  ancestors  of  Luther  re- 


2E.  1-13.]  BIRTH-PLACE.  13 

sided.  We  will  imagine  ourselves  at  the  castle  of 
Wartburg,  about  seventy-five  miles  south-west  of 
Eisleben,  and  about  twenty-five  west  of  Erfurt. 
Before  us,  as  we  face  the  east,  we  shall  have  Eise- 
nach, in  a  valley,  almost  at  our  feet,  and  along  the 
hills  and  dales  beyond,  Gotha,  Erfurt,  Weimar  and 
Jena,  lying  respectively  at  distances  of  about  twelve 
or  fourteen  miles  from  each  other. 

To  the  left,  towards  Eisleben,  we  look  directly 
across  four  or  five  ranges  of  hills,  which  run  parallel 
with  the  Thuringian  Forest,  with  long  narrow  vales 
between  them.  To  the  right,  or  in  a  south-easterly 
direction,  lies  the  Thuringian  Forest  itself — a  roman- 
tic range  of  hills  or  mountains,  extending  about  forty 
miles.  Through  all  this  tract  of  country  were  scat- 
tered different  branches  of  the  family  which  bore  the 
name  of  Luther. 

Directly  south  from  Wartburg,  on  the  south- 
western declivity  of  the  forest,  on  the  way  to 
Salzungen,  lies  the  hamlet  of  Mora,  where  was 
the  homestead  of  that  branch  of  the  family 
from  which  Martin  Luther  sprung.  Here  the 
grandfather,  Heine  Luther,  had  a  small  farm,  which 
he  seems  to  have  left  to  his  eldest  son  Heinz 
or  Henry  Luther,  the  uncle  of  Martin.  While 
Heinz  received  the  small  estate  and  assumed  the 
maintenance  of  his  parents,  Hans  or  John,  Martin 
Luther's  father,  appears  to  have  been  dependent 
upon  his  own  industry  for  his  livelihood.  The  most 
probable  opinion  is,  that  not  long  after  his  marriage 
he  removed  to  Eisleben,  in  order  to  engage  in  the 
business  of  mining.  From  the  Hartz  Mountains, 
lying  to  the  north-west,  between  Eisleben  and 
Hanover,  there  runs  a  vein  of  copper  with  a  small 


14  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

ingredient  of  silver,  passing  through  Mansfeld  and 
extending  to  Eisleben.  At  this  last  place,  Hans 
Luther,  Martin's  father,  took  up  his  first  residence 
after  leaving  Mora ;  and  during  this  residence  Martin 
Luther  was  born,  November  10,  1483. 

The  story  to  which  Seckendorf  gave  currency,  on 
the  authority  of  a  writer  too  late  by  a  century  to 
be  a  witness,  namely,  that  Luther  was  born  while 
his  parents,  yet  residents  of  Mora,  were  attending 
a  fair  at  Eisleben,  is  not  only  improbable  in  itself, 
as  D'Aubigne"  well  remarks,  but  has  been  proved  to 
be  untrue  from  the  fact,  that  fairs  were  never  held 
at  Eisleben  in  the  month  of  November.  Melancthon, 
the  best  authority  on  this  subject,  says  :  "  The  pa- 
rents of  Luther  first  dwelt  in  the  town  of  Eisleben, 
where  Luther  was  born,  and  afterwards  they  went 
to  Mansfeld."  This  view  is  confirmed  by  Ratze- 
berger's  Manuscript,  which  says :  "  Forasmuch  as 
the  mining  business  had  for  many  years  been  in  a 
prosperous  state  in  the  county  of  Mansfeld,  Hans 
Luther,  with  his  wife  Margaret,  betook  himself  to 
that  place,  and  gave  himself,  according  to  his  best 
ability,  to  mining,  till  he  became  owner  of  a  share  in 
the  mines  and  of  a  foundry.  There,  in  the  town 
of  Eisleben,  in  the  year  1483,  was  his  son  Martin 
Luther  born,  ....  but  the  elder  Luther,  Hans,  re- 
moved with  his  household  to  Mansfeld  and  was,  on 
account  of  his  knowledge  and  industry  in  mining, 
much  beloved  of  the  old  Count  Gunther." 

The  report  that  Luther's  father  fled  to  Eisleben  in 
consequence  of  having  killed  a  person  at  Mora,  was 
undoubtedly  got  up  at  a  later  period  by  the  Papists, 
in  order  to  throw  discredit  upon  the  Reformation. 
Eisleben,  which  has  now  a  population  of  about  seven 


M.  1-13.]  BIRTH-PLACE.  15 

thousand,  was,  at  that  time,  the  largest  town  of  the 
territory  of  the  Counts  of  Mansfeld.* 

As  Luther  passed  only  about  half  a  year  of  his 
earliest  infancy  in  Eisleben,  it  was  only  the  associa- 
tions of  his  mind  and  subsequent  connections  with 
this  place  that  could  have  any  influence  upon  him. 
Indeed,  it  may  be  said  that  Eisleben  owes  more  to 
Luther,  than  Luther  to  Eisleben.  He  always  che- 
rished an  affection  for  the  place,  and  had  warm  and 
intimate  friends  there ;  and  the  very  last  act  of  his 
life  was,  to  make  arrangements  for  establishing  a 
Latin  high-school  in  Eisleben,  which  soon  numbered 
seven  hundred  pupils,  and  has  not  only  existed,  but 
flourished  from  that  time  to  the  present. 

After  about  six  months'  residence  at  Eisleben  from 
the  time  of  Luther's  birth,  his  parents  removed  to 
Mansfeld,  six  miles  to  the  north-west,  of  which  the 
present  population  is  about  twelve  hundred  and  fifty. 
Though  this  was  a  much  smaller  place  than  the  for- 
mer, it  was  the  residence  of  the  various  branches  of 
the  family  of  the  Counts  of  Mansfeld.  The  castle,  now 
in  ruins,  stood  upon  a  rocky  eminence  on  the  south, 
and  overlooked  the  vale  in  which  the  town  was  situ- 
ated. The  scenery,  in  and  around  the  place  where 
Luther  spent  the  first  thirteen  years  of  his  life,  was 
rather  wild  and  romantic.  The  country,  though  not 
mountainous,  is  elevated  and  hilly;  partly  cultivated, 
partly  covered  with  pine  forests,  and  partly  a  bald 
and  sterile  rock.  The  pits  and  slag  lying  on  the 

*  The  independent  county  of  Mansfeld  was  a  small  ir- 
regular tract,  lying  between  Halle  and  Nordhausen,  not 
extending  forty  miles  in  any  direction ;  and  yet  D'Au- 
bigne"  says  Mora  was  in  it,  whereas  it  was  more  than 
sixty  miles  from  its  nearest  boundary. 


16  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

surface  indicate  at  once  that  it  is  a  mining  dis- 
trict. To  the  south-east,  towards  Eisleben,  an  ex- 
tensive, varied  and  smiling  landscape  meets  the  eye. 
In  the  time  of  Luther's  childhood,  Mansfeld  was  a 
place  of  active  business.  Money,  in  considerable 
quantities,  was  coined  from  the  silver  ore ;  and  the 
copper  worked  in  those  mines  led  to  commercial  in- 
tercourse with  the  larger  places  of  trade  in  the  south 
of  Germany,  and  with  Venice.  It  was  undoubtedly 
the  prospect  of  doing  better  in  his  business  that  in- 
duced the  miner,  Hans  Luther,  to  leave  Eisleben, 
and  settle  at  Mansfeld ;  and  the  result  justified  his 
expectation.  For  we  find  him  at  a  later  period  ris- 
ing, if  not  to  affluence,  to  a  state  of  comfort  and 
respectability.  He  became  the  owner  of  a  house 
and  two  furnaces,  and  left,  at  his  death,  besides 
these,  about  one  thousand  dollars  in  money.  He 
was  so  much  esteemed,  that  he  was  made  a  member 
of  the  town  council. 


SECTION  II. — Character  of  Luther's  Parents,  and  their  Con- 
dition during  his  Boyhood. 

LUTHER  always  spoke  of  himself  and  of  his  an- 
cestors as  belonging  to  the  peasantry.  "  I  am  a 
peasant's  son.  My  father,  my  grandfather,  and  my 
forefathers  were  all  true  peasants.  Afterwards  my 
father  went  to  Mansfeld,  and  became  an  ore-digger." 
As  it  has  been  already  intimated,  Luther's  father,  after 
he  became  a  miner,  rose  by  industry  and  effort  from 
the  condition  of  a  peasant  to  that  of  a  burgher  or 
free  citizen.  He  commenced  his  career  at  Mansfeld 
in  penury,  but  with  a  force  of  character  that  could 
not  leave  him  in  that  state.  "  My  parents,"  says 


JE.  1-13.]  PARENTAGE.  17 

Luther,  "  were,  in  the  beginning,  right  poor.  My 
father  was  a  poor  mine-digger,*  and  my  mother  did 
carry  her  wood  on  her  shoulders ;  and  after  this  sort 
did  they  support  us,  their  children.  They  had  a 
sharp,  bitter  experience  of  it;  no  one  would  do  like- 
wise now." 

It  was  not  till  about  seventeen  years  afterwards, 
when  Luther  was  a  member  of  the  university,  that 
his  father  had  the  means  of  paying  the  expenses  of 
his  education.^  His  honesty,  good  sense,  energy  and 
decision  of  character  won  for  him  the  respect  of  his 
fellow-citizens.  He  was  open-hearted  and  frank,  and 
was  wont  to  follow  the  convictions  of  his  under- 
standing, fearless  of  consequences.  His  firmness 
was  characterized  by  severity,  sometimes  approach- 
ing to  obstinacy.  In  his  actions  which  are  known 
to  us,  he  appears  clear-headed  and  decided,  going 
right  forward  to  his  object.  His  son's  bold  and  un- 
wavering course  after  committing  himself  to  the 
work  of  reform,  was  just  to  his  mind.  In  the  very 

*  ffauer,  a  word  which  has  often  been  misunderstood 
as  meaning  a  wood-cutter.  It  is  time  this  mistake  was 
corrected  in  the  English  and  American  writers  on  Luther. 

f  Michelet  is  evidently  in  an  error  when  he  speaks  of 
the  parents  being  "  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  small  property, 
for  which  they  were  no  doubt  indebted  to  their  ton."  The 
position  of  the  father  in  society  at  Mansfeld,  long  before 
Luther's  celebrity,  the  liberal  support  which  he  is  known 
to  have  given  his  son  while  at  the  university,  his  appear- 
ance with  an  attendance  of  twenty  horsemen  at  the  time 
of  Martin's  consecration  as  priest,  the  present  of  thirty 
guldens  then  made,  and  Luther's  own  poverty  up  to  the 
time  of  the  father's  death,  all  forbid  such  a  conjecture. 
Besides,  the  early  biographers  of  Luther,  who  were  his 
intimate  friends,  testify  directly  to  the  contrary. 
2* 


18  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

midst  of  the  Peasants'  War,  which  the  enemies  of 
Luther  said  was  caused  by  him,  his  father  advised 
him  to  take  the  bold,  and,  at  that  time,  even  hazard- 
ous step  of  trampling  on  the  vow  of  celibacy,  and, 
in  that  way,  bearing  his  most  decided  testimony 
against  the  pretended  sanctity  of  a  monastic  life. 

Hans  Luther  was  strictly  religious  in  his  charac- 
ter, but,  at  the  same  time,  had  the  good  sense,  (so 
rare  in  that  age,)  to  distinguish  religion  from  monas- 
ticism,  upon  which  he  looked  with  suspicion  and 
aversion.  Hence  he  was  highly  displeased  when  his 
son  became  a  monk,  and  it  was  two  years  before  a 
reconciliation  was  effected,  and  even  then  his  opinion 
remained  unchanged.  When  Martin  left  the  mo- 
nastic life,  as  he  afterward  says,  "My  father  was 
heartily  glad,  for  that  he  well  knew  the  wicked  cun- 
ning of  the  monks."  Melancthon  describes  him  as 
being  "  a  magistrate  at  Mansfeld,  beloved  of  all  for 
the  honesty  of  his  character."  Mathesius,  who  had 
lived  in  the  family  of  Luther,  represents  the  father 
as  "patterning  the  widow  of  Sarepta,  and  training 
up  his  son  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord." 

Of  the  history  of  Luther's  mother  less  is  known. 
Her  maiden  name  was  Margaret  Lindemann.  She 
was  born  at  Neustadt,  a  small  town  directly  south  of 
Eisenach,  and  west  of  Grotha.  Her  father,  who  had 
been  a  burgher  there,  had  removed  from  that  place  to 
Eisenach.  It  was,  no  doubt,  here  that  Luther's  father 
formed  an  acquaintance  with  her.  The  circumstance 
that  three  of  her  brothers  were  liberally  educated 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  she  belonged  to  an  in- 
telligent family.  Melancthon  says,  "  She  had  many 
virtues  agreeing  to  her  sex ;  and  was  especially  not- 
able for  her  chaste  conversation,  godly  fear,  and 


M.  1-13.]  DOMESTIC  EDUCATION.  19 

diligent  prayer,  insomuch  that  other  honourable 
women  looked  upon  her  as  a  model  of  virtue  and 
honesty."  That  her  piety  was  strongly  tinged  with 
the  superstitions  of  the  times  and  had  a  monastic 
severity,  is  proved  by  a  variety  of  incidental  re- 
marks found  in  the  writings  of  Luther.  On  one 
occasion  he  says,  "  My  mother's  strait  and  rigorous 
carriage  toward  me  served  afterward  to  make  me  fly 
to  a  cloister  and  become  a  monk." 

As  one  of  the  most  important  objects  aimed  at  in 
this  biography  is  to  trace  out  the  causes  that  ope- 
rated in  the  formation  of  Luther's  character;  and 
as  the  incidents  of  his  early  life  have  been  very 
sparingly  handed  down  to  us,  it  will  be  requisite  to 
direct  attention  successively  to  the  character  of  the 
various  influences  that  acted  upon  him ;  and  then  to 
collect  from  the  scenes  of  common  life,  in  the  time 
and  places  of  his  education,  and  from  his  own 
frequent  allusion  to  them  in  his  later  writings, 
as  many  collateral  rays  of  light  as  possible,  and 
concentrate  them  on  the  points  in  question.  In  this 
way,  we  can,  in  no  small  degree,  fill  up  the  chasm 
which  has  so  long  existed  in  respect  to  his  early 
history. 

SECTION  III. — Luther '»  Domestic  Education. 

LUTHER'S  parents  bestowed  great  care  upon  his 
early  training.  In  the  strictest  sense,  he  was  brought 
up  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  with  reverence  for  the 
then  existing  institutions  of  religion.  The  inten- 
tions of  his  parents  were  of  the  most  laudable  cha- 
racter ;  the  faults  of  their  discipline  were  those  of 
the  age  in  which  they  lived.  They  were  highly  con- 
scientious, earnest  and  zealous  in  the  discharge  of 


20  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

their  parental  duties.  But  the  age  was  one  of  rude- 
ness and  severity,  and  they  themselves  had  more 
talent  than  culture,  more  force  and  sternness  of  cha- 
racter than  skill  in  awakening  and  fostering  the 
generous  impulses  of  childhood.  Their  discipline 
was,  almost  exclusively,  one  of  law  and  authority. 
The  consequence  was,  that  Martin,  instead  of  feeling 
at  ease  and  gamboling  joyfully  in  their  presence, 
became  timid  and  shy,  and  was  kept  in  a  state  of 
alarm,  which  closed  up  the  avenues  of  his  warm  and 
naturally  confiding  heart.  "Once,"  says  he,  "did 
my  father  beat  me  so  sharply,  that  I  fled  away  from 
him,  and  was  angry  against  him,  till,  by  diligent  en- 
deavour, he  gained  me  back."  "  Once  did  my  mo- 
ther, for  a  small  nut,  beat  me  till  the  blood  came 
forth."  "  Their  intent  and  purpose  were  of  the  best 
sort ;  but  they  knew  not  how  to  put  a  difference  be- 
tween dispositions,  and  to  order  their  discipline  ac- 
cordingly; for  that  it  should  be  exercised  in  a  way 
that  the  apple  might  be  put  with  the  rod." 

To  this  rigid  domestic  discipline  is  to  be  traced,  in 
a  measure,  his  being  long  subject  to  sudden  alarms, 
or  being  harsh  and  violent  when  he  rose  above  them. 
Though  in  later  life  he  was  fully  aware  that  many 
errors  had  been  committed  in  his  domestic  training; 
and  though,  as  he  himself  says,  he  tried  in  vain  to 
remove  all  the  effects  of  it  upon  his  feelings  and 
habits,  still  he  found  in  it  much  more  to  approve 
than  to  condemn.  Alluding  to  his  own  case,  and 
that  of  others  of  his  age,  he  says :  "  Children  should 
not  be  entreated  too  tenderly  of  their  parents,  but 
should  be  forced  to  order  and  to  submission,  as  were 
their  parents  before  them." 

The  fact  that,  from  three  or  four  brothers,  Martin 
alone  was  designated  for  a  liberal  education,  is  suffi- 


JE.  1-13.]  AT   SCHOOL.  21 

cient  proof  that  he  gave  some  early  indications  of 
talent.  It  is  also  evident  that  the  father  took  a  re- 
ligious view  of  this  subject  and  desired  for  his  son 
something  higher  and  better  than  mere  worldly  dis- 
tinction. An  early  writer  states,  that  he  had  heard 
from  the  relations  of.  Luther  at  Mansfeld,  that  the 
father  was  often  known  to  pray  earnestly  at  the  bed- 
side of  his  son,  that  God  would  bless  him  and  make 
him  useful.  Mathesius  says,  that  Luther's  father, 
not  only  for  his  own  gratification,  but  especially  for 
the  benefit  of  his  son,  frequently  invited  the  clergy- 
men and  school-teachers  of  the  place  to  his  house. 
Thus  were  domestic  influences  brought  in  aid,  in 
every  suitable  way,  to  form  a  taste  for  moral  and  in- 
tellectual culture.  "Well  would  it  be  for  the  world, 
if  others,  in  more  eligible  circumstances,  and  in  more 
enlightened  times,  would  bestow  similar  care  and 
attention  upon  training  up  a  son  of  special  promise 
in  such  a  way  that  he  may  become  a  public  bene- 
factor. This  is  what  Monica  did  for  Augustine; 
Arethusa  for  Chrysostom,  and  Basil's  and  Gregory 
Nazianzen's  parents  for  them,  and,  through  them,  for 
the  world. 


SECTION  IV. — Luther  in  the  School  at  Mansfeld. 

MANSFELD  was  situated  in  a  narrow  valley  along 
the  brook  Thalbach,  skirted  by  hills  on  both  sides. 
From  that  part  of  the  town  where  Luther's  father 
resided,  it  was  some  distance  to  the  school-house, 
which  was  situated  on  a  hill.  The  house  is  still 
standing,  and  the  first  story  of  it  remains  unaltered. 
One  writer  says,  (on  what  authority  we  do  not 
know,)  that  Luther  commenced  going  to  school  at 
the  age  of  seven.  Certainly  he  was  so  young  that 


22  LIFE   OF  LUTHEE.  [1483-97. 

he  was  carried  thither  by  older  persons.  When 
forty-four  years  old,  two  years  before  his  death,  he 
wrote  on  the  blank  leaf  in  the  Bible  of  Nicholas 
Oemler,  who  had  married  one  of  his  sisters,  the 
twenty-fourth  verse  of  the  fourteenth  chapter  of 
John,  and  under  it :  "  To  my  good  old  friend,  Nicho- 
las Oemler,  who  more  than  once  did  carry  me  in  his 
arms  to  school  and  back  again,  when  I  was  a  small 
lad,  neither  of  us  then  knowing  that  one  brother-in- 
law  was  carrying  another  in  his  arms."  In  this 
school,  though  its  teachers  were  frequently  guests  at 
his  father's  house,  he  was  brought  under  a  much 
harsher  discipline  than  he  had  been  subject  to  at 
home.  It  was  not  without  allusion  to  his  own  ex- 
perience, that  he  afterwards  speaks  of  a  class  of 
teachers,  "  who  hurt  noble  minds  by  their  vehement 
storming,  beating  and  pounding,  wherein  they  treat 
children  as  a  jailer  doth  convicts."  He  somewhere 
says,  that  he  was  once  flogged  fifteen  times  in  a  single 
forenoon  at  school.  Again,  he  says,  "  I  have  seen, 
when  I  was  a  boy,  divers  teachers  who  found  their 
pleasure  in  beating  their  pupils."  "The  schools 
were  purgatories,  and  the  teachers  were  tyrants  and 
task-masters." 

The  injurious  manner  in  which  such  treatment 
acted  upon  his  fears  is  illustrated  by  an  anecdote 
related  by  Luther  in  his  Commentary  on  Genesis. 
"  When  I  was  a  lad,  I  was  wont  to  go  out  with 
my  companions  begging  food  for  our  sustentation 
while  we  were  at  the  school.  At  Christmas,  dur- 
ing divine  service,  we  went  around  among  the  small 
villages,  singing  from  house  to  house,  in  four  parts 
as  we  were  wont,  the  hymn  on  the  child  Jesus  born 
at  Bethlehem.  We  came  by  chance  before  the 
hut  of  a  peasant  who  lived  apart  at  the  end  of  the 


2E.  1-13.]  AT  SCHOOL.  23 

village ;  and  when  he  heard  us  singing,  he  came  out 
and,  after  the  coarse  and  harsh  manner  of  the  pea- 
sants, said,  '  Where  are  you,  boys  ?'  at  the  same  time 
bringing  us  a  few  sausages  in  his  hand.  But  we 
were  so  terrified  at  these  words,  that  we  all  scampered 
off,  though  we  knew  no  good  reason  why,  save  that 
from  the  daily  threats  and  tyranny  practised  by  the 
teachers  toward  their  pupils  at  that  time,  we  had 
learned  to  be  timid."  This  incident,  which  has  com- 
monly been  referred  to  the  time  when  Luther  was  at 
Magdeburg,  probably  belongs  to  the  period  of  his 
earlier  childhood  at  Mansfeld.  For  it  was  when  he 
was  "  a  small  boy,"  and  was  under  severe  teachers, 
which  seems  not  to  have  been  the  case  except  at 
Mansfeld.  The  circumstance  that  Luther  was  then 
living  at  his  father's  house  will  be  no  objection,  if 
we  consider  the  customs  of  the  times  and  the  poverty 
of  the  family  at  that  early  period.  We  are  else- 
where informed  that  Luther  was  then  accustomed  to 
attend  funeral  processions  as  a  singer,  for  which  he 
received  a  groschen,  (about  three  cents,)  each  time. 

The  school  at  Mansfeld,  at  that  time,  was  taught 
by  one  master,  assisted  by  two  members  of  the 
church  choir,  that  is,  two  theological  students,  who, 
for  a  small  stipend,  attended  on  the  daily  services  of 
the  church.  Here  it  becomes  necessary  to  describe 
the  character  of  the  lower  schools  of  Germany  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  They  were  called 
''  trivial  schools,"  because  originally  the  first  three 
of  the  seven  liberal  arts,  namely,  grammar,  rhetoric, 
and  logic,  were  taught  in  them. 

At  this  time,  however,  and  particularly  at  Mansfeld, 
a  little  monkish  Latin,  the  pieces  of  music  commonly 
sung  at  church  and  the  elements  of  arithmetic,  con- 
stituted the  studies  of  the  lower  schools.  These  schools 


24  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

were  all  taught  by  a  master,  assisted  by  theological  stu- 
dents and  candidates  for  some  of  the  lower  clerical 
offices.  But  as  nearly  all  the  offices  of  state  at  that 
time  were  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy,  there  was  a  gene- 
ral rush  to  the  schools  on  the  part  of  all  who  were  seek- 
ing to  rise  above  the  common  walks  of  life.  The 
great  mass  of  the  youth  were  wholly  destitute  of 
education.  All  the  others,  except  a  few  from  the 
sons  of  the  rich,  went  through  a  clerical  or  ecclesias- 
tical course  of  instruction.  No  matter  to  what  offices 
they  were  aspiring,  they  must  study  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  church  and  under  the  tuition  of  monks 
and  priests,  or  candidates  for  the  priestly  office.  The 
character,  however,  both  of  pupils  and  of  teachers  in 
these  schools,  was  as  unclerical  as  could  well  be  con- 
ceived. The  schools  were  properly  in  the  charge 
either  of  the  bishop  and  the  canons  of  his  chapter, 
or  of  the  monks;  and  hence  they  formed  two  classes, 
and  were  called  cathedral  and  monastic  schools.  But 
these  ecclesiastics  and  friars  became  indolent,  and 
employed  cheap  substitutes  as  teachers,  and  lived  in 
ease  and  in  plenty.  "The  drones,"  says  Luther, 
when  speaking  on  this  point,  "  drove  the  honey-bees 
out  of  the  hive;  and  monk  and  canon  divided  the 
pay  with  the  poor  schoolmaster,  as  the  beggar  did, 
who  promised  to  share  equally  with  the  church  the 
half  of  what  he  received,  and  gave  the  outward  half 
of  nuts  and  the  inner  half  of  dates  for  pious  uses, 
and  consumed  the  residue  himself." 

The  arrangements  of  the  schools  were  these : 
The  teachers,  and  the  pupils  who  were  from  abroad, 
occupied  large  buildings  with  gloomy  cells.  A 
sombre  monastic  dress  distinguished  them  both  from 
other  persons.  A  large  portion  of  the  forenoon  of 
each  day  was  devoted  to  the  church.  At  high  mass 


JE.  1-13.]  AT   SCHOOL.  25 

all  must  be  present.  The  boys  were  educated  to 
perform  church  ceremonies,  while  but  little  attention 
was  given  to  what  is  now  commonly  taught  in  schools. 
The  assistant  teachers,  candidates  for  the  clerical 
office,  generally  taught  a  few  hours  in  the  day,  and 
performed,  at  the  same  time,  some  daily  inferior 
church  service,  for  both  of  which  they  received  but 
a  trifling  reward. 

Thus  the  schools  were  but  a  part  and  parcel  of  the 
church.  The  assistants  were  commonly  taken  from 
those  strolling  young  men  who  infested  the  country, 
going  from  place  to  place  either  as  advanced  stu- 
dents, and  changing  their  place  at  pleasure,  or  seek- 
ing some  subordinate  employment  in  the  schools  or 
in  the  church.  When  they  failed  to  find  employ, 
they  resorted  to  begging  and  even  to  theft  to  pro- 
vide for  their  subsistence.  The  older  students 
would  generally  seek  out  each  a  young  boy  as  his 
ward,  and  initiate  him  into  the  mysteries  of  this 
vagrant  mode  of  life,  receiving  in  turn  his  services 
in  begging  articles  of  food,  and  in  performing  other 
menial  offices. 

We  have  a  living  picture  of  the  manners  and 
habits  which  prevailed  in  these  schools,  in  the  auto- 
biography of  Thomas  Platter,  a  contemporary  of 
Luther  and  a  native  of  Switzerland.  "At  that 
time,"  that  is,  in  his  tenth  year,  he  says  in  his  bio- 
graphy, "  came  a  cousin  of  mine,  who  had  been  at 
the  schools  [to  become  a  priest]  in  Ulm  and  Munich 
in  Bavaria.  My  friends  spake  to  him  of  me,  and  he 
promised  to  take  me  with  him  to  the  schools  in  Ger- 
many ;  for  I  had  learned  of  the  village  priest  to  sing 
a  few  of  the  church  hymns.  When  Paul  (Tor  that 
was  my  cousin's  name)  was  ready  to  go  on  Iris  way, 
my  uncle  gave  me  a  gulden,  [sixty-three  cents,]  which 

3 


26  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

I  put  into  the  hands  of  Paul.  I  must  promise  that 
I  would  do  the  begging,  and  give  what  I  got  to  him, 
my  bacchant,  (protector,)  for  his  disposal.  We 
journeyed  to  Zurich,  where  Paul  would  wait  till  he 
should  be  joined  by  some  companions.  Then  we 
determined  to  set  out  for  Misnia,  [in  the  present  king- 
dom of  Saxony.]  Meanwhile  I  went  a-begging,  and 
thus  furnished  the  sustentation  of  Paul.  After  tarry- 
ing eight  or  nine  weeks,  we  left  Zurich  and  went  on 
our  way  to  Misnia,  in  a  company  of  eight,  whereof 
three  of  us  were  young  schiitze,  [wards ;]  the  rest 
were  large  bacchantes,  as  they  are  called.  Of  all 
the  wards  I  was  the  youngest.  When  I  was  so  weary 
that  I  could  hardly  go,  my  cousin  Paul  would  go 
behind  me  and  scourge  me  on  my  bare  legs,  for  I 
had  no  hose  and  only  poor  shoes.  While  on  the 
way,  I  heard  the  bacchantes  tell  how  that  in  Misnia 
and  Silesia  the  scholars  were  wont  to  steal  geese  and 
ducks  and  other  things  for  food,  and  that  no  other 
notice  was  taken  thereof,  if  one  could  but  only  escape 
from  the  owners.  Then  said  I  to  my  companions, 
t  When  shall  we  come  to  Misnia,  where  I  may  go  out 
stealing  geese  ?'  They  replied,  (  We  are  already 

there.' We  went  to  Halle  in  Saxony,  and 

there  we  joined  ourselves  to  the  school  of  St.  Ulrich. 
But  as  our  bacchantes  entreated  us  roughly,  some  of 
us  communed  on  the  matter  with  my  cousin  Paul, 
and  we  agreed  together  that  we  would  run  away  from 
them,  and  depart  to  Dresden.  Here  we  found  no 
good  school,  and  the  houses,  moreover,  were  infested 
with  vermin.  Wherefore  we  went  from  that  place  to 
Breslau.  We  suffered  much  in  the  way  from  hunger, 
having  on  certain  days  nothing  to  eat  but  raw  onions 
with  salt.  We  slept  oftentimes  in  the  open  air;  be- 
cause we  could  not  get  an  entrance  into  the  houses, 


2E.  1-13.]  AT  SCHOOL.  27 

but  were  driven  off,  and  sometimes  the  dogs  were  set 
upon  us.  When  we  came  to  Breslau  we  found 
abundant  stores,  and  food  was  so  cheap  that  some  of 
our  company  surfeited  themselves  and  fell  sick.  We 
went  at  the  first  into  the  school  at  the  dome  [cathe- 
dral] of  the  Holy  Cross;  but  learning  that  there 
were  some  Switzer  youth  in  the  parish  of  St.  Eliza- 
beth, we  removed  thither.  The  city  of  Breslau  hath 
seven  parishes,  with  a  school  in  each.  No  scholar  is 
suffered  to  go  around  singing  in  another  parish ;  and 
if  any  one  taketh  upon  him  to  do  so,  he  getteth  a 
round  beating.  Sometimes,  it  is  said,  sundry  thou- 
sands of  scholars  are  found  in  Breslau,  who  get  their 
living  by  begging.  Some  bacchantes  abide  in  the 
schools  twenty  and  even  thirty  years,  having  their 
sustentation  from  what  their  wards  beg.  I  have 
oftentimes  borne  five  or  six  loads  home  to  the  school 
the  selfsame  evening  for  my  bacchantes ;  for  being 
small,  and  a  Switzer  besides,  I  was  kindly  received 
by  the  people.  ...  In  the  winter,  the  small  boys 
were  wont  to  sleep  on  the  floor  of  the  school-house, 
the  bacchantes  in  the  mean  season  sleeping  in  the 
cells,  whereof  there  are  not  a  few  hundreds  at  the 
school  of  St.  Elizabeth.  In  the  warm  parts  of  the 
year,  we  were  wont  to  lie  on  the  ground  in  the 
churchyard;  and  when  it  rained,  to  run  into  the 
school-house,  and  if  it  stormed  vehemently  to  sing 
responses  and  other  pieces  the  whole  night  long  with 
the  sub-chanter.  Ofttimes  after  supper,  in  the  summer 
evenings,  did  we  go  into  the  beer-houses  to  buy  beer, 
and  sometimes  would  drink  so  much  that  we  could 
not  find  our  way  back.  To  be  short,  there  was  plenty 
of  food,  but  not  much  studying  here.  At  St.  Eliza- 
beth's, nine  bachelors  did  teach  every  day,  one  hour 
each  in  the  selfsame  room.  The  Greek  tongue  was 


28  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

not  studied  at  all.  No  printed  books  did  the  students 
have  of  their  own.  The  preceptor  alone  had  an  im- 
printed Terence.  What  should  be  read  was  at  the 
first  dictated  and  copied,  and  then  construed  and  ex- 
plicated, so  that  the  bacchantes  bore  away  great  heaps 
of  manuscripts." 

It  was  from  such  strolling  bacchantes  as  are  here 
portrayed  to  the  life,  by  Platter,  that  the  assistant 
teachers  were  taken,  who  assumed  the  name  of  lo- 
cati  (located  or  settled)  when  they  obtained  a  place. 
Their  education  consisted  of  a  knowledge  of  the  church 
service,  of  church  music,  of  a  little  Latin,  and  of 
writing  and  arithmetic.  Their  character  corre- 
sponded to  that  of  the  church  at  large  in  that  rude 
and  licentious  age.  They  were,  for  the  most  part, 
mere  adventurers  and  vagabonds,  neither  loving  nor 
understanding  the  art  of  teaching  any  better  than 
they  did  the  nature  of  true  religion,  whose  servants 
they  professed  to  be.  They  remained  but  a  short 
time  in  a  place,  never  pretended  to  study  the  cha- 
racter and  disposition  of  their  pupils,  taught  me- 
chanically, and  ruled  not  by  affection  but  by  brute 
and  brutal  force.  The  greater  part  of  what  they 
taught  was  nearly  useless.  Study  was  a  mere  exer- 
cise of  the  memory. 

The  school  at  Mansfeld  was  no  exception  to  the 
general  character  of  the  schools  in  the  smaller  towns 
at  that  time.  We  are  not  left  to  conjecture  whether 
Luther  was  familiar  with  such  scenes  as  have  been 
alluded  to.  Speaking,  at  a  later  period  of  life,  on 
the  duty  of  maintaining  good  public  schools,  he 
says,  somewhat  indignantly :  "  Such  towns  as  will 
not  have  good  teachers,  now  that  they  can  be 
gotten,  ought,  as  formerly,  to  have  locati  and  bac- 
chantes, stupid  asses,  who  cost  money  enough  and 


JE.  1-13.]  AT  SCHOOL.  29 

yet  teach  their  pupils  nothing  save  to  become  asses 
like  themselves."  "  Not  a  single  branch  of  study," 
Bays  he,  in  another  place,  "  was  at  that  time  taught 
as  it  should  be."  Referring  to  their  brutality,  he 
says,  "  When  they  could  not  vent  their  spleen 
against  the  higher  teachers,  they  would  pour  it  out 
upon  the  poor  boys." 

In  respect  to  the  studies  of  Luther  at  Mansfeld, 
which  continued  up  to  his  fourteenth  year,  Mathe- 
sius,  his  intimate  friend,  says  he  learned  there  "  his 
Ten  Commandments,  the  Apostles'  Creed,  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  Donatus,  the  Child's  Grammar,  Cisio  Janus, 
and  church  music."  Donatus  was  to  the  Latin 
grammar  of  the  middle  ages  what  Murray  has  been 
to  English  grammar.  Cisio  Janus  are  the  first  words 
of  a  church  calendar  in  monkish  Latin  verse,  made 
up  of  mutilated  words,  risio  standing  for  circumcisio, 
(circumcision.)  Next  to  monastic  works,  Terence  and 
Plautus,  the  two  Roman  comedians,  were  most  studied, 
as  they  furnished  the  readiest  means  of  learning  the 
colloquial  Latin,  so  important  to  the  clergy  at  that 
time. 

Luther  laments  that  he  had  not,  in  those  schools 
which  he  attended  in  his  boyhood,  "  read  the  poets 
and  historians,  which  no  one  tawjlit  Mm,''  instead 
of  which  he  "  learned  with  great  labour  what  with 
equal  labour  he  now  had  to  unlearn."  "  Is  it  not 
plain,"  he  somewhere  says,  "  that  one  can  now 
teach  a  boy  in  three  years,  by  the  time  he  is  fifteen 
or  eighteen  years  old,  more  than  was  aforetime  learned 
in  all  the  universities  and  cloisters  ?  Twenty,  yea 
forty  years  have  men  studied,  and  yet  known  neither 
Latin  nor  German,  not  to  mention  the  scandalous 
lives  which  the  youth  there  learned  to  lead."  "It 
was  pitiful  enough  for  a  boy  to  spend/many  years 

3* 


30          •>  LITE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

only  to  learn  bad  Latin  sufficient  for  becoming  a 
priest  and  for  saying  mass,  and  then  be  pronounced 
happy,  and  happy,  too,  the  mother  who  bore  him." 
"  And  he  is  still  a  poor  ignorant  creature — can  nei- 
ther cluck  nor  lay  eggs  ;  and  yet  such  are  the 
teachers  which  we  have  everywhere  had." 

It  is  impossible  to  read  these  and  other  similar  pas- 
sages of  Luther,  so  full  of  reminiscences  of  his  boy- 
hood, and  compare  them  with  the  account  of  Platter's 
boyhood  about  the  same  time,  without  a  strong  con- 
viction that  they  both  describe  very  similar  scenes, 
and  that  the  one  writer  serves  but  to  illustrate  the 
other.  What  effort  must  it  have  cost  Luther,  under 
so  great  disadvantages,  to  learn  what  he  did  !  With- 
out uncommon  abilities  and  perseverance,  it  would 
have  been  impossible. 

SECTION  V. — Luther's  Religious  Education. 

THIS  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  yet  most 
difficult  of  all  the  inquiries  to  be  instituted  respecting 
the  history  of  the  great  Reformer.  His  character 
was  formed  under  a  variety  of  influences,  each  of 
which  deserves  particular  notice.  He  was  educated 
in  the  bosom  of  the  Catholic  church — the  church  as 
it  was  in  Germany — the  church  as  it  was  in  Thu- 
ringia.  He  was  furthermore  influenced  by  the  per- 
sonal character  of  his  parents,  their  social  relations 
in  Mansfeld,  and  the  character  of  his  teachers  and 
associates  at  Mansfeld,  Magdeburg,  Eisenach,  and 
Erfurt.  On  most  of  these  points  some  valuable  in- 
formation has,  by  the  researches  of  Jiirgens,  been 
placed  within  our  reach. 

He  was  educated  in  the  Papal  church  as  it  was 
about  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  And  what 


M.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS   EDUCATION.  31 

were  its  characteristic  features  at  that  time?  The 
writings  of  Luther  contain  the  answer.  This  is  not 
the  place  to  enter  at  large  upon  a  description  of 
the  Papal  church,  partly  because  the  subject  is  not 
novel,  or  unknown  to  the  reader,  and  partly  because 
it  must  necessarily  be  interwoven  with  all  the  narra- 
tion of  Luther's  life.  If,  instead  of  bringing  to- 
gether what  Luther  and  other  writers  of  that  age 
have  left  recorded  on  this  point,  we  were  to  present 
an  analysis  of  their  testimony,  we  should  find  that 
nearly  all  their  statements  could  be  reduced  to  the 
following  summary  :  The  Papal  religion  is  a  reli- 
gion of  law  rather  than  of  gospel;  a  Pelagian  system 
of  works  rather  than  of  divine  grace ;  a  religion 
of  forms  more  than  of  spiritual  life ;  a  religion  of 
human  rather  than  of  divine  mediation,  priests  and 
saints  occupying  the  place  belonging  to  our  great 
High-priest  and  Saviour;  a  religion  prescribed  by 
the  Papal  hierarchy  rather  than  by  the  Bible;  a 
religion  in  which  the  sanctity  of  ceremonies  and  of 
the  sacred  orders  prevailed  over  the  sanctity  of  the 
heart  and  life;  a  religion  of  the  senses  and  of  a 
poetical  imagination  rather  than  of  saving  faith ;  and, 
in  fine,  a  religion  founded  more  on  the  ignorance  and 
superstition  of  the  middle  ages  than  on  the  revela- 
tion of  the  truth  by  Jesus  Christ  and  his  apostles. 

Luther  was  educated  in  the  Papal  church  as  it 
was  in  Germany.  But  what  distinguished  the  church 
in  Germany  from  that  of  the  other  nations  of  Europe, 
and  particularly  from  that  of  Italy? 

With  the  lower  and  middling  classes  in  Gennany, 
religion  was,  comparatively,  though  less  than  it 
should  be,  a  matter  of  deep  and  sincere  interest. 
With  the  Italian,  it  was  a  holiday  amusement,  merely 
sanctifying,  by  solemn  ceremonies,  a  worldly  and  not 


32  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

unfrequently  an  unbelieving  spirit.  The  German 
was  superstitious,  but  was  at  the  same  time  sincere 
and  earnest.  The  piety  of  the  Italian  was  frivolous 
and  superficial;  that  of  the  German  was  serious  and 
went  to  the  heart.  In  the  soul  of  the  latter  were 
deep  fountains,  but  superstition  and  ignorance  ren- 
dered their  waters  dark  and  turbid.  That  so  many 
were  found  in  Germany  to  embrace  cordially  the 
evangelical  views  of  religion  as  soon  as  they  were 
presented  by  Luther  and  his  associates,  proves  that 
there  was  already,  though  smothered  by  the  weight 
of  rubbish  that  lay  upon  it,  much  of  sincere  devo- 
tional sentiment.  We  cannot  reasonably  suppose 
that  all,  or  even  the  majority,  of  the  early  followers 
of  Luther  were  converted  to  Christ  by  his  preaching 
and  writings.  That  which  distinguished  Germany 
from  the  rest  of  Christendom,  therefore,  was  the 
amount  of  spiritual  nourishment  drawn  from  the 
teachings  of  the  church,  defective  as  they  were.  The 
flowers  were  no  more  plentiful  here  than  in  other 
countries,  but  the  bees  nevertheless  gathered  more 
honey.  Of  this  we  have  an  example  in  the  mother 
of  Luther;  and  she  was  but  one  of  many. 

Luther  was  educated  under  that  peculiar  type  of 
religion  which  prevailed  in  Thuringia.  Here  it  was 
that  Boniface,  the  Apostle  of  Germany,  in  the  eighth 
century,  with  other  missionaries  from  the  British 
islands,  carried  on  their  most  important  operations 
for  evangelizing  Germany,  founding  there  the  Pa- 
pal church,  and  thus  corrupting  Christianity  at  its 
very  introduction.  Here  was  the  great  cloister  of 
Fulda,  the  chief  seminary  of  sacred  learning,  and 
the  centre  of  religious  influence  for  the  surrounding 
country.  It  was  in  Thuringia  that  St.  Elizabeth, 
the  Thuringian  landgravine,  whose  memory  lived  in 


IE.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION.  33 

popular  legends  till  Luther's  times,  and  who  was  a 
favourite  saint  with  him,  was  the  embodiment  of 
the  religious  spirit  of  the  people,  a  spirit  of  deep 
sincerity  united  with  childish  simplicity  and  super- 
stition. The  Thuringians  are  proverbially  an  honest 
and  simple-hearted  people.  Luther's  mother  appears 
to  have  been  of  this  character;  possessing,  perhaps, 
more  earnestness  in  matters  of  religion,  but  not  less 
superstition,  than  others.  His  father  was  also  a 
genuine  Thuringian  of  the  better  sort. 

Either  because  Luther  sympathized  more  readily 
with  the  warm  and  credulous  piety  of  the  mother  than 
with  the  more  sober  and  discriminating  piety  of  the 
father,  or  because  he  was,  in  early  life,  more  under 
the  influence  of  the  former  and  of  priests  and  monks 
who  strengthened  her  influence,  he  eagerly  imbibed 
the  popular  religious  sentiments  of  his  neighbourhood. 
At  Mansfeld,  in  particular,  the  religious  views  here 
described  prevailed.  As  late  as  1507,  one  of  the 
Counts  of  Mansfeld  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem. 
Two  countesses  of  the  same  family  were  in  the  nun- 
nery at  Eisleben  during  nearly  all  the  period  that 
Luther  remained  at  home  with  his  parents.  The 
cloister  of  Mansfeld,  about  two  miles  east  of  the 
town,  was  supposed  to  be  the  scene  of  several  mira- 
cles wrought  by  St.  Elizabeth,  with  all  of  which 
Luther  was  necessarily  very  familiar  in  his  boyhood. 

The  account  of  the  Papal  church  in  Thuringia, 
given  by  Myconius,  who  was  preacher  at  Gotha, 
perfectly  agrees  with  what  has  here  been  said  on 
other  authorities,  as  do  also  the  many  incidental 
notices  of  it  by  Luther  in  his  writings.  There  can 
be  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  we  have  before  us  a  true 
description  of  the  religious  influence  under  which 
Luther  spent  his  childhood.  We  also  know  that  his 


34  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

susceptible  mind  yielded  itself  like  wax  to  receive 
the  impressions  which  his  mother  and  his  religious 
teachers  attempted  to  make.  The  unsuspecting  and 
confiding  simplicity  of  his  character  must  be  con- 
stantly borne  in  mind,  if  we  would  rightly  interpret 
his  actions  and  understand  his  history.  He  himself 
was  fully  aware  of  it,  and  said  it  was  the  cause  of 
many  blunders.  He  was,  even  in  1517,  simple- 
hearted  enough  to  believe  that  the  church,  and  the 
pope  himself,  would  consent  to  reform. 

To  Albert  of  Mainz  and  other  bishops  he  wrote 
with  confidence,  not  doubting  that  they  would 
readily  correct  the  abuses  of  which  he  complained. 
How  long  did  he  deceive  himself  with  the  vain  hope 
that  a  union  with  the  Papal  church  might  still  be 
effected?  Those  who  regard  Luther  as  a  sort  of 
Gregory  VII.,  bringing  about  the  greatest  results  by 
a  well-planned  scheme,  utterly  mistake  his  character. 
He  was  not  a  man  of  policy  or  calculation,  but  a 
true-hearted,  conscientious  man,  a  man  of  principle, 
whose  great  power  consisted  in  doing  right  without 
regard  to  consequences.  He  himself  says,  "  I  once 
thought  all  that  came  unto  me,  professing  to  have 
a  regard  for  the  gospel,  were  godly  men ;  but  the 
knaves  have  taught  me  to  be  wise.  A  fish  is  never 
more  in  his  place  than  when  in  the  water,  nor  a 
knave  than  when  on  the  gallows."  "  I  have  become 
a  wise  Rupert,  as  the  proverb  is." 

Of  a  part  of  his  religious  education,  he  after- 
wards speaks  with  approbation ;  but  of  the  rest,  far 
otherwise.  These  are  his  words  :  "  In  the  house  or 
church  of  the  pope  was  I  baptized ;  and  there  did  I 
learn  the  catechism  and  the  Bible.  ...  I  will  hold 
my  father's  house  in  great  honour,  and  fall  prostrate 
before  it,  if  it  will  but  leave  me  my  Christ  and  my 


JE.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION.  35 

conscience  without  a  burden."  "  I  cannot  set  forth 
in  a  better  or  simpler  way  what  one  should  believe,  do, 
leave  undone,  or  know  in  religion,  than  hath  been  done 
from  the  beginning  in  these  three  pieces,  to  wit,  the  ten 
commandments,  the  creed,  and  the  Lord's  prayer.  .  .  . 
But  these  ought  not  to  be  taught  as  they  were  in  time 
past,  by  making  them  stick  only  in  the  memory." 
"This  only  was  taught  and  practised,  to  wit,  the 
invoking  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  other  saints,  as 
mediators  and  intercessors ;  much  fasting  and  pray- 
ing ;  making  pilgrimages,  or  running  into  monaste- 
ries ;  the  becoming  a  monk,  or  the  establishing  of 
mass  to  be  held  at  certain  times.  And  while  we 
were  doing  such-like  things,  we  dreamed  we  were 
meriting  heaven.  Those  were  the  times  of  dark- 
ness, when  we  knew  nothing  at  all  of  God's  word, 
but,  with  our  own  mummery  and  dreamy  cogita- 
tions, plunged  ourselves  and  others  into  misery. 
Whereof  I  was  one,  and  was  myself  bathed  in  this 
hot-bath  of  sweat  and  agony." 

These  expressions,  referring  to  his  own  experience, 
though  they  apply  with  chief  force  to  his  monastic  life, 
run  back  also  to  those  earlier  teachings  and  impres- 
sions which  conducted  him  to  the  monastery.  "  From 
my  childhood  up,"  he  says  still  more  explicitly,  "  I 
was  trained  after  such  a  sort  as  to  turn  pale  with  terror 
when  I  heard  so  'much  as  the  name  of  Christ,  for  I 
was  not  otherwise  taught  than  to  think  of  him  as 
a  severe  and  angry  judge,  who  would  deal  with  me 
according  to  my  merits  and  works.  Wherefore,  I 
was  wont  all  the  time  to  think  how  I  might  set  forth 
many  good  works,  with  which  to  pacify  Christ,  my 
judge."  In  his  commentary  on  the  words — ''Serve 
the  Lord  with  fear,  and  rejoice  with  trembling,"  in 
the  second  Psalm,  he  remarks,  "  When  I  was  a  child 


36  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

I  was  angry  at  these  words,  in  that  I  did  not  then 
know  that  joy  and  hope  should  be  coupled  with 
fear."  "  We  were  scandalously  led  astray  in  the 
papacy;  for  Christ  was  not  painted  out  in  so  mild  a 
character  as  he  is  by  the  prophets  and  apostles." 
"We  were  all  taught  that  we  must  ourselves  make 
satisfaction  for  our  sins,  and  that,  at  the  judgment, 
Christ  would  call  us  to  an  account  in  respect  of  our 
penances,  and  the  amount  of  our  good  works.  .  .  . 
And  because  we  could  never  do  penances  and  works 
enough,  and  felt  nothing  else  but  terrors  and  fears 
before  his  wrath,  we  were  directed  to  the  saints  in 
heaven,  as  them  that  should  be  mediators  between 
us  and  Christ.  We  were  taught  to  call  upon  the 
mother  of  Christ,  that  she  would  beseech  him,  by 
the  breasts  wherewith  she  nursed  him,  to  put  away 
his  anger,  and  show  mercy.  If  she  were  not  suf- 
ficient, then  the  apostles  and  other  saints  were  to 
be  invoked,  till  at  last  we  came  to  saints  whose 
sanctity  was  unknown,  nay,  who  for  the  greater  part 
never  existed,  as  St.  Anne,  St.  Barbara,  St.  Christo- 
pher, St.  George,  and  such  like."  "  I  had  none 
other  knowledge  of  Christ,  than  to  form  him  in  my 
mind,  as  sitting  on  a  rainbow,  and  to  account  him  as 
a  rigorous  judge.  For  that  we  had  no  true  know- 
ledge of  Christ,  we  fell  away  from  him,  and  cleaved 
to  the  saints,  and  called  on  them  to  be  our  patrons 
and  mediators."  "Especially  had  we  recourse  to 
Mary,  and  prayed,  saying,  '  0,  thou  holy  Virgin 
Mary,  show  thy  breasts  to  Jesus  Christ,  thy  son,  and 
procure  for  me  favour  in  his  sight."  Luther  speaks 
of  himself  as  having  a  predisposition  to  an  ascetic, 
religious  life.  "  I  was  so  framed  by  nature,  and  so 
trained  up  in  the  Papal  church,  that  I  loved  to  fast, 
watch,  pray,  and  accomplish  pilgrimages  and  other 


M.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS   EDUCATION.  37 

good  works,  to  the  end  that  I  might  make  recom- 
pense for  my  sins."  He  says,  that  these  ideas  clung 
to  him  long  after  he  had  renounced  the  doctrine,  for 
"  this  is  an  inbred  corruption,  whereunto  is  super- 
added  education  and  custom,  insomuch  that  we  are 
not  only  born  into  superstition,  but,  in  the  papacy, 
are  instructed  and  exercised  in  it." 

Of  the  character  of  the 'preaching  he  heard  he 
speaks  thus  :  "  The  monks  preached  daily  their  new 
visions,  dreams  and  fantasies,  new  wonders  and 
tales,  and  that  without  measure.  Not  a  monk,  if 
he  had  preached  two  or  three  years,  but  he  must 
needs  make  a  new  sermon  book,  which  for  a  season 
would  reign  in  the  pulpit.  Of  such  books  the  world 
was  full,  and  yet  was  therein  nothing  of  Christ  and 
of  faith,  nothing  else  but  our  works,  merits  and 
worshippings,  with  abundance  of  false  and  scandalous 
tales.  When  therein  they  did  their  very  best,  it 
pertained  to  supplicating  saints,  those  of  their  own 
Order  not  being  forgotten,  till  they  went  so  far  as  to 
portray  before  all  the  world  the  holy  and  excellent 
person,  the  Virgin  Mary,  as  an  intercessor  for  poor 
sinners  even  against  her  son,  Christ.  For  we  all  know,, 
and  I  as  well  as  the  rest,  that  we  were  taught  to  put 
Mary  in  the  stead  and  in  the  office  of  Christ.  .  .  No- 
monk  dreamed  any  thing,  but  it  must  needs  come- 
into  the  pulpit,  and  be.  made  a  matter  of  divine  ser- 
vice. No  falsehood  so  shameful  which  would  not 
be  received,  if  it  was  but  brought  into  the  pulpit. 
...  Is  it  not  true  ?  Save  we  not,  alas !  all  had 
trial  and  experience  thereof?" 

As  children  were  ordinarily  confirmed  at  the  age 

of  twelve,  and  brought  at  once  to  the  confessional 

as    preparatory    to  the    supper,  Luther's  last  two 

years    at  Mansfeld  were    undoubtedly  im-bittered 

4 


38  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

with  those  superstitious  fears  and  penances  of  which 
he  afterward  complained.  While  he  was  taught 
that  baptism  took  away  original  sin,  he  was  told 
that  subsequent  transgressions  extinguished  that 
grace,  and  that  he  must  regain  his  former  state  by 
penances  and  satisfactions.  He  says,  on  this  point, 
"As  soon  as  we  had  laid  aside  our  infantile  socks, 
and  were  scarcely  out  of -the  laver  of  regeneration, 
they  took  it  all  away  again  by  such  teaching  as  this, 
to  wit,  '  Oh  thou  hast  long  since  lost  thy  baptism, 
and  polluted  thy  baptismal  robe  with  sin.  Now  thou 
must  consider  how  thou  canst  do  penance  and  make 
satisfaction  .  .  .  till  thou  dost  pacify  God  and  come 
again  to  a  state  of  grace.'  "  He  adds  that  he  had 
such  experience  before  he  was  a  monk,  and  that 
"  by  such  thoughts  he  was  driven  to  monasticism." 
From  these  and  many  other  expressions  of  his,  it 
appears  that  he  was  a  faithful  and  submissive  dis- 
ciple in  the  school  of  superstition  in  which  he  was 
so  diligently  trained. 

When  Luther  was  a  boy,  the  common  belief  in 
witches  was  at  its  height.  Of  the  very  celebrated 
work  entitled  "The  Maul  for  Witches,"  (Malleus 
Maleficarum,)  teaching  priests  and  magistrates  what 
rules  to  observe  in  their  proceedings  against  witches, 
and  circulated  with  both  the  papal  and  imperial 
sanction,  three  editions  were  printed  while  Luther 
was  a  boy,  and  was  in  his  father's  house  at  Mans- 
feld.  He  tells  a  story  of  a  witch  that  lived  near 
by,  and  used  to  trouble  his  mother  very  much  ;  an- 
other, of  an  attempt  of  the  devil,  in  human  form,  to 
separate  husband  and  wife ;  and  another  still,  of  an 
instance  where  the  devil  actually  entered  the  pulpit 
and  preached  for  a  minister.  Some  of  these  stories 
he  .-seems  to  believe,  others  he  ridicules.  "  I  my- 


JE.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION.  39 

self,"  he  observes,  "have  seen  monks,  shameless  and 
wicked  fellows,  who  feigned  to  cast  out  the  devil, 
and  then  to  sport  with  him  as  with  a  child.  Who 
can  recount  all  their  crafty  tricks  done  in  the  name 
of  Christ,  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  of  the  holy  cross,  of 
St.  Cyriac  ?" 

Though  Luther  afterwards  became  much  more 
enlightened  on  these  subjects,  still  the  supersti- 
tions in  which  he  was  educated  in  his  childhood 
clung  to  him  to  the  last.  No  one  is  ignorant 
of  the  story  of  his  inkstand  thrown  at  the  devil  in 
his  cell  in  Erfurt.  Though  it  may  be  an  apocryphal 
story,  it  still  is  a  true  illustration  of  the  character 
of  Luther.  We  find  him  afterward  holding  such 
language  as  the  following  :  "  The  devil  is  all  about 
us,  though  he  often  putteth  on  a  mask.  I  myself 
haye  seen  that  he  sometimes  appeareth  as  if  he  were 
a  swine,  and  sometimes  as  a  burning  wisp  of  straw." 
"The  devil  often  beguileth  the  outward  senses,  so 
that  men  think  something  taketh  place  before  them 
which  doth  not,  ...  as  was  the  case  in  Hesse  with 
the  child  that,  when  it  was  not  dead,  the  devil  so 
blinded  the  eyes  of  the  people  that  they  thought  it 
to  be  dead.  The  devil  held  the  child's  breath,  as 
he  hath  power  to  do."  This  is  only  some  of  the 
smut  which  adhered  to  Luther  from  the  foul  and 
smoky  age  in  which  he  received  his  birth  and  educa- 
tion. If  we  are  free  from  it,  it  is  not  owing  to  any 
individual  superiority  of  our  own,  but  to  the  noon- 
day light,  which  never  could  have  existed  but  for 
the  dawn  which  preceded  it.  Luther  and  Bacon 
were  among  those  from  whom  proceeded  the  rays  of 
light  which  streaked  the  east,  and  ushered  in  the 
day,  before  which,  the  hobgoblins  of  false  religion 
and  false  science  have  fled  away. 


40  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

That  Luther,  in  his  boyhood,  was  thoroughly 
initiated  into  the  tastes,  manners  and  habits  of  the 
miners,  is  certain.  This  might  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  of  his  being  a  miner's  son  and  living  at  Mans- 
feld ;  but  we  have  statements  in  respect  to  his 
maturer  life  which  can  be  explained  on  no  other 
supposition.  He  always  treated  miners  with  parti- 
cular attention.  He  was  familiar  with  all  their 
habits  and  even  their  amusements ;  he  knew  their 
songs  and  their  plays,  and  could,  through  life,  en- 
tertain them  as  few  others  could.  Mathesius,  in 
one  of  his  discourses  on  Luther's  life,  says,  "  To-day 
let  us  hear  about  Luther's  love  and  affection  for 
mining  and  to  miners."  The  council  of  Wittenberg 
had  a  festival  which  lasted  several  days.  Luther 
was  invited  to  attend.  But  as  he  had  been  the 
means  of  doing  away  several  Catholic  festivals  on 
account  of  the  excesses  committed  at  them,  he 
thought  it  imprudent  to  attend,  and  therefore  de- 
clined the  invitation.  The  young  people,  according 
to  ancient  custom,  went  about  the  streets  in  masks, 
and  sought  admittance  to  the  houses  of  the  citizens. 
"At  one  time,"  continues  Mathesius,  "some  of 
them  came  to  Luther's  house  or  cloister.  But,  to 
avoid  offence  and  scandal,  he  did  not  admit  them 
into  his  house.  Albeit,  at  length,  a  company,  dis- 
guised as  miners,  came  along,  with  their  mining 
hammers,  and  a  chess-board  for  their  amusement. 
'Let  them  come  in,'  said  Luther,  'they  are  my 
countrymen,  and  the  fellow-workmen  of  my  father. 
Since  they  pass  whole  weeks  under  ground  in  a 
damp  atmosphere  and  amid  impure  exhalations,  we 
must  allow  them  proper  recreation.'  They  came, 
placed  their  chess-board  upon  his  table,  and  he 


M.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS   EDUCATION.  41 

joined  them.  ' Now,  miners/  said  he,  'whosoever 
will  go  into  this  or  other  deep  shafts  and  come  out 
unharmed,  or  not  close  up  the  passage  with  refuse, 
must,  as  the  saying  is,  not  have  his  eyes  in  his 
pocket.'  Luther  easily  won  the  game ;  and  they 
all  remained,  and,  under  due  restraint,  indulged  in 
merriment,  singing  and  frolicking,  as  our  doctor 
was  inclined  to  be  sportive  at  proper  times,  and  was 
not  displeased  when  he  saw  the  young  playful  and 
merry,  if  it  was  but  with  propriety  and  moderation." 
This  discourse  of  Mathesius  is  full  of  anecdotes  about 
Luther's  allusions  to  his  father's  employment,  and 
his  borrowing  illustrations  from  it  in  his  writings 
and  conversations. 

Luther  was  the  son  of  a  peasant,  that  is,  of  a  poor 
miner  who  sprung  from  the  peasantry.  How  did 
this  circumstance  affect  his  character  ?  It  had  more 
effect  upon  his  language,  habits  and  associations 
than  upon  his  sentiments  and  subsequent  standing 
in  society.  For  as  his  father  became  a  burgher  and 
magistrate,  and  as  he  himself  was  a  man  of  educa- 
tion, he  came  to  regard  society  from  a  higher  point 
of  view.  But  born  and  bred  as  he  was,  he  was 
never  adapted  to  court-life.  He  always  appeared 
uneasy  when  speaking  or  writing  to  princes  or  nobles, 
not  out  of  fear,  but  from  a  consciousness  that  he  was 
not  familiar  with  the  modes  of  intercourse  and  of 
address  customary  among  them.  His  language, 
though  uncommonly  rich  and  varied,  and  sparkling 
with  sense  and  wit,  was  often  homely.  His  illustra- 
tions were  often  drawn  from  common  and  low  life.  A 
vein  of  slight  vulgarity,  as  well  as  drollery,  pervades 
all  his  writings.  His  pungent  wit,  his  creative  genius, 
and  his  sterling  sense  follow  him  everywhere.  He 

4* 


42  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1483-97. 

was  the  man  of  the  people,  knowing  all  their  thoughts 
and  feelings,  and  employing  all  their  words  and  ex- 
pressions in  his  magnificent,  but  still  rude  eloquence. 

But  from  the  flower  of  his  youth,  through  life,  Lu- 
ther was  associated  with  burghers  and  attached  to  them, 
the  middling  class  between  the  nobles  and  the  pea- 
sants, the  mercantile,  enterprising,  patriotic  inhabitants 
of  the  larger  towns  and  cities.  To  this  class  he  was 
introduced,  partly  by  his  father's  later  connections 
and  partly  by  his  own  cultivated  practical  sense  and 
his  hearty  devotedness  to  the  good  of  all  the  people. 
He  was  never  fond  of  princes  and  nobles;  nor,  on 
the  other  hand,  of  the  sottish,  blind  and  disorderly 
peasantry.  In  all  his  writings,  he  treats  both  classes, 
a  few  individuals  excepted,  somewhat  roughly.  He 
did  not  depend  on  either  for  carrying  forward  the  Re- 
formation, but  addressed  himself  more  immediately 
to  the  magistrates  and  free  denizens.  He  wished 
neither  the  authority  of  kings  nor  the  violence  of 
peasants  to  be  brought  to  his  aid,  but  preferred  that 
these,  no  less  than  the  middling  classes,  should  be 
controlled  by  intelligence  and  virtue.  He  uniformly 
checked  the  two  former,  while  he  directed,  stimu- 
lated and  supported  the  latter. 

His  position  as  a  man  of  education,  always  practi- 
cal, led  to  the  same  results.  Learning  with  him  was 
not,  as  with  so  many  others,  a  matter  of  profession,  but 
a  source  of  practical  wisdom.  He  encouraged  and 
sympathized  with  men  of  classical  learning  only  so 
far  as  they  aided  in  explaining  the  Scriptures  and  in 
enlightening  the  people.  He  wrote  more  and  better 
in  the  language  of  the  people  than  in  the .  language 
of  the  learned.  This  circumstance  strengthened  his 
alliance  with  intelligent,  active  and  patriotic  men. 


JE.  1-13.]  RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION.  43 

Thus,  when  he  came  to  act  the  part  of  a  reformer, 
he  occupied  the  central  ground  of  society,  the  point 
where  extremes  meet  and  opposite  influences  neutral- 
ize each  other. 

With  this  agreed  his  geographical  position.  Thu- 
ringia  is  the  most  German  of  all  the  German  dis- 
tricts. The  Saxon  electorate  was  locally  and 
politically  what  Virginia  is  in  the  United  States, 
situated  midway  between  the  north  and  the  south, 
having  the  advantage  of  position  over  either  extreme. 
All  Germany  called  Thuringia  its  own.  It  belonged 
to  no  section,  but  was  the  middle  portion,  often  hold- 
ing the  balance  of  power.  In  the  Middle  Ages,  it 
was  neither  the  scholastic  south,  nor  the  barbarous 
north,  but  the  enlightened,  sober,  practical  district 
of  Erfurt,  and  yet  the  chivalrous  vicinity  of  the 
Wartburg,  renowned  in  arms  and  in  song. 

In  language,  too,  it  was  near  the  northern  verge  of 
the  high  German,  and  consequently  not  far  south  of 
the  line  beyond  which  the  low  German  was  spoken. 
Had  Luther  lived  either  north  or  south  of  Thuringia 
and  Saxony,  he  could  not  have  moulded  the  national 
language  as  he  has  done ;  nor  have  found  the  wide- 
spread sympathy  which  he  did  find ;  nor  have  acted 
from  the  heart  of  the  nation  out  to  all  its  extremi- 
ties. 


44 


LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 


CHAPTER  II. 

LUTHER  AT  THE  SCHOOLS  OF  MAGDEBURG  AND  EISENACH  AND 
AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ERFURT,  FROM  1497  TO  1505. 

SECTION  I. — Luther's  Journey  from  Mansfeld  to  Magdeburg. 

UTHER   had 

now  reach- 
ed his  four- 
teenth year, 
when  the  or- 
dinary or  tri- 
vial school 
of  Mansfeld 
no  longer  met 
his  wants. 
Hard  as  his 
life  had  thus 
far  been,  a 
harder  lot 
awaited  him. 
He  was  to 
leave  the  pa- 
ternal roof,  and  go  forth,  young  and  inexperienced, 
to  try  his  fortune  among  strangers.  Without  money 
and  without  friends,  he  was  to  commit  himself  to  the 
charities  of  mendicant  monks  and  of  the  people  of  a 
great  ecclesiastical  metropolis.  He  did  not,  however, 
take  his  departure  entirely  alone.  He  was  sent  in 
company,  or,  as  Mathesius  intimates,  under  the  care 
of  John  Reineck,  a  fellow-student  of  more  experi- 
ence, the  son  of  a  respectable  citizen  of  Mansfeld. 
This  friendship,  formed  at  the  school,  lasted  through 


JOURNEYroMAGDEBURG 


/MAGDEBURG 


t 

\Matitfeld 

\        o,   . 

\  f-  1.  -Id1  en 


. 
-Alstedt    S         '•' 


p.  45. 


M.  13-21.]     JOURNEY  TO  MAGDEBURG.  45 

life ;  and  it  was  this  same  person  who  accompanied 
Luther  in  his  journey  to  the  diet  of  Worms.  Luther 
in  his  correspondence  calls  him  "one  of  his  best 
friends,"  and  the  letters  of  Melancthon  to  him  and 
tp  his  distinguished  son,  educated  at  Wittenberg, 
breathe  the  warmest  friendship.  Virtuous  and  choice 
friendships  formed  in  early  life  are  often  of  far  greater 
importance  than  the  young  are  apt  to  suppose. 

Melancthon  says,  the  "  Latin  schools  of  Saxony 
were  then  in  good  repute,"  and  Mathesius  says,  "the 
school  at  Magdeburg  was  more  celebrated  than  many 
others."  Not  far  from  the  south  gate  of  the  city 
was  the  school  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Life  in  Com- 
mon. Near  this  was  the  celebrated  cathedral  school, 
and  in  the  north-west  part  of  the  town,  the  school 
of  the  Franciscan  monks.  It  was  to  the  Franciscan 
school  that  Luther  and  his  friend  are  said  to  have 
resorted.  As  this  is  the  only  monastic  school  which 
he  attended  in  his  boyhood,  we  must  suppose  that 
he  had  this  particularly  in  mind  when  he  afterward 
wrote  on  the  subject.  In  1497,  then,  two  boys,  the 
one  quite  young  and  indigent,  the  other  older  and  in 
better  circumstances,  left  their  home  in  a  romantic 
town  on  the  border  of  the  Hartz  Mountains,  and 
journeyed  on  foot,  north,  about  fifty  miles,  through  a 
rich  and  level  country  to  the  large  and  fortified  city 
of  Magdeburg,  then  under  the  civil  rule  of  the  arch- 
bishop and  the  place  of  his  residence.  The  direct 
road  would  lead  them  to  the  west  of  Hettstedt,  (the 
last  considerable  town  in  the  county  of  Mansfeld,)  to 
Aschersleben,  at  which  point  the  mountains  and 
forests  begin  to  disappear,  to  Egeln,  beyond  the  ter- 
ritory of  Halberstadt,  and  within  that  of  Magde- 
burg, and  thence  to  the  place  of  their  destination. 
The  mode  of  travel  was  probably  not  very  different 
from  that  described  by  Platter  above. 


46  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

What  an  impression  must  the  scene  now  spread 
before  our  young  traveller's  eye  have  made  upon 
him  !  For  the  first  time  in  his  life,  he  finds  himself 
in  a  large  and  splendid  capital,  with  a  population  of 
thirty  or  forty  thousand.  Eisleben  was  the  largest 
town  he  had  ever  before  seen.  Magdeburg  was  the 
seat  of  the  archbishop,  at  that  time  the  sovereign  of 
a  large  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  Elbe.  Ernest, 
then  archbishop,  brother  of  Frederic  the  Wise,  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony,  was  an  excellent  man,  celebrated  for 
the  simplicity  of  his  character,  and  yet  no  less  than 
twelve  trumpeters  must  entertain  him  with  their 
music  when  he  dined.*  And  yet  of  all  the  splen- 
dour of  this  city,  Luther  could  enjoy  little.  He 
was  to  be  shut  up  in  the  school-room  of  the  gloomy 
Franciscan  cloister.  The  spirit  of  the  mendicant 
friars  was  to  rule  over  him.  In  a  city  of  great  in- 
telligence and  high  culture,  he  was  to  be  under  the 
guidance  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  procuring  his 
bread  by  choral  and  other  services  in  the  church,  and 
by  singing  with  his  companions,  in  their  dark  clerical 
robes,  in  the  streets,  from  door  to  door.  This  is  the 
way  in  which  boys  were  then  accustomed  to  main- 
tain themselves  in  the  schools. 

*  The  cathedral,  the  first  finished  specimen  of  Gothic 
architecture  in  the  north  of  Germany,  and  the  Closter 
Berg,  had  adorned  the  city  for  more  than  a  century. 
When  it  was  dedicated,  there  were  present  a  papal  legate, 
Beven  archbishops,  six  bishops,  six  abbots,  three  dukes 
of  Saxony,  two  margraves  of  Misnia,  three  dukes  of 
Brunswick,  four  princes  of  Anhalt,  and  many  counts, 
lords,  knights,  nobles,  deputies  from  the  towns  belonging 
to  the  see,  ladies  of  rank,  besides  the  people  of  the  city 
and  its  suburbs.  These  and  all  the  clergy  were  treated 
to  a  splendid  repast,  and  then  four  days  were  spent  in 
tournaments  and  other  chivalrous  entertainments ! 


M.  13-21.]      JOURNEY  TO   MAGDEBURG.  47 

The  Franciscans  wore  a  gray  robe  with  black  scap- 
ularies,  and  were  especially  employed  in  attending 
on  the  sick,  and  in  the  burial  of  the  dead.  The  boy, 
in  whose  heart  was  a  sealed  fountain  of  fervent  and 
joyous  passion,  found  nothing  under  his  new  masters 
and  in  his  new  mode  of  life  to  satisfy  his  internal 
wants.  The  few  incidents  which  he  records,  from  his 
recollections  of  this  period,  are  strikingly  character- 
istic of  the  order,  and  indeed  of  the  church  at  large. 
"  I  have  seen,"  says  he,  "  with  these  eyes,  in  my 
fourteenth  year,  when  I  was  at  school  in  Magdeburg, 
a  Prince  of  Anhalt,  brother  of  Adolphus,  Bishop  of 
Merseburg,  going  about  the  streets  in  a  cowl,  begging 
bread  with  a  sack  upon  his  shoulders,  like  a  beast  of 
burden,  insomuch  that  he  stooped  to  the  ground.  .  .  . 
He  had  fasted  and  watched  and  mortified  his  flesh 
till  he  appeared  like  to  an  image  of  death,  with  only 
skin  and  bones,  and  died  soon  after." 

He  speaks  of  a  painting,  symbolical  of  the  senti- 
ments entertained  by  the  church,  seen  by  him  about 
this  time,  and  leaving  a  deep  impression  upon  his 
mind.  "A  great  ship  was  painted,  likening  the 
church,  wherein  there  was  no  layman,  not  even  a 
king  or  prince.  There  were  none  but  the  pope  with 
his  cardinals  and  bishops  in  the  prow,  with  the  Holy 
Ghost  hovering  over  them ;  the  priests  and  monks 
with  their  oars  at  the  side  ;  and  thus  they  were  sail- 
ing on  heavenward.  The  laymen  were  swimming 
along  in  the  water  around  the  ship.  Some  of  them 
were  drowning ;  some  were  drawing  themselves  up 
to  the  ship  by  means  of  ropes,  which  the  monks, 
moved  by  pity,  and  making  over  their  own  good 
works,  did  cast  out  to  them,  to  keep  them  from 
drowning,  and  to  enable  them  to  cleave  to  the  vessel, 
and  go  with  the  others  to  heaven.  There  was  no 


48  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

pope,  nor  cardinal,  nor  bishop,  nor  priest,  nor  monk 
in  the  water,  but  laymen  only.  This  painting  was 
an  index  and  summary  of  their  doctrine.  ...  I  was 
once  one  of  them,  and  helped  teach  such  things, 
believing  them  and  knowing  no  better." 

We  know  but  little  of  this  Franciscan  school,  and 
of  Luther's  residence  there,  except  that  in  the  mode 
of  instruction  there  was  no  material  improvement  upon 
that  which  he  had  received  at  Mansfeld ;  that  the 
religious  influence  exerted  upon  him  was  of  the  same 
gloomy  and  superstitious  character  as  before;  and 
that  his  suffering  from  want  became  so  extreme  that 
it  was  no  longer  tolerable,  and  hence  he  left  the 
school  after  one  year's  bitter  trial,  never  to  see  the 
place  again,  till  he  should  visit  it  in  a  very  different 
capacity. 

SECTION  II. — Luther's  Removal  from  Magdeburg  to  Eisenach. 

So  great  were  the  privations  and  sufferings  of  young 
Luther  at  Magdeburg,  that  it  was  decided  by  his 
father  that  he  should  remove  to  Eisenach,  where  his 
maternal  grandparents  and  other  relatives  resided, 
and  where  also  there  was  a  good  Latin  school.  It 
was  hoped  that  he  would  here  be  so  far  provided  for 
as  to  be  relieved  from  pressing  want.  But  parents, 
who  themselves  were  familiar  with  hardships,  would 
expect  that  their  son  should  be  exposed  to  them  also. 

We  can  easily  imagine  with  what  different  feelings 
the  boy  performed  the  journey  home,  from  those 
with  which  he  passed  over  the  same  ground  when  he 
first  went  abroad  into  the  wide  world.  After  indulg- 
ing in  the  exquisite  pleasures  of  home  as  they  are 
felt  by  a  boy  on  returning  from  his  first  absence — 
for  Mansfeld  was  directly  on  the  way  to  Eisenach — 


M.  13-21.]        REMOVAL  TO  EISENACH.  49 

he  must  have  gone  forth  with  moderated  and  yet 
pleasing  expectations.  Moderated,  because  he  had 
taken  one  sad  lesson  in  the  knowledge  of  the  world; 
and  pleasing,  because  he  was  about  to  go,  not  among 
utter  strangers,  but  among  the  kindred  of  his  mother. 
What  strange  emotions  would  have  filled  the  breast 
of  the  boy,  had  he  then  had  a  prophetic  vision  of  the 
tragic  events  that  should  take  place  a  quarter  of  a 
century  after,  in  the  places  through  which  he  was 
now  to  pass !  About  twenty  miles  on  his  way  from 
Mansfeld,  he  might  see  Allstedt,  where  Muncer  was 
to  become  the  leader  in  the  bloody  Peasants'  War. 
To  the  west  is  seen  the  river  Helme,  on  whose  beauti- 
ful banks  is  situated  the  Golden  Meadow,  (Goldene 
Aue,)  extending  more  than  thirty  miles  to  tne  neigh- 
bourhood of  Nordhausen.* 

*  This  tract  of  enchanted  land  extends  nearly  the  whole 
distance  from  Naumburg  to  Nordhausen.  Memleben  on  the 
Unstrut,  about  ten  miles  south  of  Allstedt,  was  the  favourite 
residence  of  the  German  emperors  of  the  Saxon  line.  Here 
Matilda,  royal  consort  of  Henry  the  First,  founded  a  nun- 
nery. Here,  probably,  Henry  the  Fowler  was  busying  him- 
self with  his  falcons  when  it  was  announced  to  him  that  he 
was  chosen  emperor;  and  here,  too,  he  breathed  his  last. 
Here  his  son,  Otto  the  First,  on  his  way  to  the  diet  of 
Merseburg,  passed  the  season  of  Lent,  and  died  immedi- 
ately after  the  services.  A  little  farther  up  the  river,  and 
on  the  opposite  side,  is  Rossleben.  Here  was  an  ancient 
nunnery,  afterward  converted  into  an  excellent  cloister- 
school  or  gymnasium,  in  which  Ernesti,  Von  Thiimmel 
and  other  eminent  men  received  their  elementary  educa- 
tion. Passing  another  cloister-school,  we  come  to  the 
junction  of  the  Helme  and  Unstrut.  South  is  to  be  seen 
the  Palace  of  Heldrungen,  and  on  the  summit  the  ruins  of 
Sachsenburg.  Ascending  the  Helme,  west  of  Alstedt,  we 
come  to  Wallhausen,  where  Otto  the  Great  built  a  palace 
and  often  resided,  as  did  his  son  after  him.  In  this  vici- 
nity the  German  emperors  loved  to  pass  their  time.  A 
5 


50  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

At  a  distance  of  about  sixteen  miles  from  Allstedt 
is  Frankenhausen,  where  the  decisive  battle  was 
fought,  May  5,  1525,  and  Muncer  and  his  party  com- 
pletely routed.  Still  farther  on,  toward  Eisenach,  lies 
Muhlhausen,  which  was  the  head-quarters  of  Mun- 
cer's  army.  Eisenach  lies  about  twenty  miles  south 
of  Miihlhausen.  Between  these  two  places  is  one  of 
the  largest  of  the  five  ranges  of  hills,  which  it  is  neces- 
sary to  cross  in  taking  this  route.  Just  before  reach- 
ing Eisenach  we  cross  the  most  southerly  range.  As 
one  enters  the  town  from  the  north,  he  looks  down 
upon  it,  and  sees  it  lying  before  him  in  a  valley,  under 
the  castle  of  Wartburg  towering  on  the  right. 

Next  to  Wittenberg  and  Erfurt,  this  is  the  place 
richest  in  historical  recollections  in  respect  to  Luther. 
Here  he  found  the  end  of  his  sorrows  arising  .from 
poverty.  Here  he  first  found  sympathizing  and 
skilful  teachers,  under  whose  influence  he  acquired 
a  love  of  learning.  Here  his  musical  talent,  his  taste 
and  imagination  were  first  developed,  throwing  their 
cheerful  serenity  over  his  sorrowful  and  beclouded 
mind.  Here,  too,  he  subsequently  lived  in  his  Pat- 
mos,  or  desert,  as  he  playfully  termed  the  Castle  of 
Wartburg,  in  the  character  of  Squire  George,  and 
passed  his  time  sometimes  in  the  chase  on  the  moun- 
tains, but  mostly  in  translating  the  New  Testament. 

There  were  in  Eisenach  at  this  time  three  churches, 

little  farther  on,  beyond  Tilleda,  another  royal  residence, 
to  the  left  of  the  Golden  Meadow,  rises  Kyffhausen  with 
Frederic's  tower.  There  are  many  legends  respecting 
Frederic  Barbarossa  and  this  castle.  It  was  here  that 
Henry  the  Sixth  and  Henry  the  Lion  became  reconciled 
to  each  other,  and  checked  for  a  time  the  feuds  between 
Guelf  and  Ghibiline.  West  of  this  is  the  peak  of  Rothen- 
berg,  with  another  tower,  whose  history  runs  back  to  pagan 
times. 


2E.  13-21.]        REMOVAL  TO  EISENACH.  51 

to  which  were  attached  as  many  parochial  schools. 
Only  one  of  these,  however,  was  a  Latin  school;  and 
that  was  at  the  church  of  St.  George,  a  little  east  of 
the  centre  of  the  town.  The  name  of  the  head 
master  was  Trebonius,  the  first  skilful  teacher  under 
whose  care  Luther  came,  and  to  whom  he  felt  a  per- 
sonal attachment.  Though  he  did  not  belong  to  the 
new  school  of  classical  scholars  trained  in  Italy,  his 
Latin  was  much  purer  than  that  of  the  monks  and 
priests  generally.  His  personal  character,  too,  though 
perhaps  a  little  eccentric,  was  such  as  to  win  the 
love  of  his  pupils.  In  coming  before  them,  he  used 
to  take  off  his  hat  and  bow  to  them,  and  complained 
that  his  assistants  were  disinclined  to  do  likewise. 
He  said,  with  truth,  and  with  a  sense  of  responsi- 
bility which  showed  that  he  understood  the  true 
dignity  of  his  office,  "  among  these  boys  are  burgo- 
masters, chancellors,  doctors  and  magistrates." 
Though  he  is  called  a  poet,  that  is,  a  writer  of  Latin 
verses,  we  must  remember  that  this  was  a  trivial 
school,  and  that  but  little  more  than  Latin  hymns  and 
prayers  were  read ;  and  that  it  excelled  other  schools 
only  by  having  a  better  method,  by  employing  in  con- 
versation a  purer  Latin,  and  by  having  exercises  in 
Latin  verse.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  Luther 
studied  Greek  here,  or  even  such  Latin  authors  as 
Cicero,  Virgil  and  Livy.  He  commenced  the  study 
of  the  latter  in  Erfurt,  and  the  former  at  a  much  later 
period  in  Wittenberg  as  professor.  The  following 
is  Melaricthon's  account  of  Luther's  studies  at  Eise- 
nach :  "  After  leaving  Magdeburg,  he  attended  in 
the  school  at  Eisenach  four  years  on  the  instructions 
of  a  teacher  who  taught  him  grammar  (Latin)  better 
than  it  was  elsewhere  taught.  For  I  remember  how 
Luther  commended  his  talents.  He  was  sent  thither 


52  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

because  his  mother  was  descended  from  an  honour- 
able and  ancient  family  of  that  town.  Here  he 
became  master  of  grammar;  and,  because  of  his 
superior  understanding  and  natural  aptitude  for 
eloquence,  he  made  more  proficiency,  and  easily  ex- 
celled his  fellow-pupils,  both  in  his  powers  of  speech 
and  in  writing  prose  and  verse."  Here  is  the 
first  intimation  we  have  of  the  manifestation  of 
those  remarkable  powers  which  distinguished  him  in 
after-life.  His  teacher  undoubtedly  knew  how  to 
draw  out  of  him  what  had  hitherto  been  suffered  to 
lie  dormant.  Perhaps,  too,  this  was  the  time  in  life 
when  his  mind  came,  by  the  course  of  nature,  to 
develope  itself.  At  such  a  crisis,  the  value  of  a  wise 
and  genial  instructor  is  inestimable.  It  is  precisely 
when  the  corn  is  shooting  most  rapidly  from  the  earth 
that  the  weeds  should  be  subdued,  so  that  all  the 
strength  of  the  soil  may  be  given  to  the  growth  of 
the  future  harvest. 

Luther,  who  had  been  driven  from  Magdeburg  by 
poverty,  removed  to  Eisenach  in  hopes  of  sympathy 
and  support  from  his  relatives  in  that  place.  In 
this  his  hopes  were  disappointed.  He  was  still 
compelled  to  beg  his  bread,  singing  in  a  choir 
from  door  to  door.  His  sufferings  appear  to  have 
been  even  greater  here  than  in  Magdeburg.  No 
doubt,  the  early  indigence  of  Luther,  and  the  fact 
of  his  feeling  that  he  was  thrown  back  upon  his 
own  resources,  contributed  to  the  strength  of  his 
character.  He  probably  had  his  own  case  in  view 
when  he  said,  "  The  young  should  learn  especially 
to  endure  suffering  and  want;  for  such  suffering 
doth  them  no  harm.  It  doth  more  harm  for  one  to 
prosper  without  toil  than  it  doth  to  endure  suffer- 
ing." "  It  is  God's  way,  of  beggars  to  make  men 


JE.  13-21.]        REMOVAL  TO  EISENACH.  53 

of  power,  just  as  he  made  the  world  out  of 
nothing.  Look  upon  the  courts  of  kings  and 
princes,  upon  cities  and  parishes.  You  will  there 
find  jurists,  doctors,  counsellors,  secretaries  and 
preachers,  who  were  commonly  poor,  and  alway  such 
as  have  been  students,  and  have  risen  and  flown 
so  high  through  the  quill,  that  they  are  become 
lords."  "  I  have  been  a  beggar  of  crumbs,  and 
have  taken  my  bread  at  the  door,  especially  in 
Eisenach,  my  favourite  town,  although  afterwards 
my  dear  father  with  all  love  and  fidelity  sustained  me 
at  school  in  Erfurt,  and  by  his  sweat  and  hard  labour 
helped  me  to  that  whereunto  I  have  attained.  Never- 
theless I  have  been  a  beggar  of  bread,  and  have  pros- 
pered so  far  forth  with  the  pen,  that  I  would  not  ex- 
change my  art  for  all  the  wealth  of  the  Turkish  em- 
pire. Nay,  I  would  not  exchange  it  for  all  the  wealth 
of  the  world  many  times  over.  And  yet  I  should  not 
have  attained  thereunto,  had  I  not  gone  to  school, 
and  given  myself  to  the  business  of  writing.  There- 
fore doubt  not  to  put  your  boy  to  study ;  and  if  he 
must  needs  beg  his  bread,  you  nevertheless  give  unto 
God  a  noble  piece  of  timber  whereof  he  will  carve  a 
great  man.  So  it  must  always  be;  your  son  and  mine, 
that  is,  the  children  of  the  common  people,  must 
govern  the  world  both  in  the  church  and  in  the 
commonwealth." 

The  pressure  of  poverty,  on  the  other  hand,  may 
be  too  great,  so  as  to  depress  the  spirit  instead  of 
invigorating  it.  Luther  is  represented  as  having 
verged,  while  at  Eisenach,  to  the  very  brink  of  de- 
spondency, and  to  have  contemplated  relinquishing 
study  altogether,  and  returning  to  the  occupation  of 
his  father. 

It  is  difficult  for  us  to  suppress  speculation  as  to 

5* 


54  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

what  would  have  been  the  probable  results  of  such 
a  determination, — what  his  influence  upon  the  desti- 
nies of  mankind,  and  his  place  in  the  records  of  his- 
tory. But  Providence  had  other  counsels  than  those 
the  disheartened  youth  was  almost  ready  to  adopt, 
and  an  event,  in  itself  trifling,  decided  a  point  on 
which  were  suspended  interests  of  inconceivable  mag- 
nitude. 

One  day,  as  he  and  his  companions  were  pass- 
ing through  St.  George  street,  not  far  from  the 
school,  their  carols  were  unheeded,  and,  at  three 
successive  houses,  the  customary  charity  was  with- 
held. With  heavy  hearts  they  passed  on  to  Con- 
rad Cotta's  house,  where  they  often  received  tokens 
of  friendly  regard.  Madam  Cotta  had  conceived 
an  affection  for  young  Luther,  from  the  musical 
talents  which  he  had  displayed,  and  from  the  earn- 
estness of  his  devotions  at  church.  She  invited 
him  in,  gave  to  him  liberally,  and  afterwards  re- 
ceived him  into  her  house.  Though  probably  not 
a  relative  of  his,  as  some  writers  would  have  us 
believe, — he  constantly  called  her  his  hostess, — she 
treated  him  as  a  son,  and  gave  him  support  till  he 
went  to  the  university.  It  is  pleasant  to  know  that, 
though  Madam  Ursula  Cotta  herself  died  in  1511, 
Luther,  after  arriving  at  an  eminence  hardly  second 
to  that  of  any  man  of  the  age,  remembered  the  debt 
of  gratitude,  and  in  the  years  1541  and  1542,  only 
a  few  years  before  his  death,  received  Henry  Cotta, 
Ursula's  son,  into  his  house  in  turn,  and  this  act 
of  kindness  towards  him  as  a  student  at  Wittenberg 
is  mentioned  in  Cotta's  epitaph  at  Eisenach,  where 
he  died  as  burgomaster. 

The  influence  of  this  connection  upon  Luther's 
mind  could  hardly  be  otherwise  than  favourable. 


M.  13-21.]        REMOVAL  TO  EISENACH.  5& 

Both  his  heart  and  his  intellect  were  rendered  dark 
and  gloomy  by  the  exclusively  monastic  character 
of  his  training.  The  path  of  his  life  thus  far  had 
been  cheerless.  Even  the  music  which  he  loved, 
and  in  which  he  indulged,  was  mostly  pensive.  Do- 
mestic life  he  had  been  taught  to  regard  as  impure 
and  sinful ;  and  to  the  pleasures  of  a  cheerful  home 
of  his  own  he  was  forbidden,  by  his  monastic  super- 
stition, to  look.  "When  I  was  a  boy,"  he  after- 
wards said,  "  I  imagined  I  could  not  think  of 
the  married  state  without  sin."  In  the  family  of 
Cotta,  he  acquired  other  and  more  correct  views  of 
life.  Here  he  became  sensible  to  the  charms  of  re- 
fined society.  Not  only  were  the  generous  affections 
strengthened  by  exercise,  but  the  taste  was  cultivated 
in  that  family  circle.  The  perversions  of  the  mo- 
nastic morality  were  somewhat  checked,  though  not 
fully  exposed  and  corrected.  Madam  Cotta  vindi- 
cated the  dignity  and  sanctity  of  married  life,  and 
taught  Luther  that  his  preconceived  notions  on  this 
subject  were  false.  "My  hostess  at  Eisenach,"  he 
remarked,  "said  truly,  when  I  was  there  at  school, 
'  There  is  not  on  earth  any  thing  more  lovely  than 
an  affection  for  females  (conjugal  affection)  when  it 
is  in  the  fear  of  God.'  " 

It  was  here  that  Luther  learned  to  play  on  the 
flute.  Some  affirm  that  he  at  this  time  also  learned 
to  compose  music  and  to  touch  the  lute.  Though  he 
speaks  of  his  voice  as  "  slender  and  indistinct,"  he 
had  in  reality  a  fine  alto  voice,  and  Melancthon  says 
''  it  could  be  heard  at  a  great  distance." 

Beneficial  as  were  these  gentle  and  bland  in- 
fluences, and  winning  and  inspiring  as  were  the  in- 
structions of  the  head-master  of  the  school,  Eisenach 
itself  was  a  priestly  town,  or,  as  the  writers  of  that 


56 


LIFE   OF   LUTHER. 


[1497-1505. 


age  call  it,  "  a  nest  of  priests,"  and  all  the  religious 
associations  of  the  place  were  adapted  to  nourish  and 
strengthen  the  convictions  with  which  Luther  had 
grown  up.  There  were  nine  monasteries  and  nun- 
neries in  and  about  the  town,  and  an  abundance  of 
churches,  priests  and  chaplains.  There,  too,  lay 
the  remains  of  the  landgrave,  Henry  Raspe,  at  whose 
tomb  the  visiters  on  St.  Julian's  day  could  obtain 
two  years'  indulgence.  Here  St.  Elizabeth,  that 
most  benevolent  and  religious  of  the  Thuringian 
landgravines,  had  lived  and  laboured  for  the  good  of 
the  poor,  and  monuments  of  her  zealous  but  super- 
stitious piety  were  everywhere  to  be  seen. 

SECTION  III. — Luther  in  the  University  of  Erfurt. 

ARLY  on  the 
17th  of  July, 
in  1501,  at  the 
opening  of  a 
new  and  great 
century,  our 
student  left 
the  place 
"  where,"  in 
his  own  lan- 


guage, 


he 


had  learned 
and  enjoyed 
so  much/'  and 
directed  his 
steps  toward 
the  celebrated  city  and  university  which  towered 
high  above  all  the  rest  in  influence  in  that  part  of 
Germany.  Fifteen  miles  distant  was  Gotha,  then,  as 
it  is  now,  the  beautiful  capital  of  the  duchy  of  the 


JE.  13-21.]  IN   THE   UNIVERSITY.  57 

same  name.  Here  lived  Mutianus,  the  centre  of  the 
poetical  club  to  which  many  of  Luther's  subsequent 
Erfurt  friends  (as  Lange,  Spalatin,  Crotus  and  others) 
belonged.  Here  Luther  preached  in  1521^  on  his 
way  to  the  diet  of  Worms,  and  his  doctrines  were 
received;  and  here  Myconius,  the  historian  of  the 
Lutheran  Reformation,  was  afterward  the  principal 
Lutheran  ecclesiastic.  Proceeding  as  much  farther, 
through  a  country  appearing,  as  one  advances,  more 
and  more  like  the  Saxon  plains,  he  came  to  Erfurt, 
formerly  the  great  mart  of  interior  Germany.  This 
city,  though  in  the  very  heart  of  Thuringia,  was 
never  subject  to  the  landgrave.  It  was  once  the 
place  of  an  episcopal  see,  and  when  this  was  trans- 
ferred to  Mainz,  the  archbishop  of  which  was  made 
primate  of  Germany,  Erfurt  was  retained  under  his 
jurisdiction,  and  regarded  as  the  second  capital  of 
his  electoral  territory.  Meanwhile  the  citizens  of 
Erfurt  were  aiming  to  make  it  a  free  imperial  city, 
and  the  emperor  favoured  the  project.  The  result 
was,  that  in  the  disorders  of  that  feudal  age,  when 
rights  were  settled  less  by  law  than  by  physical 
power,  the  three  contending  parties,  the  Archbishop 
of  Mainz,  the  citizens  of  Erfurt,  and  the  emperor, 
each  had  a  share  in  the  government  of  the  city.  In 
general,  however,  in  the  course  of  the  struggle,  the 
citizens  acquired  more  and  more  power,  and  the  city 
became  more  and  more  free.  It  was  the  citizens, 
and  not  the  archbishop  nor  emperor,  who  founded 
the  university,  and  consequently  it  had  a  practical 
and  liberal  character  which  distinguished  it  very 
widely  from  that  of  Cologne.  The  university  of  Er- 
furt had  more  than  a  thousand  students,  and  Luther 
said  that  "  it  was  so  celebrated  a  seat  of  learning 
that  others  were  but  as  grammar-schools  compared 


58  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

with  it."  At  the  time  Luther  entered  there,  it  had 
thirteen  regular  professors,  besides  the  younger  li- 
centiates, or  tutors,  and  there  were  several  richly 
endowed  colleges,  or  religious  foundations,  where  the 
professors  and  students  lived  together  as  distinct  cor- 
porations. Theology  and  the  canonical  or  ecclesias- 
tical law  took  the  highest  rank  among  the  studies 
pursued  there.  In  the  two  other  learned  professions, 
law  and  medicine,  the  old  Roman  civilians  and  the 
Greek  medical  writers  were  chiefly  studied.  In  the 
wide  department  of  philosophy,  a  sort  of  encyclo- 
paedia of  the  sciences,  as  contained  in  the  writings 
of  Aristotle,  constituted  the  course  of  instruction. 
The  Bible  was  not  studied,  and  none  of  the  Greek 
authors  above  named  were  read  in  the  original. 
Neither  languages,  except  the  Latin,  nor  history  were 
taught  after  the  manner  which  afterward  prevailed 
in  the  universities.  Every  thing  still  wore  the  garb 
of  the  Middle  Ages.  There  were  no  experiments  or 
observations  in  natural  philosophy,  no  accurate  cri- 
ticism in  language  or  history.  Learning  was  either 
a  matter  of  memory,  or  it  was  a  sort  of  gladiatorial 
exercise  in  the  art  of  disputation.  In  one  of  the 
foundations  at  Erfurt,  the  beneficiaries  were  obligated 
to  observe  daily  the  seven  canonical  hours,  as  they 
are  termed,  or  appointed  seasons  of  saying  prayers, 
to  read  the  miserere,  or  supplication  for  the  dead,  and 
to  hear  a  eulogy  on  the  character  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 
The  laws  were  very  oppressive,  from  the  minuteness 
of  their  details  and  the  solemn  oaths  by  which  men 
bound  themselves  to  obey  them.  This  is  what  Lu- 
ther called  "an  accursed  method."  "Every  thing," 
said  he,  "is  secured  by  oaths  and  vows,  and  the 
wretched  youth  are  cruelly  and  without  necessity  en- 
tangled as  in  a  net." 


M.  13-21.]  IN    THE   UNIVERSITY.  59 

The  university  life  of  Luther  at  Erfurt  forms  a 
striking  contrast  with  his  abject  and  suffering  con- 
dition while  begging  his  bread  at  the  doors  of  the 
charitable,  and  also  with  his  monastic  life  imme- 
diately after  leaving  the  university.  He  now  che- 
rished, though  with  great  moderation,  that  more 
cheering  view  of  human  life  with  which  he  had  been 
made  familiar  in  the  house  of  Madam  Cotta.  He 
was  furthermore  stimulated  by  a  natural  love  of  ac- 
quisition in  useful  knowledge,  now  for  the  first  time 
awakened  into  full  activity.  The  study  of  classical 
literature,  which  had  been  revived  in  Italy  and 
France,  was  beginning  to  be  cultivated  with  enthu- 
siasm in  Germany.  Of  the  young  men  who  prose- 
cuted these  studies  with  zeal,  there  was  a  brilliant 
circle  then  at  Erfurt.  Without  formally  uniting 
himself  with  this  classical  and  poetical  club,  he  took 
up  the  study  of  the  best  Latin  writers  in  prose  and 
verse,  with  an  earnestness  that  fully  equalled  theirs, 
and  imprinted  indelibly  upon  his  memory  those  pas- 
sages which  were  most  striking  whether  for  the  sen- 
timent or  the  expression.  Thus  he  was  the  friend, 
and  in  many  respects  the  rival,  of  the  poetical  ge- 
niuses who  sparkled  at  Erfurt,  though  the  more 
earnest  and  practical  character  of  his  mind  gave  him 
a  decided  preference  for  solid  and  practical  learning. 
Besides  the  Roman  classics,  the  scholastic  philosophy 
engaged  much  of  his  attention.  This  must  not,  as 
has  often  been  the  case  with  the  biographers  of  Lu- 
ther, be  confounded  with  the  scholastic  theology.  It 
embraced  logic,  intellectual  philosophy,  and  such  a 
course  of  physical  science  as  is  found  in  the  writings 
of  Aristotle.  Indeed,  compeuds  from  Aristotle  and 
comments  upon  his  writings  constituted  the  sum  and 


60  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

substance  of  the  philosophy  taught  in  the  universities 
at  this  time. 

Luther  was  now  in  comparatively  independent 
circumstances.  His  father  had  been  so  far  prosper- 
ous in  his  business  as  to  be  able  to  support  him.  at 
Erfurt.  Could  we  have  seen  Luther  at  this  time, 
from  the  age  of  eighteen  to  that  of  twenty-two,  full 
of  vigour  and  activity,  exulting  in  the  consciousness 
of  superior  intellectual  power,  winning  golden  opi- 
nions by  the  rapid  progress  made  in  his  studies,  ap- 
.pearing,  according  to  the  usages  of  the  age,  with  a 
sword  at  his  side,  now  eagerly  devouring  the  contents 
of  Virgil  and  Cicero,  now  poring  over  the  subtle- 
ties of  the  Aristotelian  logic, — at  one  time  overcoming 
his  opponents  with  surpassing  power  in  debate ;  at 
another,  teaching  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  while 
preparing  for  the  legal  profession, — we  can  easily 
imagine  the  sensation  it  created  in  Erfurt,  and  the 
chagrin  it  gave  his  father,  when  it  was  announced 
that  Luther  had  entered  the  Augustinian  convent ! 

During  the  first  two  years  which  he  spent  at  Er- 
furt, (from  1501  to  1503,)  he  was  chiefly  engaged  in 
the  study  of  Roman  literature  and  of  philosophy,  at 
the  end  of  which  period  he  took  his  first  degree. 
The  year  in  which  he  received  this  honour  is  sup- 
posed also  to  be  the  one  in  which  the  following  oc- 
currence took  place.  Early  in  the  spring,  he  set  out 
in  company  with  a  friend,  equipped  as  usual  with  a 
sword,  to  visit  his  parents.  Within  an  hour  after 
leaving  Erfurt,  he,  by  some  accident,  ran  his  sword 
into  his  foot  and  opened  a  main  artery.  A  physician 
was  called  from  the  city,  who  succeeded,  not  without 
difficulty,  in  closing  up  the  wound.  An  unusual 
swelling  arising  from  the  forced  stoppage  of  the  blood, 
and  a  rupture  taking  place  during  the  following  night, 


M.  13-21.]  IN   THE   UNIVERSITY.  61 

Luther  feared  the  accident  would  prove  fatal,  and,  in 
immediate  prospect  of  death,  commended  himself  to 
the  Virgin  Mary.  "  Had  I  then  died,"  he  afterward 
said,  "  I  should  have  died  in  the  faith  of  the  Virgin." 

It  was  during  the  same  year  that  Luther  had  his 
second  severe  illness.  His  first  was  while  he  was  at 
Magdeburg.  In  his  extremity,  and  while  despairing 
of  life,  he  was  visited  by  an  aged  priest,  who  spoke 
those  memorable  words  which  were  afterward  regarded 
by  some  as  prophetic  :  "  Be  of  good  comfort,  my  bro- 
ther ;  you  will  not  die  at  this  time.  God  will  yet 
make  a  great  man  of  you,  who  shall  comfort  many 
others.  Whom  God  loveth  and  purposeth  to  make 
a  blessing,  upon  him  he  early  layeth  the  cross,  and 
in  that  school  those  who  patiently  endure,  learn 
much." 

Of  two  of  Luther's  principal  teachers,  Usingen 
and  Jodocus  of  Eisenach,  and  of  the  subject-matter 
and  manner  of  their  teaching,  we  have  the  means 
of  knowing  more  than  is  common  in  such  cases. 
The  works  which  they  published  between  1501  and 
1514,  containing  undoubtedly  the  substance  of  the 
very  lectures  which  Luther  heard,  suggest  to  the  cu- 
rious reader  interesting  trains  of  thought.  A  com- 
parison of  their  teachings  in  the  physical  sciences 
with  what  Luther,  long  after,  interwove  in  his  com- 
mentary on  the  beginning  of  Genesis,  proves  not 
only  that  these  books  are  but  little  more  than  the 
printed  lectures  of  their  authors,  but  also  that  Lu- 
ther faithfully  stored  those  instructions  away  in  his 
capacious  and  retentive  memory  for  future  use. 
Here  we  cannot  suppress  the  general  remark,  that 
the  mass  of  the  opinions  which  Luther  afterward 
expresses,  on  these  and  other  kindred  subjects,  are  to 
be  regarded,  not  as  originating  with  himself,  but  as 


62  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

coming  to  him  through  the  lectures  which  he  heard 
and  the  books  which  he  read.  Though  the  two 
teachers  just  named  were  more  simple  in  their  me- 
thod and  more  just  in  their  thoughts  than  most  of 
their  contemporaries,  they  are  sufficiently  prolix  and 
dry  to  satisfy  even  a  scholastic  taste.  Usingen  be- 
longed to  the  Augustinian  monastery  in  Erfurt,  and 
was,  no  doubt,  Luther's  teacher  there  in  the  scholas- 
tic theology,  as  he  had  been  before  in  philosophy  or 
dialectics.  Jodocus  of  Eisenach,  often  called  Trut- 
vetter,  was  more  eminent  than  Usingen.  He  was 
afterward  associated  with  Luther  at  Wittenberg  as 
professor  of  theology,  and  was  one  of  those  early 
friends  of  Luther  who  were  grieved  at  his  bold  and 
decided  measures  as  a  Reformer.  Siisse,  a  very  pious 
young  man,  who,  later  in  life,  openly  espoused  the 
evangelical  cause,  is  by  some  represented  as  Luther's 
room-mate  at  the  university.  Others  suppose  he 
only  occupied  the  same  cell  with  him  in  the  convent. 
The  intimate  friendship  which  subsisted  through  life 
between  Luther  and  Spalatin  and  Lange,  was  com- 
menced when  they  were  all  students  in  Erfurt. 

It  was  in  1505,  two  years  after  taking  his  first 
degree,  that  he  was  made  master  of  arts,  which  en- 
titled him  to  teach  in  the  university.  He  actually 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  this  office,  and  taught  the 
physics  and  logic  of  Aristotle.  It  was  the  wish  of 
his  father  that  he  should  qualify  himself  for  some 
civil  office  by  studying  law ;  and,  at  the  same  time 
that  he  was  teacher,  he  actually  commenced  the 
study,  which,  though  soon  broken  off  by  the  events 
which  led  him  to  the  cloister,  was  important  to  him, 
as  enabling  him  to  discuss  those  points  in  the  canon 
law  which  were  urged  against  the  Reformation  by 
his  opponents. 


JE.  13-21  J         DISCOVERS  THE  BIBLE.  63 


SECTION  IV. — The  Bible  first  seen  by  Luther  in  the  Library 
of  the  University. 

WE  learn  from  Mathesius,  what  we  might,  indeed, 
infer  from  Luther's  subsequent  character,  that  he  was 
a  young  man  of  buoyant  and  cheerful  feelings ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  that  he  began  every  day  with 
prayer,  and  went  daily  to  church  service.  Further- 
more, "  he  neglected  no  university  exercise,  was 
wont  to  propound  questions  to  his  teachers,  did  often 
review  his  studies  with  his  fellow  students,  and 
whenever  there  were  no  appointed  exercises,  he  was 
in  the  library." 

"  Upon  a  time,"  continues  the  same  writer,  "  when 
he  was  carefully  viewing  the  books  one  after  another, 
to  the  end  that  he  might  know  them  that  were  good, 
he  fell  upon  a  Latin  Bible,  which  he  had  never  be- 
fore seen  in  all  his  life.  He  marvelled  greatly  as  he 
noted  that  more  text,  or  more  epistles  and  gospels, 
were  therein  contained  than  were  set  forth  and  ex- 
plained in  the  common  postils*  and  sermons  preached 
in  the  churches.  In  turning  over  the  leaves  of  the 
Old  Testament,  he  fell  upon  the  history  of  Samuel 
and  of  his  mother  Hannah.  This  did  he  quickly 
read  through  with  hearty  delight  and  joy ;  and  be- 
cause this  was  all  new  to  him,  he  began  to  wish 
from  the  bottom  of  his  heart  that  our  faithful  God 
would  one  day  bestow  upon  him  such  a  book  for  his 
own." 

Luther,  who  often  alludes  to  this  incident,  once 
says  that  it  occurred  "  when  he  was  a  young  man  and  a 
bachelor  of  arts."  At  another  time  he  says,  "  when 
I  was  twenty  years  old,  I  had  never  seen  a  Bible." 

*  Collections  of  Homilies. 


64  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1497-1505. 

In  another  place,  he  intimates  that  he  saw  the  Bible 
only  once  while  he  was  in  the  university,  and  that 
an  interval  of  about  two  years  intervened  before  he 
saw  another  copy  in  the  cloister.  "  I  was  read- 
ing," he  says,  "  a  place  in  Samuel ;  but  it  was  time 
to  go  to  lecture.  I  would  fain  have  read  the  whole 
book  through,  but  there  was  not  opportunity  then. 
I  asked  for  a  Bible  as  soon  as  I  had  entered  the 
cloister."  He  became  owner  of  a  postil,  which 
pleased  him  much,  because  it  contained  more  of  the 
Gospels  than  were  commonly  read  during  the  year. 
The  study  of  the  Scriptures,  therefore,  seems,  in  the 
case  of  Luther,  to  have  commenced  rather  in  the 
cloister  than  in  the  university.  It  is  natural,  how- 
ever, and  almost  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  his- 
tory of  Samuel,  who  led  a  consecrated  life  in  the 
temple,  and  in  whom  Luther  became  providentially 
so  deeply  interested,  was  not  without  its  influence  in 
leading  the  mind  of  the  latter  to  contemplate  a  mo- 
nastic life. 


M.  21-25.]  IN  THE  CLOISTER.  65 


CHAPTER  III. 

LUTHER   IN    THE  CLOISTER  AT  ERFURT,  FROM  1505  TO  1508. 

THE  origin  of  the  Reformation,  as  a  religious 
movement  and  as  connected  with  the  efforts  of  Lu- 
ther, is  to  be  traced  chiefly  to  what  he  himself 
experienced  in  the  convent  at  Erfurt.  There  he 
first  made  thorough  trial  of  that  outward  and  legal 
system  of  religion  which  had  nearly  banished  the 
gospel  of  Christ  from  the  church.  There  he  groped 
his  way  through  the  mazes  of  papal  error,  and  found 
the  path  that  led  to  Christ  as  the  simple  object  of 
his  faith  and  love.  He  went  through  all  the  pro- 
cess of  overcoming  the  elements  of  a  ceremonial, 
and  of  appropriating  those  of  an  evangelical  religion, 
by  the  force  of  his  individual  character,  and  by  the 
power  of  the  word  and  the  Spirit  of  God.  He  found 
himself  standing  almost  solitary  on  the  ground  of 
justification  by  faith  alone,  and  private  judgment  in 
interpreting  the  Scriptures.  From  the  time  of  his 
going  to  Wittenberg  to  the  year  1517,  he  was 
chiefly  employed  in  working  out  these  two  ideas, 
reconciling  his  experience  with  well-established 
truths,  and  trying  upon  the  minds  of  others,  namely, 
of  his  pupils  and  some  of  the  younger  professors, 
the  same  experiment  which  he  had  unconsciously 
made  upon  himself.  When  he  came  to  feel  the  full 
strength  of  his  foundation,  and,  with  the  Bible  and 
the  sober  use  of  reason  as  his  weapons,  prostrated 
the  scholastic  theology,  and  professor  and  student 


66  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

confessed  their  power,  his  conscience  impelled  him 
to  seize  upon  the  first  and  upon  every  public  oppor- 
tunity to  propagate  these  principles,  that  others 
might  share  with  him  so  unspeakable  a  blessing. 

The  study  of  Luther's  religious  experience  has  a 
two-fold  interest,  first,  in  itself  as  one  of  the  most 
striking  on  record,  and  then  as  a  key  to  the  reli- 
gious character  of  the  Reformation.  Until  recently, 
the  subject  has  been  wrapt  in  such  obscurity  and 
confusion  that  it  has  appeared  moye  as  a  romance 
than  as  a  reality.  To  Jiirgens  belongs  the  honour 
of  having  first  collected  and  arranged  all  the  known 
facts  of  the  case  in  such  a  way  as  to  furnish  a  pretty 
clear  history  of  what  was  before  both  imperfect  and 
chaotic. 


SECTION  I. — Luther  becomes  a  Monk. 

THE  whole  course  of  Luther's  training  tended  to 
impress  upon  his  mind  the  sanctity  of  the  monastic 
life.  This,  in  his  view,  was  the  surest  way  of 
pleasing  God,  and  of  escaping  the  terrors  of  the 
world  to  come.  Educated  as  he  was  to  a  legal  view 
of  religion,  and  conscious,  at  the  same  time,  that  he 
had  not  fulfilled  the  law,  nothing  remained  to  him 
but  to  continue  as  he  was,  at  the  risk  of  his  salva- 
tion, or  to  seek  for  a  higher  kind  of  piety  by  which 
the  law  of  God  might  be  satisfied.  His  prevailing 
feeling  was  to  continue  in  his  former  course  of  life, 
but  any  sudden  terror  would  revive  the  alarms  of 
his  conscience,  and  suggest  the  thought  of  putting 
his  anxious  mind  for  ever  at  rest  by  fleeing  to  a 
cloister  as  a  refuge  for  his  soul.  In  this  way  was 
his  mind  finally  determined.  In  1505,  Alexius,  a 
friend  of  Luther  in  the  university,  was  assassinated. 


M.  21-25.]  BECOMES  A  MONK.  67 

Soon  after,  about  the  first  of  July,  as  Luther  was 
walking  in  a  retired  road  between  Erfurt  and 
Stotterheim,  probably  on  his  way  home  to  escape 
the  epidemic  then  prevailing  at  Erfurt,  he  was 
overtaken  by  a  violent  thunder  storm,  and  the 
lightning  struck  with  terrific  force  near  his  feet. 
He  was  stunned,  and  exclaimed  in  his  terror,  "  Help, 
beloved  St.  Anne,  and  I  will  straightway  become  a 
monk."* 

Besides  the  above-mentioned  occurrences,  there 
was  an  epidemic  raging  in  the  university,  many  of 
the  teachers  and  pupils  had  fled,  and  it  was  very 
natural  that  Luther's  mind  should  be  in  a  very 
gloomy  state.  St.  Anne  was  the  reigning  saint  in 
Saxony  at  this  time,  having  recently  become  an 
object  of  religious  regard,  to  whose  honour  the 
Saxon  town  Annaberg  was  built,  and  who,  for  a 
time,  was  the  successful  rival  even  of  the  Virgin 
Mary.  Hence,  the  invocation  of  this  saint  by 
Luther. 

Referring  to  this  event,  in  a  dedication  of  a  work 
on  Monastic  Vows  to  his  father,  Luther  says :  "  I 
did  not  become  a  monk  joyfully  and  willingly, 
much  less  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  a  livelihood, 
but  being  miserable  and  encompassed  with  the  ter- 
rors and  anguish  of  death,  I  made  a  constrained  and 
forced  vow."  He  again  says,  "  It  was  not  done 
from  the  heart,  nor  willingly."  These  statements, 
taken  in  connection  with  several  others  where  it  is 


*  Such  is  the  view  in  which  the  testimony  of  Luther, 
Melancthon,  Mathesius  and  other  early  witnesses  is  best 
united.  The  representation  of  later  writers  that  Alexius 
was  killed  by  lightning  is  now  abandoned  by  most  histo- 
rians. 


68  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

said  that  certain  views  of  religion  drove  him  to  the 
monastery,  make  it  plain  that  it  required  the  force 
of  excited  fears  to  induce  him  to  enter  upon  a  life 
which  he  had  always  regarded  as  the  most  sacred, 
and  as  most  surely  leading  to  heaven.  How  much 
he  then  needed  the  instruction  which*  Staupitz  at  a 
later  period  gave, him! 

Before  executing  his  purpose,  he  took  two  weeks 
for  reflection.  It  has  been  said,  that  during  this 
interval  he  regretted  his  rash  vow.  No  doubt  he 
had  to  pass  through  severe  mental  struggles,  that  in 
his  calmer  moments  opposite  considerations  would 
present  themselves  to  his  mind,  and  none  with  more 
power  than  that  of  having  gone  counter  to  the 
known  wishes  of  his  father,  by  whose  toils  he  had 
been  sustained  at  the  university.  In  his  Com- 
mentary on  Genesis  xlix.  13,  he  says,  "  When  I 
had  made  a  beginning  in  the  study  of  the  liberal 
arts  and  in  philosophy,  and  comprehended  and 
learned  so  much  therein  that  I  was  made  master,  I 
might,  after  the  example  of  others,  have  become 
teacher  and  instructor  in  turn,  or  have  prosecuted 
my  studies  and  made  greater  advancement  therein. 
But  I  forsook  my  parents  and  kindred,  and  betook 
myself,  contrary  to  their  will,  to  the  cloister,  and 
put  on  the  cowl.  For  I  had  suffered  myself  to  be 
persuaded  that  by  entering  into  a  religious  order, 
and  taking  upon  me  such  hard  and  rigorous  labour, 
I  should  do  God  great  service." 

Here  may  properly  be  introduced  a  few  other 
sayings  of  Luther  in  respect  to  the  motives  which 
led  him  to  take  this  step.  In  a  manuscript  pre- 
served at  Gotha,  he  is  represented  as  saying,  "I 
went  into  the  cloister  and  forsook  the  world  because 
I  despaired  of  myself."  "I  made  a  vow  for  the 


&.  21-25.]  BECOMES  A  MONK.  69 

salvation  of  iny  soul.  For  no  other  cause  did  I 
betake  myself  to  a  life  in  the  cloister  than  that  I 
might  serve  God  and  please  him  forevermore."  "I 
thought  God  did  not  concern  himself  about  me/'  he 
says  in  one1  of  his  sermons ;  "  if  I  get  to  heaven 
and  be  happy,  it  will  depend  mostly  on  myself.  I 
knew  no  better  than  to  think  that  by  my  own  works 
I  must  rid  myself  of  sin  and  death.  For  this  cause 
I  became  a  monk,  and  had  a  most  bitter  experience 
withal.  Oh  !  thought  I,  if  I  only  go  into  a  cloister 
and  serve  God  in  a  cowl  and  with  a  shorn  crown, 
he  will  reward  me  and  bid  me  welcome." 

During  the  interval  of  two  weeks,  while  he  kept 
his  design  from  his  parents  and  from  his  fellow-stu- 
dents, the  Gotha  manuscript  says  that  he  communi- 
cated it  to  Andrew  Staffelstein,  as  the  head  of  the 
university,  and  to  a  few  pious  females.  Staffelstein 
advised  him  to  join  the  Franciscan  order,  whose  mo- 
nastery had  just  been  rebuilt  in  Erfurt,  and  went  im- 
mediately with  him  to  the  cloister,  lest  a  change 
should  take  place  in  Luther's  mind.  The  teacher 
resorted  also  to  flattery,  no  doubt  with  a  good  con- 
science, saying  that  of  none  of  his  pupils  did  he  en- 
tertain higher  hopes  in  respect  to  piety  and  good- 
ness. When  they  arrived  at  the  cloister,  the  monks 
urged  his  connecting  himself  immediately  with  the 
order.  Luther  replied  that  he  must  first  make  known 
his  intention  to  his  parents.  But  Staffelstein  and 
the  friars  rejoined  that  he  must  forsake  father  and 
mother,  and  steal  away  to  the  cross  of  Christ.  Who- 
soever putteth  his  hand  to  the  plough  and  looketh 
back  is  not  worthy  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  In  this 
"monstrous  inhumanity,"  as  Luther  calls  it,  "  savour- 
ing more  of  the  wolf  and  the  tyrant  than  of  the 
Christian  and  the  man/'  the  monks  were  only  carry- 


70  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

ing  out  the  principle  which  Jerome  had  taught  them, 
and  which  was  the  more  weighty,  being  sanctioned 
by  his  great  name.  As  quoted  by  Luther,  in  his 
Commentary  on  Gen.  xliii.  30,  the  words  of  that 
ancient  Father  run  thus  :  "  Though  thy  father  should 
lie  before  thy  door  weeping  and  lamenting,  and  thy 
mother  should  show  the  body  that  bore  thee  and  the 
breasts  that  nursed  thee,  see  that  thou  trample  them 
under  foot,  and  go  onward  straightway  to  Christ." 
By  such  perversion  of  Scripture  and  reason  did  the 
monks  deprive  many  a  parent  of  the  society  of  his 
children.  "  That,"  says  Luther  again,  "is  the  teach- 
ing of  antichrist,  and  you  may  boldly  tell  him,  he 
lieth.  Next  to  obedience  to  himself,  before  all  things 
and  above  all  things,  God  requireth  obedience  to 
parents.  ...  A  son  or  a  daughter  runneth  away  from 
his  father,  and  goeth  into  a  cloister  against  his  will. 
The  pope  with  his  party  of  Herodians  approveth  the 
act,  and  thus  compelleth  the  people  to  tear  in  pieces 
a  command  of  God  in  order  to  worship  God."  "  Hadst 
thou  known,"  it  is  said  in  the  above-mentioned  de- 
dicatory epistle  of  Luther  to  his  father,  "  that  I 
was  then  in  thy  power,  wouldst  thou  not,  from  thine 
authority  as  a  father,  have  plucked  me  out  of  my 
cowl  ?  Had  I  known  it,  I  would  not  have  essayed 
such  a  thing  against  thy  will  and  knowledge,  though 
I  must  suffer  a  thousand  deaths."  It  seems,  there- 
fore, that  Luther's  mind  was  in  a  conflict  between  a 
sense  of  duty  to  his  parents  and  a  false  persuasion 
of  duty  to  his  own  soul  and  to  God.  Even  the 
father  was  somewhat  puzzled  by  the  speciousness  of 
the  monastic  logic.  But  the  son  made  the  former 
consideration  yield  to  the  latter,  which  the  father 
always  maintained  was  an  error.  We  must  not  be 
surprised  that  such  scruples  were  entertained  in  re- 


JE.  21-25.]  BECOMES   A   MONK.  71 

spect  to  the  filial  obligation  of  one  who  was  about 
twenty-two  years  of  age  ;  for,  not  to  mention  that  by 
law  a  son  did  not  reach  the  age  of  majority  till  he 
was  twenty-five  years  of  age,  filial  obedience  was,  as 
in  the  patriarchal  age,  considered  as  due  to  an  inde- 
finite period  of  life. 

Luther,  however,  did  not  enter  into  the  cloister  of 
the  Franciscans,  but  preferred  that  of  the  Augustin- 
ian  eremites.  Undoubtedly  a  regard  for  the  literary 
and  more  elevated  character  of  that  order  decided 
his  choice.  This  took  place,  as  Luther  himself  once 
eaid,  on  the  17th  of  July,  1505.  On  the  evening 
preceding,  he  invited  his  university  friends  to  a  so- 
cial party.  The  hours  passed  away  in  lively  conver- 
sation and  song.  Until  near  the  close  of  that  even- 
ing, according  to  Melancthon,  the  guests  had  no 
intimation  of  what  was  to  follow.  When  Luther 
announced  his  purpose  to  them,  they  endeavoured  to 
dissuade  him  from  it.  But  it  was  all  in  vain.  "To- 
day," said  he,  "  you  see  me ;  after  this,  you  will  see 
me  no  more." 

The  very  same  night,  or  early  the  following  morn- 
ing, he  presented  himself  at  the  door  of  the  con- 
vent, according  to  previous  arrangement,  and  was 
admitted.  His  scholastic,  classical  and  law  books 
he  gave  to  the  booksellers;  his  master's  ring, 
given  when  he  took  that  degree,  and  his  secular 
attire,  he  sent  to  his  parents.  The  only  books  which 
he  retained  were  the  two  Roman  poets,  Virgil  and 
Plautus,  a  circumstance  that  throws  light  upon  the 
peculiarly  susceptible  and  almost  romantic  character 
of  his  mind,  no  less  than  does  the  festive  hour  with 
which  he  had  the  resolution  to  close  his  secular 
career.  He  informed  his  other  friends  and  his  pa- 
rents, by  letter,  of  the  important  step  he  had  taken. 


72  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

The  former,  lamenting  that  such  a  man  should  be 
buried  alive,  as  it  were,  almost  besieged  the  cloister, 
seeking  for  two  successive  days  an  interview  with  their 
friend.  But  the  cloister  door  was  bolted  against 
them,  and  he  was  not  to  be  seen  by  them  for  a  month. 
Luther's  father  probably  did  not  come  immediately 
to  the  cloister,  (as  some  writers  have  asserted,  con- 
founding this  occasion  with  that  of  his  ordination  as 
priest,)  but  replied  to  his  son's  letter  in  a  manner 
which  showed  the  highest  displeasure,  and  withheld 
the  respectful  form  of  address  (Ihr)  which,  from  the 
time  the  degree  of  master  of  arts  was  conferred,  he 
had  ever  given  him,  and  employed  one  (du)  which  was 
ordinarily  given  to  children  and  servants. 

To  human  view,  the  course  of  Luther,  in  leaving 
the  university  and  the  study  of  the  law  and  in  entering 
a  cloister,  seems  a  most  unfortunate  one.  The  best 
years  of  his  life,  one  would  think,  were  thrown  away 
upon  solemn  trifles.  But,  if  we  consider  that,  after 
a  public  education,  a  secluded  life  often  contributes 
most  to  true  greatness,  by  holding  a  man  long  at  the 
very  fountain-head  of  thought  and  reflection,  (as  was 
the  case  with  Chrysostom,  Augustine  and  many 
others,)  and  if,  moreover,  we  consider  that  the  false 
foundations  of  a  system  of  error  are  often  best  under- 
stood by  him  who  has  made  the  most  perfect  trial  of 
them,  we  shall  conclude  with  Luther,  "  God  ordered 
that  I  should  become  monk  not  without  good  reason, 
that,  being  taught  by  experience,  I  might  take  up 
my  pen  against  the  pope." 


M.  21-25.]  THE  NOVITIATE.  73 

SECTION  II.— The  Novitiate— 1505. 

THE  first  act  was  that  of  assuming  the  vestments 
of  the  novitiate.  The  solemn  ceremonies  of  that 
occasion  were  settled  by  the  rules  of  the  order.  The 
transaction  was  to  take  place  in  the  presence  of  the 
,  whole  assembly.  The  prior  proposed  to  the  candidate 
the  question,whether  he  thought  his  strength  was  suf- 
ficient to  bear  the  burdens  about  to  be  imposed  upon 
him;  at  the  same  time  reminding  him  of  the  strict- 
ness of  their  discipline,  and  the  renunciation  which 
one  must  make  of  his  own  will,  subjecting  it  to  that 
of  the  order.  He  referred  to  the  plain  living  and  cloth- 
ing, the  nightly  vigils  and  daily  toils,  the  mortifica- 
tions of  the  flesh,  the  reproach  attached  to  a  state 
of  poverty  and  mendicancy,  the  languor  produced  by 
fasting,  and  the  tedium  of  solitude,  and  other  similar 
things  which  awaited  him.  The  candidate  replied, 
that  with  the  help  of  God  he  would  make  trial  there- 
of. The  prior  said,  "  We  receive  you  then  on  proba- 
tion for  one  year;  and  may  God,  who  hath  begun  a 
good  work  in  you,  carry  it  on  unto  perfection."  The 
whole  assembly  then  cried  "Amen,"  and  struck  up 
the  Magne  pater  Augustine,  (Great  Father  Augus- 
tine.) Meanwhile  the  head  was  shorn,  the  secular 
robes  laid  aside,  and  the  spiritual  robes  put  on.  The 
prior  intimated  to  the  individual  that  with  these  last 
he  was  also  to  put  on  the  new  man.  He  now  kneeled 
down  before  the  prior,  antiphonies  were  sung,  and 
the  divine  blessing  invoked,  thus :  "  May  God,  who 
hath  converted  this  young  man  from  the  world  and 
prepared  for  him  a  mansion  in  heaven,  grant  that  his 
daily  walk  may  be  as  becometh  his  calling,  and  that 
he  may  have  cause  to  be  thankful  for  this  day's  do- 
ings," &c.  Then  the  procession  moved  on,  singing 


74  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

responses  again,  till  they  reached  the  choir,  where 
they  all  prostrated  themselves  in  prayer.  The  can- 
didate was  next  conducted  to  the  common  hall  of 
the  cloister,  where  he  received  from  the  prior  and  all 
the  brethren  the  fraternal  kiss.  He  then  bowed 
the  knee  again  before  the  prior,  who,  after  reminding 
him  that  he  who  persevereth  to  the  end  shall  be* 
saved,  gave  him  over  to  the  preceptor,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  instruct  him  during  his  novitiate. 

The  order  of  Augustinian  eremites,  which  origin- 
ated about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  was 
said  to  have  nearly  two  thousand  cloisters,  besides 
three  hundred  nunneries,  and  more  than  thirty  thou- 
sand monks.  It  was  reformed  and  organized  anew 
at  the  Council  of  Basle,  in  the  fifteenth  century.  The 
celebrated  Proles,  who  was  at  Magdeburg  when  Lu- 
ther was  there  at  school,  was  the  second  vicar  after 
the  re-organization,  and  in  1503  Staupitz  was  the 
fourth,  who,  in  the  following  year,  that  is,  the  year 
before  Luther  entered  the  cloister  at  Erfurt,  gave  to 
the  order  a  new  constitution.  The  abler  and  better 
men  of  this  order,  such  as  Proles  and  Staupitz,  were 
led,  by  the  study  of  the  writings  of  Augustine,  to 
•entertain  his  views  of  the  doctrine  of  divine  grace  and 
of  justification  by  faith.  The  Augustinian  friars  were 
generally  more  retiring,  studious  and  contemplative 
than  the  ambitious,  gross  and  bigoted  Dominicans  and 
Franciscans.  Hence  Luther's  preference  of  the  order. 

According  to  the  new  rules  laid  down  by  Staupitz, 
the  prior  was  to  give  to  each  novice  a  preceptor  and 
guide,  who  should  be  learned,  experienced  and  zeal- 
ous for  the  interests  of  the  order.  It  was  the  duty 
of  this  preceptor  to  initiate  the  novice  into  a  know- 
ledge of  all  the  rules  and  regulations  that  had  been 
established}  to  explain  to  him  the  system  of  worship 


M.  21-25.]  THE  NOVITIATE.  75 

to  be  observed,  and  the  signs  by  which  directions 
were  silently  given ;  to  see  that  he  was  awakened  by 
night  to  attend  to  all  the  vigils ;  that  he  observed, 
at  their  proper  times  and  places,  the  prescribed  in- 
clinations, genuflections  and  prostrations;  that  he 
did  not  neglect  the  silent  prayers  and  private  con- 
fessions; and  that  he  made  a  proper  use  of  the  books, 
sacred  utensils  and  garments.  The  novice  was  to 
converse  with  no  one  except  in  the  presence  of  the 
preceptor  or  prior ;  never  to  dispute  respecting  the 
regulations;  to  take  no  notice  of  visiters;  to  drink 
only  in  a  sitting  posture  and  holding  the  cup  with 
both  hands ;  to  walk  with  downcast  eye ;  to  bow  low 
in  receiving  every  gift,  and  to  say,  "The  Lord  be 
praised  in  his  gifts;"  to  love  poverty,  avoid  pleasure 
and  subdue  his  own  will;  to  read  the  Scriptures 
diligently,  and  to  listen  to  others  eagerly  and  learn 
with  avidity.  Luther  was  so  thoroughly  drilled  in 
all  these  practices  that  he  retained  some  of  them,  as 
a  matter  of  habit,  through  life.  "  The  young  monks," 
says  he,  in  referring  to  one  of  these  practices,  "were 
taught,  when  they  received  any  gift,  if  it  were  but  a 
feather,  to  bow  low  and  say,  'God  be  praised  for 
every  gift  he  bestoweth.'  " 

Trespasses  were  classified  under  the  heads  of  small, 
great,  greater,  greatest.  To  the  smaller  belong  the 
failing  to  go  to  church  as  soon  as  the  sign  is  given, 
or  forgetting  to  touch  the  ground  instantly  with  the 
hand  and  to  smite  the  breast,  if  in  reading  in  the 
choir  or  in  singing  the  least  error  is  committed ; 
looking  about  the  house  in  time  of  service ;  making  any 
disturbance  in  the  dormitory  or  in  the  cell;  desiring 
to  sing  or  read  otherwise  than  in  the  prescribed 
order;  omitting  prostration  when  giving  thanks  at 
the  Annunciation  or  Christmas;  forgetting  the  bene- 


76  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

diction  in  going  out  or  coming  in;  neglecting  to 
return  books  or  garments  to  their  proper  places; 
dropping  one's  food,  or  spilling  one's  drink,  or  eating 
without  saying  grace,  &c.  &c.  To  great  trespasses 
were  reckoned  contending  with  any  one,  reminding 
one  of  a  former  fault,  breaking  the  prescribed  silence 
or  fasts,  looking  at  women,  or  talking  with  them, 
except  at  the  confessional  or  in  brief  replies,  &c. 

Luther  was  at  once  put  into  subjection  to  all  these 
trivial  and  often  senseless  laws.  The  good  monks 
seemed  to  delight  in  teaching  lessons  of  humility. 
With  his  studies,  in  which  he  was  already  too  much 
distinguished  for  them,  they  were  not  at  all  pleased. 
He  himself  says,  "As  I  came  into  the  cloister,  they 
said  to  me,  •'  It  shall  be  with  you  as  it  was  with  us — 
sack  on  the  neck/  "  Again  he  says,  "  In  Italy  there 
is  an  order  of  Ignorants,  who  vow  sacred  ignorance. 
All  orders  might  lay  claim  to  that  title,  for  that  they 
give  heed  only  to  the  words,  but  not  to  the  sense,  of 
what  they  read  or  repeat.  They  say,  if  thou  under- 
standest  not  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptures  and  the 
prayers,  Satan  doeth  and  fleeth.  The  alpha  and 
omega  of  the  monks  is  to  hate  knowledge  and  study. 
If  a  brother  is  given  to  study,  they  straightway  sur- 
mise that  he  wishes  to  bear  rule  over  them." 

The  Erfurt  monks  were  not  all  of  the  most  spi- 
ritual character.  Luther  says  of  the  monks  in  gene- 
ral, that  "  For  one  fast  they  had  three  feasts.  At 
the  evening  collation  two  cans  of  good  beer  and  a 
.  little  can  of  wine  were  given  to  each  monk,  besides 
spiced  cakes  and  salted  bread  to  quicken  their  thirst. 
The  poor  brethren  appeared  like  fiery  angels."  That 
Luther  had  in  mind  the  monks  at  Erfurt  is  pretty 
evident,  from  his  saying  that  he  had,  in  the  papacy, 
never  seen  a  proper  fast;  that  "abstinence  from 


M.  21-25.]  THE   NOVITIATE.  77 

meat"  signified  only  to  have  the  best  of  fish,  with 
the  nicest  seasoning  and  good  wine ;  besides,  "  They 
taught,"  says  he,  "  that  we  should  despise  riches, 
vineyards  and  fields ;  and  yet  they  seek  after  them, 
most  of  all,  and  eat  and  drink  the  very  best.  One 
brother  in  the  cloister  could  consume  five  biscuits, 
when  one  was  enough  for  me."  One  doctor,  in  the 
cloister,  had  omitted  the  canonical  hours  for  three 
months,  so  that  he  could  not  now  make  them  all  up. 
He  therefore  gave  a  few  guldens  to  two  brethren  to 
help  him  pray,  that  he  might  get  through  the  sooner. 
Of  the  treatment  which  Luther  received  after  en- 
tering upon  his  novitiate,  it  is  not  easy  to  judge. 
Was  it  according  to  the  spirit  of  the  order,  and  con- 
sequently a  mode  of  treatment  to  which  all  without 
distinction  were  at  first  subject  ?  or  was  the  deport- 
ment of  the  monks  toward  Luther  particularly  harsh 
and  severe  ?  Some  considerations  may  be  urged  in 
favour  of  the  former  view.  Luther  himself  repre- 
sents it  as  the  vice  of  the  system.  "  True  obedience, 
that  alone  of  which  they  boast,  the  monks  seek  to 
prove  by  requiring  unreasonable,  childish  and  foolish 
things,  all  which  were  to  be  cheerfully  submitted  to." 
He  never  complains  of  faring  worse  than  others  :  but 
he  does  complain  that  no  distinctions  were  made  ac- 
cording to  the  physical  constitution  and  mental  state 
of  individuals;  that  "every  man's  shoes  were  made 
on  one  and  the  same  last,  and  that  all  were  governed 
by  one  inflexible  rule."  "  Augustine,"  he  says, 
"  acted  more  wisely,  teaching  that  all  men  were  not 
to  be  measured  by  the  same  rule."  So  much,  how- 
ever, seems  to  be  true  in  regard  to  the  members  of 
the  cloister  of  Erfurt,  that  they  looked  with  jea- 
lousy upon  the  distinguished  and  learned  novitiate, 
and  felt  a  satisfaction  in  seeing  him  performing  the 


78  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

menial  offices  of  doorkeeper,  sweep,  and  street-beg- 
gar in  the  very  city  where  he  had  so  many  literary 
acquaintances  to  witness  his  humiliation. 

With  what  patience  and  acquiescence  he  submitted 
to  all  the  duties  and  tasks  imposed  upon  him  by  his 
order,  we  learn  from  his  own  declarations.  These 
are  his  words :  "  I  was  a  monk  without  ever  com- 
plaining; of  that  I  can  justly  boast."  "  When  I 
first  became  a  monk,  I  stormed  the  very  heavens." 
He  speaks  of  having  exposed  himself  in  watchings, 
"  till  he  nearly  perished  in  the  cold ;"  of  having 
afflicted  and  tortured  his  body,  "  so  that  he  could 
not  have  endured  it  long;"  and  of  having  prayed, 
fasted,  watched,  and  inflicted  bodily  pains,  and  so 
seriously  "  injured  his  head,  that  he  had  not  reco- 
vered, and  never  should  so  long  as  he  lived." 

For  the  sake  of  the  connection,  we  will  introduce 
here  a  passage  that  probably  relates,  in  part  at  least,  to 
a  somewhat  later  period  :  "  I  verily  kept  the  rules  of 
my  order  with  great  diligence  and  zeal.  I  often 
fasted  till  I  was  sick  and  well-nigh  dead.  Not  only 
did  I  observe  the  rules  straitly,  but  I  took  upon  my- 
self other  tasks,  and  had  a  peculiar  way  by  myself. 
My  seniors  strove  against  this  my  singularity,  and 
with  good  reason.  I  was  a  shameful  persecutor 
and  destroyer  of  my  own  body ;  for  I  fasted,  prayed, 
watched,  and  made  myself  weary  and  languid  beyond 
what  I  could  endure." 

Connected  with  such  a  state  of  mind  and  such 
religious  severities,  we  should  naturally  expect  to 
see  the  greatest  reverence  for  the  papal  hierarchy. 
It  cannot  be  surprising,  therefore,  to  hear  him  say, 
"  I  can  with  truth  affirm,  if  there  ever  was  one  who 
held  the  papal  laws  and  the  traditions  of  the  fathers 
in  reverence,  I  was  such."  "  I  had  an  unfeigned 


JE.  21-25.]  THE  NOVITIATE.  79 

veneration  for  the  pope,  not  seeking  after  livings,  or 
places,  and  such  like,  but  whatsoever  I  did,  I  did  with 
singleness  of  heart,  with  upright  zeal  and  for  the 
glory  of  God."  "So  great  was  the  pope  in  my 
esteem  that  I  accounted  the  least  deviation  from  him 
a  sin,  deserving  damnation ;  and  this  ungodly  opi- 
nion made  me  to  hold  Huss  as  an  accursed  heretic, 
BO  much  so  that  I  esteemed  it  a  sin  only  to  think 
of  him ;  and,  to  defend  the  pope's  authority,  I  would 
have  kindled  the  flames  to  burn  the  heretic,  and 
should  have  believed  that  I  was  thereby  showing  the 
truest  obedience  to  God." 

We  have  learned  that  Luther  was  driven  to  the 
cloister  by  a  disquieted  conscience  and  superstitious 
fears  and  hopes.  It  is  natural  to  inquire  how  far 
his  conscience  was  quieted,  his  fears  allayed,  and  his 
hopes  realized.  Let  him  answer  for  himself:  "  When 
I  was  a  monk,  I  was  outwardly  much  holier  than  now. 
I  kept  the  vow  I  had  taken  with  the  greatest  zeal 
and  diligence  by  day  and  by  night,  and  yet  I  found 
no  rest,  for  all  the  consolations  which  I  drew  from 
my  own  righteousness  and  works  were  ineffectual." 
"  Doubts  all  the  while  cleaved  to  my  conscience,  and 
I  thought  within  myself,  Who  knoweth  whether  this 
is  pleasing  and  acceptable  to  God,  or  not."  "  Even 
when  I  was  the  most  devout,  I  went  as  a  doubter  to 
the  altar,  and  as  a  doubter  I  came  away  again.  If 
I  had  made  my  confession,  I  was  still  in  doubt ;  if, 
upon  that,  I  left  off  prayer,  I  was  again  in  doubt  j 
for  we  were  wrapt  in  the  conceit  that  we  could  not 
pray  and  should  not  be  heard,  unless  we  were  wholly 
pure  and  without  sin,  like  the  saints  in  heaven."  It 
is  difficult  for  us  to  conceive  of  the  anguish  which  a 
tender^and  delicate  conscience  would  feel  under  the 
influence  of  the  doctrines  which  were  then  taught  in 


80  LIFE  OF  LTJTHER.  [1505-1508. 

respect  to  confession.  Who  could  be  certain  that  he 
knew  the  nature  and  extent  of  all  the  sins  he  had 
committed  ?  What  infallible  rule  had  he  by  which 
he  could  judge  rightly  of  all  the  acts  and  circum- 
stances connected  with  sin  ?  Of  his  motives  and  in- 
tentions he  might  have  a  tolerably  accurate  know- 
ledge, but  how  was  it  with  acts  in  themselves  con- 
sidered, which  were  the  main  thing  in  the  ethics  of 
the  confessional?  Even  of  those  sins  which  were 
defined  and  measured  by  the  rules  of  the  order,  since 
they  related  to  a  thousand  trifling  acts  recurring  al- 
most every  moment,  few  persons  could  retain  a  dis- 
tinct consciousness  or  recollection  so  as  to  be  per- 
fectly sure  at  each  confession  that  nothing  was  omitted 
or  forgotten ;  and  yet  one  such  omission  vitiated 
the  whole  confession  and  rendered  prayer  useless. 
This  was  the  scorpion-sting  which  Luther  so  keenly 
felt.  He  always  doubted  the  completeness  of  his 
confession.  If  he  prayed,  it  might  be  of  no  use; 
if  he  neglected  prayer,  his  doubts -were  increased. 
"  The  confession  was  an  intolerable  burden  laid  upon 
the  church.  For  there  was  no  sorer  trouble,  as  we 
all  know  by  experience,  than  that  every  one  should 
be  compelled  to  make  confession,  or  be  guilty  of  a 
mortal  sin.  Moreover,  confession  was  beset  with  so 
many  difficulties,  and  the  conscience  distressed  with 
the  reckoning  up  of  so  many  different  classes  of  sins, 
that  no  one  could  make  his  confession  complete 
enough."  "  If  the  confession  was  not  perfect,  and 
done  with  exceeding  particularity,  the  absolution  was 
of  none  effect,  nor  were  the  sins  forgiven.  There- 
with were  the  people  so  hard  pressed,  that  there  was 
no  one  but  must  despair  of  confessing  so  perfectly, 
(it  was  in  very  deed  impossible ;)  and  no  conscience 


JB.  21-25.]  THE  NOVITIATE.  81 

could  abide  the  trial,  nor  have  confidence  in  the  ab- 
solution." 

"  When  I  was  a  monk,  I  used  oft-times  to  be  very 
contrite  for  my  sins,  and  to  confess  them  all  as  much 
as  was  possible ;  and  I  performed  the  penance  that  was 
enjoined  unto  me  as  straitly  and  as  rigorously  as  I 
could.  Yet  for  all  this,  my  conscience  could  never  be 
tranquil  and  assured,  but  I  was  always  in  doubt,  and 
said  to  myself,  This  or  that  hast  thou  not  done 
rightly;  thou  wast  not  sorrowful  enough  for  thy  sins; 
this  and  that  sin  thou  didst  forget  in  thy  confession." 
Though  he  "confessed  every  day,  it  was  all  in  vain." 
"The  smart  and  anguish  of  conscience,"  he  else- 
where says,  "were  as  great  in  the  cowl  as  they  were 
before  out  of  it."  These  declarations  may  easily  be 
reconciled  with  others  which  represent  him  as  feel- 
ing happy  when  he  could  say,  "  To-day  I  have  done 
no  wrong ;  I  have  been  obedient  to  my  prior,  have 
fasted  and  prayed,  and  God  is  gracious  toward  me." 
These  occasions  were  of  rare  occurrence,  and  were 
the  results  of  that  superficial  feeling  which  the 
strongest  and  profoundest  minds  are  liable -to  have 
in  those  passive  moments  when  they  surrender  them- 
selves to  the  influence  of  popular  belief.  But  the 
chief  current  of  Luther's  feelings,  in  spite  of  all  the 
violence  he  did  to  himself  to  prevent  it,  ran  counter 
to  that  belief,  so  that  in  after-life,  when  reverting  to 
these  scenes,  he  could  speak  of  the  predominant  state 
of  his  mind  as  though  there  had  been  no  other.  The 
effect  of  such  a  view  of  religion  as  he  then  enter- 
tained, and  of  such  an  experience  as  he  had  of  a 
daily  deviation  from  its  precepts,  is  truthfully  de- 
scribed in  the  following  words,  undoubtedly  the  ut- 
terance of  his  own  heart :  "  He  who  thinketh  that 
a  Christian  ought  to  be  without  any  fault,  and  yet 


82  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

seeth  many  faults  in  himself,  must  needs  be  con- 
sumed at  length  with  melancholy  and  despair." 

Not  only  did  Luther  suffer  from  the  unexpected 
discovery  of  the  real  sinfulness  of  his  heart,  but  he 
was  scarcely  less  tormented  with  imaginary  sins  and 
false  scruples  of  conscience.  "  The  devil,"  says  he, 
"  seizeth  upon  some  trifling  sin,  and  by  that  casteth 
into  the  shade  all  the  good  works  which  thou  hast 
thy  life  long  done,  so  that  thou  dost  see  nothing  but 
this  one  sin."  "I  speak  from  experience;  I  know 
his  wiles  and  subtleties,  how  of  one  little  mote  he 
maketh  many  great  beams,  that  is  to  say,  of  that 
which  is  the  least  sin,  or  no  sin  at  all,  he  maketh  a 
very  hell,  so  that  the  wide  world  is  too  strait  for 
one." 

The  fiery  imagination  of  Luther,  which  solitude 
served  but  to  kindle  into  an  intenser  flame,  the 
strength  and  depth  of  his  religious  passions,  which 
found  no  such  vent  as  they  needed,  and  the  bewil- 
dered state  of  his  mind  in  respect  to  the  elementary 
principles  of  Christianity,  all  conspired  to  give  him 
an  air  of  peculiarity  which  the  monks  could  not  com- 
prehend. Too  much  of  original  character  lay  con- 
cealed beneath  that  demure  yet  singular  deportment 
to  be  controlled  even  by  the  iron  forms  which  the 
order  laid  upon  all  alike.  Luther's  mind  had  an  in- 
dividuality which  separated  him  from  the  mass  and 
heightened  his  solitude.  In  the  mental  processes 
through  which  he  passed,  he  was  alone  and  without 
sympathy.  He  was  driven,  at  last,  almost  to 
phrensy.  Often  was  his  bodily  frame  overpowered 
by  the  intensity  of  his  excited  feelings,  and  there  was 
no  skilful  physician  of  the  soul  at  hand  to  prescribe 
for  his  case.  Speaking  on  this  point,  he  observes, 
"  In  my  huge  temptations,  which  consumed  my  body 


£3.21-25.]  THE  NOVITIATE.  83 

so  that  I  well-nigh  lost  my  breath,  and  hardly  knew 
whether  I  had  still  any  brain  left  or  not,  there  was 
no  one  to  comfort  me."  If  he  opened  his  heart  to 
any  one,  the  only  reply  he  received  was,  "  I  know 
nothing  about  such  temptations,"  and  he  was  left  to 
the  gloomy  conclusion,  that  he  "  was  to  be  alone  in 
this  disconsolate  state."  But  as  the  melancholy 
mood  here  described  only  commenced  during  his  no- 
vitiate and  extended  through  the  second  year  of  his 
life  in  the  cloister,  we  must  break  off  the  narration  for 
the  present,  and  direct  our  attention  to  his  other  em- 
ployments during  the  first  year. 

"  When  I  was  received  into  the  cloister,"  he  said 
once  to  his  friends,  according  to  the  Grotha  manu- 
script, "  I  called  for  a  Bible,  and  the  brethren  gave 
me  one.  It  was  bound  in  red  morocco.  I  made  my- 
self so  familiar  with  it  that  I  knew  on  what  page  and 
in  what  place  every  passage  stood.  Had  I  kept  it,  I 
should  have  been  an  excellent  textual  theologian. 
No  other  study  than  that  of  the  Holy  Scriptures 
pleased  me.  I  read  therein  zealously,  and  imprinted 
them  on  my  memory.  Many  a  time  a  single  preg- 
nant passage  would  abide  the  whole  day  long  in  my 
mind.  On  weighty  words  of  the  prophets,  which 
even  now  I  remember  well,  I  cogitated  again  and 
again,  although  I  could  not  apprehend  the  meaning 
thereof;  as,  for  example,  we  read  in  Ezekiel,  'I 
desire  not  the  death  of  the  sinner.'  "  Again  he 
says,  "  Not  till  after  I  had  made  myself  acquaint- 
ed with  the  Bible,  did  I  study  the  writers/'  By 
"  the  writers,"  he  must  mean  the  scholastic  theolo- 
gians. For  he  himself  says,  in  a  preface  to  Bugen- 
hageu's  edition  of  Athanasius,  that  he  "  read  the 
colloquy  between  Athanasius  and  Arius  with  great 
interest,  in  the  first  year  of  his  monastic  life,  at  Er- 


84  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

furt."  No  doubt  he  also  read  at  that  time  the 
legends  of  the  saints,  the  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  (a 
favourite  book  with  him,)  and  other  works  of  a  simi- 
lar tendency.  The  new  rules  of  the  order  prescribed, 
however,  the  diligent  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and 
the  probationary  year  appears  to  have  been  designated 
for  biblical  study.  But  we  must  guard  against  being 
misled  by  the  fact  that  there  was  such  a  rule,  and 
by  the  name  that  was  given  to  the  study.  Neither 
the  sentiments  nor  the  practice  of  the  Erfurt  monks 
coincided  with  the  rule.  Though  they  could  not 
refuse  to  give  a  Bible  to  the  novice  who  requested  it, 
they  discouraged  the  study  of  it.  Besides,  Luther's 
time  was  so  much  occupied  with  other  useless  and 
menial  services  that  his  progress  in  the  study  of  the 
Scriptures  must  have  been  much  impeded.  He  was, 
furthermore,  destitute  of  suitable  helps  for  studying 
them  critically.  He  did  not  see  the  Bible  in  the 
original,  nor  had  he  then  any  knowledge  of  the 
Greek  or  Hebrew.  He  had  only  the  Latin  Vulgate, 
with  a  most  miserable  commentary,  called  the  Glossa 
Ordinaria,  or  Common  Gloss.  And,  what  is  more 
than  all,  he  brought  to  the  study  of  the  Bible  a  mind 
overborne  with  monastic  and  papal  prejudices.  The 
method  of  what  was  called  biblical  studies,  as  then 
pursued  in  the  monasteries  and  universities,  was  en- 
tirely different  from  that  to  which  we,  in  the  present 
age,  are  accustomed.  The  Bible  was  not  studied  as 
a  whole,  nor  any  of  the  sacred  writers  in  a  connected 
manner,  so  as  to  learn  the  scope  and  general  design 
of  the  book.  Of  course,  the  author  was  not  made 
his  own  interpreter,  nor  were  any  sound  rules  of  in- 
terpretation observed.  A  text  was,  in  the  first  place, 
taken  out  of  its  connection,  and  interpreted  meta- 
physically, as  if  it  were  a  scholastic  maxim,  and 


^E- 21-25.]  THE  NOVITIATE.  85 

forced  at  once  into  an  unnatural  connection  with  dia- 
lectics, or  used  as  a  secondary  and  subsidiary  sup- 
port of  a  doctrine  which  rested  mainly  on  a  meta- 
physical basis.  In  the  next  place,  the  literal  sense 
was  deserted  at  pleasure,  and  an  allegorical  one  in- 
troduced to  suit  the  object  of  the  interpreter.  The 
absurd  conceits  of  Origen,  Jerome,  and  other  early 
fathers  of  the  church,  were  handed  down  by  tradition, 
and  the  study  of  such  traditionary  interpretation, 
collected  in  compends,  was  called  biblical  study. 
The  false  interpretations  to  be  found  in  the  papal 
bulls  and  decretals,  and  in  the  approved  works  of  the 
scholastic  writers,  would  furnish  a  large  chapter  in 
the  book  of  human  follies.  Luther  was  not  only 
under  these  influences,  but  yielded  to  them.  In  a 
letter  to  Spalatin,  June  29,  1518,  he  says,  "  I  my- 
self followed  the  doctrines  and  rules  of  the  scholastic 
theology,  and  according  to  them  did  I  desire  to  handle 
the  Scriptures."  In  his  Commentary  on  Genesis  ix. 
he  says,  "  I  have  often  told  you  of  what  sort  theo- 
logy was  when  I  first  began  the  study  thereof.  The 
letter,  said  they,  killeth.  For  this  cause  I  was 
especially  opposed  to  Lyra  more  than  to  all  other 
teachers,  because  he  cleaved  so  diligently  to  the  text 
and  abode  by  it.  But  now,  for  this  selfsame  reason, 
I  prefer  him  before  all  other  interpreters  of  Scrip- 
ture." Again,  he  says,  "When  I  was  young,  I 
loved  allegories  to  such  a  degree  that  I  thought 
every  thing  must  be  turned  into  allegories.  To  this 
Origen  and  Jerome  gave  occasion,  whom  I  esteemed 
as  being  the  greatest  theologians."  Well,  indeed, 
might  he  afterwards  say,  "  I  did  not  learn  all  my 
theology  at  once."  The  beginning  with  him  was 
feeble,  and,  the  sincerity  of  his  heart  excepted,  was 
of  a  very  unpromising  character. 

8 


86  LIFE   OF    LUTHER.  [1506-1508. 


SECTION  III. — Taking  the  Vow — Second  year  in  the  Cloister, 
1506. 

SUCH  was  Luther's  year  of  probation,  a  year  in 
which  he  experienced  some  gratification  in  the  study, 
however  defective,  of  the  Scriptures  which  he  loved ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  was  disappointed  in  respect 
to  what  was  of  the  highest- concern  to  him,  namely, 
obtaining  peace  within  himself.  If  it  excite  our 
wonder  that  he  did  not,  at  this  time,  while  it  was  in 
his  power,  and  before  taking  the  irrevocable  vow, 
determine  to  abandon  the  monastic  life,  and  return 
to  the  university  or  seek  some  other  occupation, 
there  are  other  considerations  which  may  remove 
our  surprise.  Luther's  mind  was  of  too  determined 
a  character  to  be  turned  from  its  course  by  any  slight 
considerations.  He  had  been  trained  in  the  school 
of  adversity,  and  could  courageously  bear  the  priva- 
tions and  sufferings  attendant  on  his  present  mode 
of  life.  The  subject  of  religion  interested  him  more 
than  all  others,  and  to  this  he  could  give  his  undi- 
vided attention  here  more  easily  than  elsewhere. 
Here,  too,  he  found  a  few  friends,  such  as  Usingen, 
his  former  teacher,  Lange,  whom  he  assisted  in  study, 
and  the  excellent  Susse,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
his  room-mate.  If  his  mind  had  as  yet  found  no 
rest,  possibly  a  longer  trial,  after  actually  taking 
the  vow,  might  prove  more  effectual.  Certainly  a 
return  to  the  world  would  imply  a  want  of  firmness, 
and  would,  besides,  promise  no  better  results.  Even 
if  there  had  been  no  disgrace  attached  to  leaving  the 
cloister  at  the  close  of  the  novitiate,  this  would  pro- 
bably have  made  no  difference  with  Luther,  who 
seems  to  have  made  up  his  mind  from  the  beginning. 


JE.  21-25.]  TAKING  THE  VOW.  87 

Speaking  of  the  unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  friends 
who  endeavoured  to  keep  him  from  entering  the 
monastery,  he  says,  "  Thus  did  I  abide  by  my  pur- 
pose, thinking  never  again  to  come  out  of  the  clois- 
ter." 

The  rules  of  the  order  prescribed  that  the  prior 
should,  at  the  close  of  the  year  of  probation,  exa- 
mine the  novice  as  to  his  being  worthy  of  admission. 
If  the  result  was  favourable,  the  bell  was  to  be  rung 
and  the  monks  to  assemble,  and  the  prior  to  take 
his  place  before  the  steps  at  the  altar  and  to  address 
the  kneeling  novice  in  the  following  words :  "  You 
have  become  acquainted  with  the  severe  life  of  our 
order,  and  must  now  decide  whether  you  will  return 
to  the  world,  or  be  consecrated  to  the  order."  If  the 
answer  was  in  favour  of  the  latter,  the  individual 
was  directed  to  put  off  the  garb  of  the  novice,  and 
the  part  of  the  service  beginning  with  the  words, 
"Our  help  is  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,"  was  re- 
peated, whereupon  the  prior  laid  the  monk's  apparel 
upon  him,  and  then  the  ceremonies  were  very  simi- 
lar to  those  of  entering  the  novitiate,  described 
above.  The  vow  was  taken,  in  connection  with  the 
imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  prior,  in  these  words, 
as  reported  by  Cochlaeus :  "  I,  brother  Martin,  do 
make  profession  and  promise  obedience  unto  Al- 
mighty God,  unto  Mary  always  a  virgin,  and  unto 
thee,  my  brother,  the  prior  of  this  cloister  in  the 
name  and  in  the  stead  of  the  general  prior  of  the 
order  of  the  Eremites  of  St.  Augustine,  the  bishop 
and  of  his  regular  successors,  to  live  in  poverty  and 
chastity,  after  the  rule  of  the  said  St.  Augustine, 
until  death."  Then  a  burning  taper  was  put  into 
his  hand,  prayer  was  offered  for  him  by  the  prior, 
and  the  brethren  sung  the  hymn,  Veni  Sancte  Spi- 


88  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

ritus,  "  Come,  Holy  Spirit,"  after  which  the  new 
brother  was  conducted  by  them  to  the  choir  of  the 
church,  and  received  of  them  the  fraternal  kiss. 

The  most  extravagant  ideas  were  entertained  of  the 
effect  of  such  a  formal  consecration  to  a  monastic  life. 
As  baptism  was  supposed  to  take  away  all  sin,  so  this 
monastic  baptism,  (as  the  initiation  was  called,)  was 
said  to  be  equally  efficacious,  and  to  have  even  a 
greater  sanctity.  Hence  Luther  was  congratulated 
on  the  present  occasion  as  being,  by  his  own  act, 
freed  from  sin  and  introduced  into  a  state  of  prim- 
eval innocence.  With  this  he  felt  nattered  and 
pleased  for  the  moment,  but  upon  experiencing  its 
utter  futility,  he  came  at  length  to  regard  it  as 
"  a  pill  of  infernal  poison,  sugared  over  on  the  out- 
side." In  his  brief  reply  to  George,  Duke  of  Sax- 
ony, he  said  :  "  That  the  monks  likened  their  mo- 
nastic life  to  Christian  baptism,  they  cannot  deny; 
for  thus  have  they  taught  and  practised,  throughout, 
in  all  the  world.  When  I  made  my  profession,  I 
was  congratulated  by  the  prior,  the  convent  and  the 
confessor,-  that  I  was  now  innocent  as  a  child  which 
had  just  come  forth  pure  from  its  baptism.  And 
verily  I  could  heartily  rejoice  over  such  a  glorious 
deed, — that  I  was  such  an  excellent  one,  who  could, 
by  his  own  works,  without  the  blood  of  Christ,  make 
himself  so  good  and  holy,  and  that  too  so  easily  and 
so  quickly.  But  though  I  could  hear  with  satisfac- 
tion such  sweet  praise  and  shining  words  concerning 
my  own  doings,  and  let  myself  pass  for  a  wonder- 
worker, who  could,  in  such  a  wanton  manner,  make 
himself  holy  and  devour  both  death  and  the  devil, 
yet  would  it  fail  when  it  came  to  the  trial.  For 
when  only  a  small  temptation  of  death  or  of  sin 
came  upon  me,  I  fell  away,  and  found  no  succour 


^E.  21-25.]  IN  THE  CLOISTER.  89 

either  in  baptism  or  in  the  monastic  state.  Then 
was  I  the  most  miserable  man  on  earth ;  day  and 
night  there  was  nothing  but  lamentation  and  de- 
spair, from  which  no  one  could  deliver  me.  So  I 
was  bathed  and  baptized  in  my  monasticism,  and 
verily  had  the  sweating  sickness." 

Luther  was  three  years  in  the  cloister  at  Erfurt. 
Of  his  employments  and  of  his  state  of  mind  during 
the  first  year,  or  the  year  of  his  novitiate,  we  have 
already  had  an  account.  During  the  second  year, 
with  which  we  are  now  concerned,  he  was  devoted 
to  the  study  of  the  scholastic  theology  and  to  his 
preparation  for  the  priesthood.  His  religious  feel- 
ings continued  of  the  same  character  substantially 
as  in  the  first  year,  except  that  his  anxieties  and  his 
sorrows  increased.  It  was  not  till  the  third  year, 
the  year  of  his  priesthood,  that  new  views  on  the 
subject  of  works  and  of  justification  shed  light  upon 
his  mind  and  joy  upon  his  path,  and  not  till  after 
that  change  did  he  take  up  the  study  of  the  early 
Christian  fathers.  Here  then  we  have  the  means 
of  deciding,  in  most  cases,  to  which  of  these  three 
periods  his  numerous  allusions  to  his  monastic  life 
in  Erfurt  refer.  If,  in  any  passage,  there  be  a  re- 
ference to  the  duties  of  the  priestly  office,  saying 
mass,  for  example,  or  to  the  study  of  Augustine  and 
other  church  fathers,  or  to  more  cheerful  and  con- 
fiding feelings  in  respect  to  God,  as  a  loving  father 
rather  than  as  a  stern  revenger,  and  to  Christ,  as  a 
compassionate  Saviour  rather  than  as  a  dreaded 
judge,  we  may  safely  apply  the  passage  to  the  last 
year  of  Luther's  residence  in  Erfurt.  If  a  state 
of  bodily  and  mental  suffering  be  alone  referred  to, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  Luther  had  the  first  or  second 
year  in  mind.  But  if  harsh  treatment  or  the  regu- 
8» 


90  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

lar  study  of  the  Scriptures  be  mentioned  in  the  same 
connection,  the  first  year  is  thereby  indicated; 
whereas  if  occupation  with  the  scholastic  theolo- 
gians and  with  works  which  treat  of  the  duties  of  the 
priesthood  be  alluded  to,  the  second  year  only  can  be 
meant. 

Of  the  personal  appearance  of  Luther  about  the 
time  of  this  second  year,  probably  near  its  close, 
(this  being  the  time  of  his  most  intense  mental  an- 
guish,) we  have  a  representation  in  a  portrait  taken 
in  1572,  preserved  in  a  church  at  Weimar,  when  the 
artist  had  the  means  of  ascertaining  how  Luther  ap- 
peared at  the  time  referred. to.  This  is  furthermore 
supported  by  a  letter  of  Luther's,  in  which  he  de- 
scribes his  features  as  they  then  were.  The  youth- 
ful flush  had  disappeared  from  his  countenance. 
His  black,  piercing  and  fiery  eye  was  now  sunken. 
His  small  and  plump  face  had  become  thin  and 
spare.  With  all  his  sadness  and  dejection  there 
was  a  solemn  earnestness  in  his  mien,  and  his  look 
bespoke  a  mind  in  conflict  and  yet  determined. 

It  was,  no  doubt,  either  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  preceding  year,  or  near  the  beginning  of  this, 
that  Staupitz,  general  vicar  or  provincial  of  the  order 
in  Germany,  on  one  of  his  visitations  to  examine 
into  the  state  of  the  several  cloisters  under  his  care, 
first  had  his  attention  attracted  to  Luther.  By  the 
rules  of  the  order,  drawn  up  by  himself,  it  was  made 
his  duty,  as  general  vicar,  to  visit  the  convents  for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  that  a  paternal  discipline  was 
maintained,  and  particularly  to  inquire  in  respect  to 
the  care  taken  of  the  sick,  the  instruction  given  to 
novices,  and  the  observance  of  the  fasts  and  other 
prescribed  duties.  Staupitz  was  a  model  which  all 
provincials  might  well  imitate.  He  made  it  his  con- 


JE.  21-25.]  IN  THE  CLOISTER.  91 

cern  to  promote  the  study  of  the  Bible,  though  hia 
efforts  were  not  always  seconded  by  others,  and  to 
seek  out  and  encourage  young  men  of  talent  and 
of  elevated  religious  character,  and  to  inspire  them, 
as  far  as  possible,  with  a  sincere  love  of  God  and 
of  man.  Such  a  person  as  Luther, — learned,  able, 
ardent,  perplexed,  abused,  and  sinking  both  in  health 
and  in  spirits, — could  not  escape  his  notice.  His 
singular  attachment  to  the  Bible  was  no  less  gratify- 
ing than  it  was  surprising  to  Staupitz.  "  The  monks," 
says  Luther,  "  did  not  study  the  Scriptures,  save  here 
and  there  one,  who  like  myself  took  singular  delight 
therein.  Often  did  I  read  them  in  the  cloister,  to 
the  great  astonishment  of  Doctor  Staupitz." 

Here  commenced  the  most  important  acquaintance 
which  Luther  ever  formed.  Staupitz,  at  once,  after 
knowing  the  character  of  the  young  monk,  directed 
the  prior  to  have  more  regard  to  his  standing  and 
previous  habits,  and  to  release  him  from  those  humi- 
liating and  onerous  tasks  which  had  been  imposed 
upon  him.  He,  at  the  same  time,  encouraged  Luther 
to  prosecute  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  with  unabated 
zeal,  till  he  should  be  able  to  turn  readily  to  any 
passage  that  should  be  named.  Luther  now,  for  the 
first  time,  found  a  spiritual  guide  who  was,  in  every 
essential  respect,  qualified  to  treat  such  critical  cases 
as  his, — one  who,  in  his  comprehensive  view,  re- 
cognised as  well  the  laws  of  the  physical  and  the 
mental  constitution  as  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  gospel.  A  varied  order  of  living  and  new 
trains  of  thought,  originating  in  suggestions  respect- 
ing the  true  nature  of  Christianity,  which  were 
then  as  strange  as  those  which  were  once  made  to 
the  two  disciples  on  the  way  to  Emmaus,  were  the 
beginnings  of  a  healthful  process,  which  ultimately 


92  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

wrought  a  complete  religious  revolution  in  Luther's 
mind,  and  laid,  in  his  personal  experience,  the  foun- 
dation for  the  Reformation.  In  a  letter  to  Staupitz 
in  1523,  he  says,  "I  ought  not  to  be  unmindful  or 
forgetful  of  you,  through  whom  the  light  of  the  gospel 
first  began  to  shine  out  of  darkness  into  our  hearts." 

John  von  Staupitz  was  descended  from  an  ancient 
noble  family  of  Meissen  or  Misnia  in  the  kingdom 
of  Saxony.  In  order  to  gratify  his  love  of  study 
and  pious  meditation,  he  became  an  Augustinian 
monk,  and  in  various  universities  went  through  an 
extended  course  of  scholastic  philosophy  and  theology. 
In  1497,  he  was  made  master  of  arts,  lector  or  pub- 
lic reader  of  his  order,  and  connected  himself  with 
the  university  of  Tubingen,  in  the  south  of  Germany. 
He  rose  rapidly  to  distinction ;  for  in  the  following 
year  he  was  appointed  prior  of  the  convent  of  Tu- 
bingen ;  in  the  next,  he  took  the  degree  of  biblical 
bachelor,  or  the  first  degree  in  theology,  that  of  sen- 
tentiary,  or  the  second  degree,  and  in  1500,  that  of 
doctor  of  divinity 

Early  disgusted  with  the  dry  and  unprofitable  specu- 
lations of  the  scholastic  theologians,  he  turned  his 
attention  to  what  are  called  the  mystical  theologians, 
or  the  spiritual  and  experimental  Christians  of  that 
age.  Bernard  and  Gerson  were  his  favourite  authors, 
men  in  whom  a  spirit  not  unlike  that  of  the  pious 
Thomas  a,  Kempis  prevailed.  The  influence  of  some 
of  the  professors  at  Tubingen,  especially  of  Sommer- 
hard,  united  to  that  of  the  writers  above  named,  led 
him  to  appreciate  the  Bible  more  highly  than  any 
other  book,  and  to  look  to  that  as  his  only  safe 
guide  in  religion  and  the  only  sure  foundation  of 
Christian  theology.  "  It  is  needful  for  us,"  says 
Staupitz,  "to  study  the  Holy  Scriptures  with  the 


JE.  21-25.]  IN   THE  CLOISTER.  93 

greatest  diligence  and  with  all  humility,  and  earnest- 
ly to  pray  that  we  fail  not  of  the  truth  of  the  gos- 
pel." He  regarded  that  principle  of  love  which 
the  Holy  Spirit  originates  in  us,  and  which  produces 
a  union  with  Christ  by  faith,  as  constituting  the  es- 
sence of  religion.  This  is  not  produced  by  any 
good  works  of  ours,  but  is  itself  the  producer  of  all 
good  works.  Our  piety,  therefore,  does  not  depend 
on  the  performance  of  rites  and  ceremonies  prescribed 
by  the  church,  nor  can  it  be  estimated  by  such  a 
standard ;  but  it  depends  on  the  state  of  the  heart 
and  on  the  exercise  of  the  spiritual  affections.  Our 
union  with  the  church  is  not  the  cause  of  our  union 
with  Christ,  but  vice  versa.  "First,  God  giveth 
unto  all  the  faithful  one  heart  and  one  soul  in  him, 
and  on  this  wise  uniteth  them  together,  and  of  this 
cometh  the  unity  of  the  church." 

These  are  some  of  the  characteristic  features  of 
the  piety  and  faith  of  Staupitz ;  and  in  them  we 
cannot  fail  to  recognise  the  undeveloped  germs  of 
salvation  by  grace  and  justification  by  faith  in  Christ, 
as  afterward  maintained  by  his  greater  disciple. 
Such  a  spirit  was  the  very  opposite  of  that  which 
animated  Tetzel  in  the  sale  of  indulgences. 

When,  in  1502,  the  Elector  Frederic  of  Saxony 
founded  the  university  of  Wittenberg,  he  employed 
Staupitz  first  as  a  counsellor  and  negotiator,  and  then 
as  a  dean  or  superintendent  of  the  theological  faculty. 
In  the  next  year,  the  chapter  of  the  order  chose 
him  general  vicar ;  and  it  was  in  this  capacity  that 
he  was  brought  into  connection  with  Luther.  His 
influence  upon  the  cloisters  under  his  charge  was  of 
the  happiest  kind ;  and  his  efforts  to  promote  biblical 
studies,  and  to  revive  the  spirituality  of  his  brethren, 
no  doubt  prepared,  in  part,  the  way  for  multitudes 


94  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

of  them  to  embrace  the  doctrines  of  Luther.  The 
testimony  of  the  latter  to  his  worth  may  properly 
have  place  here :  "  He  was  an  estimable  man ;  not 
only  worthy  to  be  listened  to  with  reverence,  as  a 
scholar,  in  seats  of  learning  and  in  the  church,  but 
also  at  the  court  of  princes  and  in  the  society  of 
the  great,  he  was  held  in  much  estimation  for  his 
knowledge  of  the  world/' 

From  the  nature  of  the  case,  we  could  not  suppose 
that  the  first  interview  of  Staupitz  with  Luther  could 
produce  any  great  and  sudden  change  in  the  latter. 
At  that  time,  they  were  attached  to  opposite  systems 
of  theology,  the  mystic  and  the  scholastic;  and 
Luther's  views  were  so  interwoven  with  his  entire 
character  and  previous  training,  that  they  could  not 
be  surrendered  without  many  an  inward  struggle 
Now  we  are  expressly  informed  by  Melancthon  that 
Luther's  mind  did  not  find  relief  till  after  he  com- 
menced the  study  of  the  Christian  fathers;  -and  we 
learn  elsewhere  that  this  did  not  take  place  till  the 
third  year  of  his  residence  in  the  cloister  of  Erfurt. 
Consequently,  there  was  an  interval  of  nearly  a  year 
at  least,  and,  according  to  the  common  view,  (namely, 
that  Staupitz  saw  Luther  during  his  novitiate,)  an 
interval  of  nearly  two  years  between  their  first  ac- 
quaintance and  the  conversion  of  Luther  to  the 
evangelical  faith. 

From  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  we  are  not 
allowed  to  suppose  that  Staupitz,  at  the  first  inter- 
view, did  more  than  to  gain  some  general  information 
in  respect  to  Luther's  character  and  condition,  and 
to  make  a  few  suggestions  and  leave  them  to  their 
effect.  But  though  the  general  vicar  was  well 
grounded  in  the  truth,  and  the  young  monk  almost 
equally  fortified  in  error,  there  was  one  point  of 


M.  21-25.]  IN  THE  CLOISTER.  95 

strong  sympathy  between  them,  and  that  was,  the 
love  of  the  Bible.  But  at  this  time,  the  Bible  was 
to  Luther  a  very  dark  book.  It  came  to  him  in  his 
spiritual  ignorance,  almost  buried  under  the  rubbish 
of  the  papal  glosses.  The  gospel  itself  was  turned 
into  law ;  Christ  was  but  a  second  Moses,  a  stern 
legislator  and  judge,  from  whom  the  oppressed  sinner 
fled  in  terror,  because  he  had  not  a  sufficient  righteous- 
ness of  his  own,  and  knew  nothing  of  the  justifying 
righteousness  of  Christ.  Such  was  the  state  in  which 
Staupitz  found  Luther. 

Instead  of  proceeding  from  a  consciousness  of  the 
necessity  of  redemption  and  gratuitous  justification 
to  the  ascertainment  of  its  reality  and  available- 
ness,  the  benighted  though  learned  young  monk 
went  back,  in  a  contrary  direction,  to  speculate  upon 
the  origin  and  nature  of  evil,  and  upon  the  myste- 
ries of  Providence,  over  which  lay  a  pall  of  still 
denser  darkness.  Thus  he  was  sometimes  subject 
to  the  keenest  despair,  and  sometimes  to  the  most 
distressing  thoughts.  "Why,"  said  Staupitz  to 
him,  "  do  you  vex  yourself  with  these  speculations 
and  high  thoughts  ?  Look  upon  the  wounds  of  Christ 
and  upon  the  blood  which  he  shed  for  you.  From 
these  will  the  counsels  of  God  shine  forth."  That 
is,  in  the  cross  of  Christ  is  the  best  solution  of  the 
mysteries  of  Providence  in  respect  to  the  eternal 
destinies  of  men.  This  undoubtedly  took  place  at 
the  first  confession  which  Luther  made  to  Staupitz 
as  the  general  vicar.  The  scene,  according  to  Luther, 
was  equally  surprising  to  both  parties.  Such  a  con- 
fession, going  so  deeply  into  the  nature  of  sin  as 
consisting  not  so  much  in  single  acts  as  in  a  moral 
state,  a  confession  of  the  doubts  and  daring  specula- 
tions of  a  great  mind  abused  in  its  religious  training, 


96  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

and  consequently  in  a  perfectly  chaotic  state,  Staupitz 
had  never  before  heard.  Luther  knew  no  better 
what  to  make  of  the  unexpected  and  strange  direc- 
tions given  him  by  Staupitz.  No  name  was  more 
terrific  to  him  than  that  of  Christ,  an  avenger  and  a 
judge,  to  whom  he  did  not  dare  to  approach  without 
first  preparing  the  way  by  engaging  in  his  behalf  the 
more  tender  sympathies  of  the  virgin  mother,  to  soften 
the  severities  of  her  Divine  Son.  In  a  sermon  of 
his,  first  published  in  1847,  Luther  says,  "  Under 
the  papacy  I  fled  from  Christ,  and  trembled  at  his 
name ;  ...  for  I  looked  upon  him  as  a  judge  only ; 
and  in  this  grievously  erred.  St.  Bernard,  otherwise 
a  godly  man,  said :  '  Behold,  in  all  the  gospel,  how 
sharply  Christ  often  rebuketh,  upbraideth  and  con- 
demneth  the  Pharisees,  and  flieth  at  them,  while  the 
virgin  Mary  is  ever  gentle  and  kind,  and  never  spoke 
or  uttered  one  hard  word.'  From  hence  arose  the 
opinion  that  Christ  reproacheth  and  rebuketh,  while 
Mary  is  all  sweetness  and  love." 

The  first  confession  only  created  mutual  surprise, 
and  Luther  was  still  left  in  his  sadness.  This  we 
learn  from  an  occurrence  that  seems  to  have  taken 
place  soon  after.  At  table,  Staupitz,  seeing  Luther 
still  downcast  and  clouded  with  gloom,  said  to 
him,  "Why  are  you  in  such  heaviness,  brother 
Martin?"  "Alas!"  replied  Luther,  "what  then 
am  I  to  do  ?"  Staupitz  rejoined,  "  I  have  never 
had  knowledge  nor  experience  of  such  temptations ; 
but  so  far  forth  as  I  can  perceive,  they  are  more 
needful  for  you  than  your  food  and  drink.  You 
know  not  how  salutary  and  necessary  they  are  for 
you.  God  bringeth  them  not  upon  you  without 
a  purpose.  Without  them,  nothing  good  would  come 
of  you.  You  will  yet  see  that  God  hath  great  things 


JE.  21-25.]  STUDIES  THEOLOGY.  97 

to  accomplish  through  you."  Numerous  passages 
in  Luther's  later  writings  were  evidently  suggested 
by  his  own  experience  as  here  described.  One  will 
here  suffice  as  a  specimen.  "  When  the  heart  of 
man  is  in  great  anguish,  either  the  Spirit  of  God 
must  needs  give  him  gracious  assurance,  or  there 
must  be  a  godly  friend  to  comfort  him  and  take  froiy. 
him  his  doubts  by  the  word  of  God."  But  as  we 
afterward  find  Luther  in  his  former  state  of  mind, 
and  devoting  himself  with  more  zeal  than  ever  to 
the  study  of  the  scholastic  writers,  we  must  conclude 
that  no  great  and  permanent  change  was  effected  in 
his  religious  views  during  Staupitz's  first  visit. 

SECTION  IV. — Luther  studies  the  Scholastic  Theology. 

THE  effect  of  Staupitz's  influence  was  delayed  by 
the  fact  that,  according  to  the  usages  of  the  order, 
which  he  could  not  think  of  setting  aside,  the  monk 
who  had  finished  his  biblical  studies,  as  they  were 
improperly  called,  was  to  direct  his  chief  attention 
next  to  the  scholastic  theology.  Staupitz  was  not 
the  man  for  energetic  or  violent  reform ;  and  Usin- 
gen,  whose  influence  in  the  Erfurt  convent  was  now 
great  and  who  was  probably  Luther's  preceptor  at 
this  time,  was  a  zealous  scholastic.  Luther  himself 
says,  "When  I  had  taken  the  vow,  they  took  the 
Bible  from  me  again  and  gave  me  the  sophistical 
books.  But  as  often  as  I  could,  I  would  hide  my- 
self in  the  library,  and  give  my  mind  to  the  Bible." 

Luther,  who  never  shrank  from  a  task  because  it 
was  hard  or  disagreeable,  but,  on  the  contrary,  with 
a  consciousness  of  his  power,  took  pleasure  in  its 
full  exercise,  now  studied  with  iron  diligence  the 
sentences  of  the  Fathers,  as  collected  into  digests  by 


98  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

the  schoolmen.  Biel  and  D'Ailly  he  is  said  to 
have  learned  by  heart.  With  the  writings  of 
Occam,  Aquinas  and  Scotus,  he  made  himself  very 
familiar. 

Here  we  find  Luther  in  a  new  conflict — his  own 
inclination  and  religious  wants,  together  with  the 
influence  of  Staupitz,  leading  him  to  the  Bible ;  the 
influence  of  the  convent  and  his  occupation  with  the 
scholastic  writers,  on  the  other  hand,  strengthening 
the  false  impressions  under  which  he  had  grown  up. 
Both  of  these  contending  elements  were  having 
their  effect  upon  Luther,  and  he  was  to  be  prepared 
for  his  great  work  by  feeling  the  full  power  and 
coming  to  a  complete  knowledge  of  each. 

SECTION  V. — Luther's  Preparation  for  the  Priesthood. 

THIS  also  constituted  a  part  of  Luther's  occupa- 
tion during  his  second  year  in  the  monastery.  Biel, 
the  last  of  the  scholastics,  his  favourite  author,  was 
the  writer  most  studied  on  this  subject.  In  what 
follows,  it  will  be  made  to  appear  that  such  employT 
ment,  no  less  than  the  study  of  the  scholastic  writers 
in  general,  was  adapted  to  carry  him  further  and 
further  from  the  Bible  and  the  spiritualism  of  Stau- 
pitz,  and  to  involve  him  more  deeply  than  ever  in 
the  labyrinth  of  papal  error.  We  find  here  a  strik- 
ing analogy  to  the  mazes  of  error  through  which  the 
great  Augustine  passed,  when,  half  in  despair  and 
half  in  docile  submission,  he  was  conducted  step  by 
step  through  the  hollow  and  deceitful  system  of  the 
Manicheans.  The  church  service  with  which  the 
priest  was  concerned,  was  a  complicated  system  of 
symbolical  acts,  at  the  same  time  exercising  the  in- 
genuity and  furnishing  ample  materials  for  exciting 


JE.  21-25.]  THE  PRIESTHOOD. 

the  imagination  of  the  students.  The  central  point 
in  the  system  was  the  service  of  mass.  To  this  the 
selected  passages  of  Scripture,  their  arrangement, 
the  prayers  and  the  hymns  all  referred.  The  anti- 
phonies  and  the  priestly  ornaments  both  relate  to 
the  sacrificial  offering  in  the  mass.  The  rites  them- 
selves were  sacred  mysteries,  and  the  officiating 
priest  a  sacred  person.  Luther  never  lost  the  im- 
pression which  these  imposing  and  solemn,  though 
false,  forms  of  worship  made  upon  him.  Christ  was 
considered  as  daily  repeating  the  offering  up  of  him- 
self. 

Biel  had  written  an  extended  work  on  the  mass- 
service,  which  was  adopted  as  a  text-book  in  the 
monasteries.  He  there  teaches,  that  men  must 
repair  to  the  saints,  through  whose  intercessions  we 
are  to  be  saved;  that  the  Father  has  given  over 
pne-half  of  his  kingdom  to  the  Virgin,  the  queen  of 
heaven;  that  of  the  two  attributes  of  justice  and 
mercy,  he  has  surrendered  the  latter  to  her,  while 
he  retains  the  former.  The  priest  is  intercessor  be- 
tween God  and  man.  He  offers  the  sacrifice  of 
Christ  in  the  supper,  and  can  extend  its  efficacy  to 
others.  This  neither  the  Virgin  Mary  nor  the 
angels  can  do. 

In  another  part  of  the  work,  Biel  has  several  nice 
disquisitions  on  such  questions  as,  whether  the  bread 
must  always  be  made  of  wheat;  how  much  ought 
to  be  consecrated  at  a  time;  what  would  be  the 
effect  of  a  grammatical  blunder  on  the  part  of  the 
priest  in  repeating  the  words.  Thus  Luther  was 
trained  by  daily  study  to  a  system  of  practical  reli- 
gion which  subsequently,  when  he  was  more  enlight- 
ened, became  abhorrent  to  all  the  feelings  of  his 
heart.  "  Let  any  one,"  he  says,  "  read  Biel  on  the 


100  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

Canonical  Constitutions  concerning  the  mass,  which 
is  nevertheless  the  best  book  of  the  Papists  on  that 
matter,  and  see  what  execrable  things  are  therein 
contained.  That  was  once  my  book."  Again; 
"  Gabriel  Biel  wrote  a  book  on  the  Canonical  Con- 
stitutions which  was  looked  upon  as  the  best  in 
these  times;  .  .  .  when  I  read  it,  my  heart  did 
bleed,"  that  is,  was  in  anguish  from  the  scruples 
which  it  caused  in  respect  to  the  duties  of  the  priest- 
hood. 

The  rules  laid  down  were  carried  to  an  aston- 
ishing minuteness  of  detail,  and  the  least  deviation 
from  them  was  represented  as  highly  sinful.  Lu- 
ther was  so  conscious  of  his  sinfulness  that  he  often 
despaired  of  ever  being  able  to  officiate  worthily 
as  a  priest.  We,  in  this  age,  cannot  appreciate  his 
feelings  in  this  respect,  unless  we  place  ourselves,  in 
imagination,  precisely  in  his  circumstances,  and  learn 
with  him  to  feel  a  creeping  horror  at  the  ghostly 
superstitions  of  the  times.  His  own  language  will 
best  transport  us  to  the  gloomy  cell  and  its  spiritual 
terrors,  and  to  the  chapel  with  its  over-awing  mys- 
teries. "Those  priests,"  he  remarks,  "who  were 
right  earnest  in  religion,  were  so  terrified  in  pro- 
nouncing the  words  of  Christ,  delivered  at  the  insti- 
tution of  the  supper,  that  they  trembled  and  quaked 
when  they  came  to  the  clause,  l  This  is  my  body ;' 
for  they  must  repeat  every  word  without  the  least 
error.  He  who  stammered,  or  omitted  a  word,  was 
guilty  of  a  great  sin.  He  was,  moreover,  to  pro- 
nounce the  words  without  any  wandering  thoughts." 
Again  he  says,  "  It  was  declared  a  mortal  sin  to 
leave  out  the  word  enim,  (for,)  or  aeterni,  (eternal.) 
If  one  had  forgotten  whether  he  had  pronounced  a 
certain  word  or  not,  he  could  not  make  the  matter 


JE.  21-25.]  THE  PRIESTHOOD.  101 

sure  by  repetition.  .  .  .  Here  was  distress  and  an- 
guish. .  .  .  How  sorely  were  we  vexed  with  the 
mass,  especially  with  the  signs  of  the  cross  I"  About 
fifty  of  these  and  some  hundreds  of  other  prescribed 
motions  of  the  body  were  to  be  punctiliously  ob- 
served in  the  mass-service.  Special  rules  were  given 
as  to  what  was  to  be  done  if  a  little  of  the  wine  were 
spilled.  Nothing  can  give  us  a  better  impression  of 
the  awe  which  the  idea  of  Christ's  real  presence  in- 
spired than  an  incident  which  occurred  but  four 
years  before  Luther's  death.  In  the  year  1542, 
during  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist,  some  drops 
of  the  wine  were  accidentally  spilled.  Luther,  Bu- 
genhagen  and  the  officiating  minister  sprang  in- 
stantly and  licked  it  up  with  their  tongues  !  If  such 
were  the  feelings  with  which  the  reformer  noticed 
any  little  irregularity  in  this  service  in  his  old  age, 
what  must  they  have  been  when  he  was  timidly 
preparing  himself  to  become  a  Catholic  priest  ? 

In  the  mass  itself,  every  thing  is  Jewish  and  legal. 
Christ's  original  sacrifice  is  regarded  as  atoning  only 
for'  original  sin ;  all  other  sins  were  to  be  atoned  for 
in  the  mass.  Through  the  intercession  of  the  saints, 
the  sacrament  effects  an  ablution  from  all  actuaLsin, 
a  defence  against  all  dangers,  against  all  the  evils 
incident  to  the  body  or  the  mind,  against  the  assaults 
of  Satan,  and  a  remission  of  the  sins  of  the  dead  as 
well  as  of  the  living.  How  strangely  is  Christ  here 
thrown  into  the  back-ground,  and  saints  and  priests 
raised  to  an  impious  eminence  !  How  is  the  cross 
of  Christ  obscured,  and  an  empty  rite,  a  human  in- 
vention, covered  with  the  halo  of  a  divine  glory  ! 


102  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 


SECTION  VI. — Luther's  Consecration  as  Priest  in  1507. 

THE  day  appointed  for  his  ordination  as  priest,  the 
2d  of  May,  1507,  at  length  arrived.  Such  a  day 
was  of  too  solemn  interest,  as  it  was  observed  at  that 
time,  to  be  allowed  to  pass  without  the  presence  of 
Luther's  father,  who  had  continued  during  nearly  the 
whole  period  of  two  years  to  be  alienated  from  the 
son  in  consequence  of  his  entering  the  monastery. 
It  is  a  mistake  committed  by  several  biographers  of 
Luther,  to  represent  the  reconciliation,  and  even  the 
visit  of  John  Luther  at  the  convent,  as  having  taken 
place  in  1505,  a  short  time  after  Luther  entered  his 
novitiate.  Martin  was  his  father's  favourite  son. 
He  had  been  sent  to  the  university  and  supported 
there  by  the  father's  hard  earnings,  in  order  that  he 
might  become  a  learned  jurist  and  rise  to  distinction. 
His  brilliant  career  as  a  student,  and  then  as  a 
teacher,  and  his  entrance,  under  favourable  circum- 
stances, upon  the  study  of  the  law,  served  only  to 
give  poignancy  to  a  father's  grief,  when  he  saw  that 
all  his  high  hopes  were  to  be  disappointed.  He  was 
so  chagrined  that  he  refused  to  see  his  son.  On  the 
death  of  two  other  sons,  who  were  carried  off  by  the 
plague,  and  on  the  intelligence  that  Martin  had  also 
died  of  the  same,  his  heart  began  to  relent.  His 
friends  took  that  opportunity  to  reason  with  him,  and 
to  convince  him  that  he  ought  to  be  willing  to  make 
an  offering  to  the  Lord  of  whatever  was  dearest  to 
him,  even  though  it  were  his  favourite  child.  To 
this  reasoning  he  never  assented,  entertaining,  as  he 
always  did,  unfavourable  views  of  monastic  life ;  but 
he  became  so  far  reconciled  as  to  accept  the  invita- 
tion to  be  present  at  the  ordination.  He  came  in 


M.  21-25.]         CONSECRATION  AS  PRIEST.  103 

the  pomp  required  by  the  occasion,  mounted  on 
horseback  with  attendants,  twenty  in  all,  and  ho- 
noured his  son  with  a  present  of  twenty  guldens.  It 
was  "  with  a  sad,  reluctant  will,"  as  Luther  says, 
that  his  father  finally  consented  to  his  permanent 
connection  with  a  religious  order.  "  Well,  be  it  so," 
1  was  his  language,  "  God  grant  that  it  may  turn  out 
for  good."  When  they  were  all  seated  at  table,  at 
the  time  of  the  ordination,  Luther,  trusting  to  the 
favourable  impressions  produced  by  the  occasion,  and 
to  the  influence  of  the  company  around  him,  ven- 
tured to  touch  upon  the  delicate  subject  with  his 
father,  in  the  following  language  :  "  Dear  father, 
what  was  the  reason  of  thy  objecting  to  my  desire  to 
become  a  monk?  Why  wast  thou  then  so  displeased; 
and  perhaps  not  reconciled  yet  ?  It  is  such  a  peace- 
ful and  godly  life  to  live."  He  went  on  to  recount 
the  alarming  events  which  he  construed  as  indica- 
tions of  the  divine  will,  and  was  warmly  supported 
in  all  he  said  by  the  monks  at  his  side.  The  plain- 
spoken  and  honest  miner,  notwithstanding  the  place 
and  the  occasion,  boldly  and  tersely  replied,  "Didst 
thou  never  hear  that  a  son  must  be  obedient  to  his 
parents  ?  And  you  learned  men,  Did  you  never  read 
in  the  Scriptures,  '  Thou  shalt  honour  thy  father  and 
thy  mother  ?'  .  .  .  God  grant  that  those  signs  may 
not  prove  to  be  lying  wonders  of  Satan."  "  Never," 
said  Luther  afterward,  "  did  words  sink  deeper  into 
a  man's  heart  than  did  these  of  my  father  into 
mine." 

The  sentiments  of  the  age,  in  respect  to  the  ordi- 
nation of  a  priest,  must  be  kept  in  view,  if  we  would 
understand  Luther's  history  at  this  period.  He  him- 
self informs  us  that  "a  consecrated  priest  was  as 
much  above  an  ordinary  Christian  as  the  morning 


104  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

star  was  above  a  smoking  taper."  "  It  was  a  glo- 
rious thing  to  be  a  new  priest,  and  to  hold  the  first 
mass.  Blessed  the  mother  who  had  borne  a  priest. 
Father  and  mother  and  friends  were  filled  with  joy." 
"  The  first  mass  was  thought  much  of,  and  brought 
•no  little  money,  for  the  gifts  and  offerings  came  like 
drops  of  rain.  The  canonical  hours  were  then  ob- 
served with  torch-lights.  The  young  priest  danced 
with  his  mother,  if  she  was  still  living,  and  the  by- 
standers, who  looked  on,  wept  for  joy.  If  she  was 
dead,  he  delivered  her  from  purgatory." 

We  learn  from  Luther,  that  the  bishop  at  his  or- 
dination gave  him  the  cup,  and  said  to  him,  "  Re- 
ceive power  to  offer  sacrifice  for  the  living  and  the 
dead,"  and  Luther  adds,  "  it  is  a  wonder  that  the 
ground  did  not  open  and  swallow  us  both  up."  The 
words  which  Luther  was  then  to  employ  in  the  mass 
service,  which  immediately  followed,  were,  "Accept, 
holy  Father,  this  unblemished  sacrifice,  which  I, 
thine  unworthy  servant,  offer  unto  thee,  the  true  and 
living  God,  for  my  innumerable  sins,  offences  and 
omissions,  and  for  all  who  are  here  present,  and  for 
all  believers  living,  and  also  for  the  dead,  that  it  may 
be  for  our  salvation."  Luther  was  filled  with  trepi- 
dation and  fear,  and  faltered  in  the  service,  and 
would  have  left  the  altar,  which  would  have  occa- 
sioned his  excommunication,  if  his  preceptor,  who 
was  standing  by,  had  not  stopped  him.  It  was  the 
idea  of  "  standing  before  God  without  a  mediator," 
as  he  had  been  taught  to  interpret  the  act,  and  other 
superstitious  fears  with  which  Biel's  book  had  filled 
his  head, — it  was  this  that  made  him  pause  in  terror 
when  he  came  to  the  words,  "  the  sacrifice  which  I 
offer  unto  thee."  "From  that  time  forth,"  says 
Luther,  "I  read  mass  with  great  fear." 


,33.21-25.]         CONSECRATION   AS   PRIEST.  105 

Still  he  became  a  very  zealous  and  fanatical  priest, 
as  the  following  passages  from  his  writings  clearly 
show.  We  now  find  him  going  from  village  to  vil- 
lage "  begging  cheese,"  and  "  saying  mass"  for  the 
peasants,  and  sometimes  "  with  difficulty  refraining 
from  laughter"  at  the  blunders  of  the  awkward 
country  organists,  who,  as  he  says,  would  introduce 
the  wrong  piece  in  the  midst  of  the  service.  How 
false  the  principles  were  upon  which  he  then  acted 
he  himself  afterward  strongly  testifies.  "I  was  an 
unblushing  Pharisee.  When  I  had  read  mass  and 
said  my  prayers,  I  put  my  trust  and  rested  therein. 
I  did  not  behold  the  sinner  that  lay  hidden  under 
that  cloak,  in  my  not  trusting  in  the  righteousness 
of  God,  but  in  my  own;  in  not  giving  God  thanks 
for  the  sacrament,  but  in  thinking  he  must  be  thank- 
ful and  well  pleased  that  I  offered  up  his  Son  to  him, 
that  is,  reproached  and  blasphemed  him.  When  we 
were  about  to  hold  mass,  we  were  wont  to  say,  '  Now 
I  will  go  and  be  midwife  to  the  Virgin.'  Did  we 
not  know  that  the  worst  of  abuses  can  be  practised 
without  remorse  when  false  principles  in  religion 
are  adopted,  we  could  scarcely  believe  that  such  re- 
presentations as  the  following  could  be  made  in  sober 
earnest  by  Luther.  "  Some  had  mass  in  order  to 
become  rich,  and  to  be  prosperous  in  their  worldly 
business.  Some,  because  they  thought  if  they  heard 
mass  in  the  morning,  then  would  they  be  secure 
through  all  the  day  against  every  suffering  and  peril. 
Some,  by  reason  of  sickness,  and  some  for  yet  more 
foolish  and  sinful  causes ;  and  they  could  find  abject 
priests,  who,  for  money,  would  let  them  have  their 
way.  Furthermore,  they  have  put  a  difference  in 
the  mass,  making  one  better  for  this,  another  better 
for  that  occasion,  by  inventing  the  seven-gulden 


106  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

mass.*  The  mass  of  the  holy  cross  has  a  different 
virtue  from  the  mass  of  the  virgin.  And  everybody 
keeps  still  and  lets  the  people  go  on,  for  the  sake  of 
the  accursed  lucre,  flowing  abundantly  through  the 
mass  which  has  so  many  names  and  virtues."  "  Here, 
you  yourselves  know,  my  dear  sirs,"  says  Luther  to 
his  opponents  in  1520,  uwhat  a  scandalous  traffick- 
ing and  marketing  you  have  made  with  your  sacra- 
ment. This  hath  been  the  regular  and  every-day 
business  of  you  all,  buving  and  selling  throughout 
all  the  world  so  many  thousands  of  masses  for  mo- 
ney, some  for  a  groschen,  (three  cents,)  some  for 
eight  pfennigs,  (two  cents,)  and  some  for  six.  There 
is  no  excusing  nor  denying  it."  "  I  also,  when  I 
was  a  monk,  was  wont  daily  to  confess,  to  fast,  to 
read,  to  pray,  and  to  offer  sacrifice,  to  the  end  that, 
from  the  vigils,  mass  and  other  works,  I  could  im- 
part and  sell  something  (merit)  to  the  laity.  The 
monks  bartered  their  merits  away  for  corn  and  wine, 
as  well  as  for  money,  and  gave  formal  receipts,  as  is 
shown  by  many  copies  still  extant,  which  ran  thus  : 
'  In  consideration  of  one  bushel  of  wheat,  we  by  this 
writing  and  contract  make  over  to  you  the  benefit  of 
our  fastings,  watchings,  mortifications,  mass-services 
and  such  like.'  I,  an  arrant  Papist,  and  much  fiercer 
mass-monger  than  all  the  rest,  could  not  distinguish 
between  the  mass  and  the  sacrament  any  more  than 
the  common  people.  To  me  the  mass  and  the  sacra- 
ment upon  the  altar  were  one  and  the  same  thing, 
as  they  were  to  all  of  us  at  that  time.  ...  I  have 
lain  sick  in  the  infirmary,  and  viewed  Christ  in  no 
other  light  than  that  of  a  severe  judge,  whom  I  must 
appease  with  my  monastic  works.  .  .  .  Therefore, 

*  A  Saxon  gulden,  in  the  16th  century,  was  about  sixty- 
two  and  a  half  cents. 


JE.  21-25.]        CONSECRATION   AS   PRIEST.  107 

my  way  and  custom  was,  when  I  had  finished  my 
prayers  or  mass,  always  to  conclude  with  such  words 
as  these :  '  My  dear  Jesus,  I  come  unto  thee  and 
entreat  thee  to  be  pleased  with  whatsoever  I  do  and 
suffer  in  my  order,  and  to  accept  it  as  a  composition 
for  my  sins  ?  Twenty  years  ago,  if  any  one  desired 
mass,  he  should  have  come  and  purchased  it  of  me ; 
I  cleaved  to  it  with  all  my  heart  and  worshipped  it. 
...  I  held  mass  every  day,  and  knew  not  but  that 
I  was  going  straight  to  heaven.  ...  I  chose  for  my- 
self twenty-one  saints,  read  mass  every  day,  calling 
on  three  of  them  each  day,  so  as  to  complete  the 
circuit  every  week.  Especially  did  I  invoke  the 
holy  Virgin,  as  her  womanly  heart  was  more  easily 
touched,  that  she  might  appease  her  Son."  Again, 
he  says,  "  I  verily  thought  that  by  invoking  three 
saints  daily,  and  by  letting  my  body  waste  away  with 
fasting  and  watchings,  I  should  satisfy  the  law,  and 
shield  my  conscience  against  the  goad  of  the  driver. 
But  it  all  availed  me  nothing.  The  further  I  went 
on  in  this  way,  the  more  was  I  terrified,  so  that  I 
should  have  given  over  in  despair,  had  not  Christ 
graciously  regarded  me,  and  enlightened  me  with  the 
light  of  his  gospel." 

Need  we  any  further  proof  that  a  long  period  in- 
tervened between  his  first  conversations  with  Staupitz 
and  the  time  that  the  true  light  of  the  gospel  broke 
in  upon  his  soul  ?  Here  he  represent*  himself  as  in 
the  grossest  darkness  and  in  the  most  wretched  con- 
dition, long  after  he  had  entered  upon  the  duties 
of  the  priesthood ;  and  yet  he  was  not  ordained  till 
May  2,  1507.  So  much  is  certain ;  Staupitz  was  only 
occasionally  at  Erfurt,  probably  not  more  than  twice 
or  three  times  during  Luther's  residence  in  the  clois- 
ter there.  His  first  visit  brought  him  in  contact  with 


108  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

Luther,  but  had  not  the  effect  to  extricate  the  latter 
from  the  scholastic  errors  in  which  he  was  completely 
entangled.  It  was  at  a  later  period,  and  probably  after 
the  second  visit  of  Staupitz  at  Erfurt,  that  Luther 
wrote  to  him  frequently  on  the  subject  of  his 
wretchedness.  "When  I  was  a  monk,"  said  Luther 
once  to  his  friends,  "  I  wrote  oft-times  to  Dr.  Staupitz ; 
and  once  I  wrote  to  him,  exclaiming,  'Oh,  my  sins, 
my  sins  !'  Then  Staupitz  gave  me  this  reply  :  '  You 
would  be  without  sin,  and  yet  you  have  no  proper 
sins.  Christ  forgives  true  sins,  such  as  parricide,  blas- 
phemy, contempt  of  God,  adultery,  and  such  like. 
These  are  sins  indeed.  You  must  have  a  register, 
in  which  stand  veritable  sins,  if  Christ  is  to  help 
you.' "  This  paradoxical  language  is  explained  in 
a  letter  of  Luther  to  Spalatin,  written  in  1544. 
"Staupitz  once  comforted  me  in  my  sorrow,  on  this 
wise  :  You  would  be  a  painted  sinner  and  have  a 
painted  Christ  as  a  Saviour.  You  must  make  up 
your  mind  that  Christ  is  a  very  Saviour,  and  you  a 
very  sinner."  The  importance  of  these  words  to 
Luther,  and  their  influence  upon  the  character  of 
Luther's  subsequent  religious  views,  as  seen  in  all 
his  writings,  it  will  not  be  easy  for  the  casual  reader 
to  apprehend.  Luther  was  in  serious  error,  and  had 
great  and  incessant  anguish  on  two  points.  He 
looked  upon  unintentional  negligence  or  forgetful- 
ness  of  the  arbitrary  rules  of  his  order,  which  were 
as  countless  as  they  were  foolish,  as  being  a  heinous 
sin  against  God ;  and  then  he  supposed  great  sin- 
fulness  was  a  bar  to  forgiveness.  On  the  former 
point,  Staupitz  used  a  little  raillery;  and  on  the  latter, 
he  furnished  Luther  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  the  Re- 
formation, that  forgiveness  did  not  depend  at  all 
upon  the  number  -or  magnitude  of  one's  sins,  but 


JE.  21-25.]         CONSECRATION  AS   PRIEST.  109 

simply  and  solely  on  penitence  for  them.  This  is 
what  Luther  means,  where,  hundreds  of  times  in 
his  sermons  and  other  writings,  he  says  that  the 
Papists  did  not  preach  the  gospel,  which  is  the  for- 
giveness of  sins;  but  the  law,  which  is  only  the 
knowledge  of  sin,  without  a  Saviour.  We  might  fill 
the  remainder  of  this  chapter  with  passages  from 
his  works,  which  do  nothing  but  re-echo  the  senti- 
ment which  he  learned  first  from  the  lips  of  his 
spiritual  counsellor,  and  then  by  an  uncommonly 
deep  and  protracted  experience.  We  must,  there- 
fore, not  fail  to  notice,  that  in  these  very  suggestions 
of  Staupitz  lie  the  true  seeds  of  the  Reformation. 
In  proof  of  the  above  assertion,  we  will  adduce  but 
one  passage.  We  will  take  it  from  the  same  letter 
to  Spalatin  just  mentioned.  "You  have  thus  far 
been  but  a  slender  sinner ;  you  reproach  yourself 
with  very  trifling  sins.  Come  and  join  yourself  to 
us,  real,  great  and  daring  sinners,  that  you  may  not 
make  Christ  of  no  account  to  us,  who  is  a  deliverer 
not  from  pretending  and  trifling  sins,  but  from  truer 
great,  nay  the  greatest  of  sins.  Let  me  put  you  in 
mind  of  my  own  case,  when  I  was  tempted  and  tried 
like  as  you  now  are,  albeit  I  am  now  strong  in  Christ. 
Believe  the  Scripture,  that  Christ  is  come  to  destroy 
the  works  of  the  devil,  of  which  this  despondency  is 
one."  This  joyful  and  confident  view  of  the  infinite 
fulness  of  a  Saviour's  love,  instead  of  that  terrifying 
conception  of  him  as  a  merciless  judge  and  execu- 
tioner, which  he  had  hitherto  entertained,  constitutes 
the  radical  difference  between  the  Catholic  and  the 
Protestant  religion  as  a  matter  of  experience.  In 
the  one,  good  works  are  sought  as  a  recommendation 
to  Christ,  and  these,  though  imperfect,  are  graciously 
accepted  and  rewarded,  so  that  faith  itself  is  nothing 
10 


110  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

but  a  work  of  righteousness,  beginning  in  the  intel- 
lect and  the  outward  act,  and  gradually  becoming 
spiritual ;  in  the  other,  Christ  meets  the  sinner  as  a 
sinner,  and  takes  the  load  himself,  shows  his  adap- 
tedness  to  just  such  cases ;  gives,  of  his  own  accord, 
a  penitent  and  believing  heart,  and  forgives  gratu- 
itously, and  unites  the  soul  to  himself  by  faith,  which 
is  justifying  only  by  virtue  of  this  union. 

It  was  a  long  time  before  Luther's  mind  was  clear 
on  this  subject.  The  theory  of  the  scholastic  divines 
and  the  practice  of  the  church  had  grown  up  with 
him.  The  new  tendency,  which  began  to  make  its 
appearance,  was  suppressed  and  hemmed  in  on  every 
side.  No  expression  in  the  Bible  was  more  terrific 
to  him  than  that  of  "  the  righteousness  of  God." 
The  Fathers  had  explained  it  as  that  attribute  of  jus- 
tice by  which  God  executes  judgment.  "  This  in- 
terpretation," says  Luther,  "  caused  me  distress  and 
terror  when  I  was  a  young  theologian.  For  when 
I  heard  God  called  righteous,  I  ran  back  in  my 
thoughts  to  that  interpretation  which  had  become 
fixed  and  rooted  in  me  by  long  habit.  ...  So  pow- 
erful and  pestilent  a  thing  is  false  and  corrupt  doc- 
trine, when  the  heart  has  been  polluted  with  it  from 
youth  up."  Staupitz  and  an  aged  confessor,  whose 
name  is  not  given,  taught  him  that  "  the  righteous- 
ness of  God,"  in  Paul's  epistles,  had  a  very  differ- 
ent meaning,  namely,  that  righteousness  which  be- 
comes the  sinner's  the  moment  he  believes  in  Christ. 
Referring  to  this  new  explanation,  he  said  :  "  Then 
I  came  to  understand  the  matter,  and  learned  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  righteousness  of  the  law  and 
the  righteousness  of  the  gospel."  "When  I  began," 
says  he  again,  "  to  meditate  more  diligently  upon 
the  words  '  righteous,'  and  '  righteousness  of  God,' 


JE.  21-25.]         CONSECRATION   AS  PRIEST.  Ill 

which  once  made  me  fear  when  I  heard  them  :  and 
when  I  considered  the  passage  in  the  second  chapter 
of  Habakkuk,  ( The  just  shall  live  by  faith/  and 
began  to  learn  that  the  righteousness  which  is  ac- 
ceptable to  God  is  revealed  without  the  deeds  of  the 
law,  from  that  very  time  how  my  feelings  were 
changed !  and  I  said  to  myself,  If  we  are  made 
righteous  by  faith ;  if  the  righteousness  which  availv 
eth  before  God  is  saving  to  all  who  believe  therein, 
then  such  declarations  ought  not  to  alarm  the  poor 
sinner  and  his  timid  conscience,  but  rather  be  to 
them  a  consolation."  In  another  place  he  says,  "  I 
had  the  greatest  longing  to  understand  rightly  the 
Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Romans,  but  was  always 
stopped  by  the  word  'righteousness/  in  the  1st 
chapter  and  19th  verse,  where  Paul  says, '  the  right- 
eousness of  God  is  revealed  in  the  gospel.'  I  felt 
very  angry  at  the  term, '  the  righteousness  of  God ; ' 
for,  after  the  manner  of  all  the  teachers,  I  was  taught 
to  understand  it,  in  a  philosophic  sense,  of  that  right- 
eousness by  which  God  is  just  and  punisheth  the 
guilty.  Though  I  had  lived  without  reproach,  I 
felt  myself  a  great  sinner  before  God,  and  was  of  a 
very  quick  conscience,  and  had  not  confidence  in  a 
reconciliation  with  God,  to  be  produced  by  any  work 
of  satisfaction  or  merit  of  my  own.  For  this  cause 
I  had  in  me  no  love  of  a  righteous  and  angry  God, 
but  secretly  hated  him,  and  thought  within  myself, 
Is  it  not  enough  that  God  hath  condemned  us  to 
everlasting  death  by  Adam's  sin,  and  that  we  must 
suffer  so  much  trouble  and  misery  in  this  life  ?  Over 
and  above  the  terror  and  threatening  of  the  law,  must 
he  needs  increase,  by  the  gospel,  our  misery  and 
anguish  j  and,  by  the  preachirig  of  the  same,  thunder 
against  us  his  justice  and  fierce  wrath  ?  My  con- 


112  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

fused  conscience  oft-times  did  cast  me  into  fits  of 
anger,  and  I  sought,  day  and  night,  to  make  out  the 
meaning  of  Paul ;  and,  at  last,  I  came  to  apprehend 
it  thus  :  Through  the  gospel  is  revealed  the  righteous- 
ness which  availeth  with  God,  a  righteousness  by 
which  God,  in  his  mercy  and  compassion,  justifieth 
us,  as  it  is  written,  'The  just  shall  live  by  faith.' 
Straightway  I  felt  as  if  I  were  born  anew ;  it  was 
as  if  I  had  found  the  door  of  Paradise  thrown  wide 
open.  Now  I  saw  the  Scriptures  in  altogether  a  new 
light,  ran  through  their  whole  contents,  as  far  as 
my  memory  would  serve,  and  compared  them,  and 
found  that  the  righteousness  was  the  more  surely 
that  by  which  he  makes  us  righteous,  because  every- 
thing agreed  thereunto  so  well.  .  .  .  The  expression, 
'  the  righteousness  of  God,"  which  I  so  much  hated 
before,  became  now  dear  and  precious,  my  darling 
and  most  comforting  word ;  and  that  passage  of  Paul 
was,  to  me,  the  true  door  of  Paradise." 

This  long  passage  is  one  of  the  most  interesting 
to  be  found  in  all  Luther's  writings.  Though  we 
are  rarely  able  to  state  positively  the  moment  of 
one's  conversion,  we  may  confidently  affirm  that  this 
paragraph  refers  us  distinctly  to  the  time  when  the 
scales  fell  from  Luther's  eyes,  and  when  he  broke 
through  that  complicated  and  strong  net-work  of 
papal  error  which  had  hitherto  held  him  captive. 
From  this  time  Luther  is  a  new  man.  He  had  a 
footing  of  his  own,  and  felt  the  strength  of  his  foun- 
dation. Although  he  had  almost  every  thing  to 
learn  in  respect  to  this  new  land  of  promise,  he 
knew  that  he  was  in  it. 

Again,  we  learn  to  a  certainty  here,  that  Luther's 
own  mind  laboured  long  and  hard  upon  this  point. 
Nothing  can  be  more  erroneous  than  the  impression 


j£.  21-25.]        CONSECRATION  AS  PRIEST.  113 

received  by  many  from  the  meagre  accounts  com- 
monly given  of  this  struggle,  that  a  few  short  and 
simple  words  of  Staupitz  speedily  set  him  right.  The 
process  was  very  protracted  and  complicated,  and 
the  fierce  contention  between  two  opposite  elements 
was  carried  on  long  and  extended  through  a\\  the 
domain  of  monasticism,  its  habits  and  usages,  its 
Scripture  interpretations,  its  dialectics,  and  the  whole 
mass  of  its  cumbrous  theology.  A  gigantic  effort 
of  intellect  was  requisite  in  order  that  Luther  should 
feel  his  way  out,  in  opposition  to  all  the  scholastic 
and  monastic  influences,  not  only  without  the  aid  of 
the  original  Scriptures,  but  with  a  version  (the 
Vulgate)  in  which  the  key  word  to  this  doctrine  of 
justification  was  rendered  ojjuatitia,  justice,  which, 
with  its  false  glosses,  greatly  increased  the  difficulty. 
But  we  should  err,  if  we  were  to  dilute  this  great 
change  down  to  a  mere  intellectual  process.  Luther 
himself  viewed  it  very  differently,  and  always  repre- 
sented it  as  a  spiritual  transformation,  effected  by  the 
grace  of  God.  He  remarks  on  this  subject,  "Stau- 
pitz  assisted  me,  or  rather  God  through  him.  ...  I 
lay  wretchedly  entangled  in  the  papal  net.  .  .  I 
must  have  perished  in  the  den  of  murderers,  if  God 
had  not  delivered  me.  .  .  .  His  grace  transformed 
me,  and  kept  me  from  going  with  the  enemies  of  the 
gospel,  and  from  joining  them  now  in  shedding  in- 
nocent blood."  Who  can  doubt  that  he  spoke  from 
his  own  experience,  when  he  said,  "As  soon  as  you 
receive  the  knowledge  of  Christ  with  sure  faith,  all 
anger,  fear  and  trembling  vanish  in  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye,  and  nothing  but  pure  compassion  is  seen 
in  God!  Such  knowledge  quickeneth  the  heart  and 
maketh  it  joyful,  and  assured  that  God  is  not  angry 
with  us,  but  tenderly  loveth  us." 
10* 


114  LIFE  OF   LUTHER.  [1505-1508. 

The  remainder  of  the  time  that  Luther  spent  in 
Erfurt,  was  employed  in  the  study  of  the  Christian 
Fathers,  and  especially  the  writings  of  Augustine, 
in  connection  with  the  Scriptures  and  the  doctrine 
of  justification.  That  it  is  a  mistake  to  place  the 
study  of  Augustine  and  others  of  the  church  Fathers, 
except  the  casual  reading  of  them,  at  an  earlier  period, 
is  evident  from  the  account  given  by  Melancthon, 
who  says  it  took  place  after  he  had  ascertained  the 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith.  With  the  works 
of  Augustine  he  became  very  familiar,  and  after- 
ward he  edited  one  of  his  treatises.  In  the  preface, 
he  remarks,  "  I  can  safely  affirm,  from  my  own  ex- 
perience, that  next  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  there  is 
no  writer  of  the  church  who  can  be  compared  with 
Augustine  in  Christian  learning."  Another  favour- 
ite author  with  Luther  at  this  time  was  Gerson,  with 
whose  moral  writings  he  was  particularly  pleased, 
"  because  he  alone,  of  all  the  writers  of  the  church, 
treated  of  spiritual  trials  and  temptations." 


.  25.]          REMOVAL  TO  WITTENBERG.  115 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LUTHER  AS   PROFESSOR   IN   WITTENBERG,    TILL    THE    BEGIN- 
NING   OF    THE    REFORMATION   IN    1517. 

SECTION  I. — Luther's  Removal  to  Wittenberg. 

E  now  come  to 
the  close  of 
an  important 
period  of  Lu- 
ther's life. 
During  a  resi- 
dence of  a  lit- 
tle more  than 
seven  years  in 
Erfurt,  from 
July  17, 1501, 
to  the  autumn 
of  1508,  in 
•which  he  had 
passed  from 
youth  to  the  state  of  manhood,  both  his  intellec- 
tual and  religious  character  underwent  a  great 
transformation.  Four  years  of  time,  devoted  with 
signal  success  to  secular  learning  in  the  university; 
and  nearly  three  and  a  half  to  experimental  religion 
and  to  theology  in  the  monastery,  changed  the  boy, 
who  knew  nothing  of  learning  beyond  the  catechism 
and  Latin  grammar,  and  nothing  of  religion  beyond 
a  gloomy  apprehension  of  it,  and  a  crude  mass  of 
superstitions,  into  a  mature  scholar  and  theologian, 
to  whom  the  young  university  of  Wittenberg  looked 


116  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1508. 

as  to  one  likely  to  increase  its  usefulness  and  its 
fame.  The  appointment  was  very  peculiar.  Such 
was  his  modesty  and  his  reluctance  to  appearing 
abroad  in  any  public  capacity,  that  Staupitz,  as 
provincial  of  the  order,  peremptorily  required  him 
to  repair  to  the  monastery  at  Wittenberg,  and  to 
lecture  there  on  philosophy.  The  conscientious 
monk,  who  had  learned  nothing  more  perfectly  than 
he  had  the  duty  of  obedience,  and  who,  no  doubt, 
would  have  resisted  any  entreaty  and  declined  any 
appointment,  hastened  to  comply  with  the  order,  not 
waiting  even  to  take  leave  of  his  friends,  and  hardly 
providing  hiiuself  with  a  change  of  apparel.  Inas- 
much as  this  event  opens  a  new  period  in  his  life,  in 
which  an  extraordinary  development  of  character  was 
wrought,  and  a  transition  made  from  the  passive 
submission  of  the  monk  to  the  activity  and  control 
of  one  born  to  rule,  it  becomes  necessary,  at  this 
point,  to  pause  and  take  a  survey  of  the  new  thea- 
tre of  action  upon  which  he  was  now  entering,  and 
of  the  widely  different  relations  which  he  was  hence- 
forth to  sustain. 


WITTENBERG. 


Probably  Luther  never  saw  this  place  till  he  went  to 
take  his  station  there  for  life.  And  what  a  station  was 
that !  and  how  did  he  fill  it !  Passing  beyond  Wei- 
mar, Naumburg  and  Leipsic,  and  directing  his  course 
toward  Diiben,  which  is  about  midway  between  Leip- 
sic and  Wittenberg,  he  would  see  spread  out  before 
him  a  rich  arable  tract  of  country,  dotted  with  count- 
less small  villages.  Only  Eilenburg  on  the  right, 
and  Delitsch  on  the  left,  several  miles  distant,  rise  to 
the  dignity  of  towns.  Near  Diiben,  pleasant  wood- 
lands and  fine  meadows  begin  to  appear,  and  extend 


JE.  25.]  WITTENBERG.  117 

far  in  both  directions  along  the  banks  of  the  Mulde. 
A  mile  beyond  that  town,  Luther,  of  course,  entered 
the  Diiben  Heath,  a  desolate,  sandy  region,  seven 
or  eight  miles  in  extent,  covered  with  stunted  trees, 
where  an  equally  stunted  race  of  wood-cutters,  col- 
liers and  manufacturers  of  wooden-ware,  led  a  boor- 
ish life.  Near  the  entrance  of  the  heath  is  a  rock, 
called  Dr.  Luther's  Rock,  with  the  letters  D.  M.  L. 
inscribed  upon  it,  because  he  is  said  to  have  made  a 
pause  here  once  when  on  a  journey,  and  to  have  taken 
a  repast  upon  it.  To  the  right  of  the  heath,  near  the 
Elbe,  is  Schmiedeberg,  whither  the  university  was 
sometimes  temporarily  removed  in  seasons  of  peril. 
Beyond  the  river  is  the  castle  of  Lichtenburg,  where 
Luther  held  an  anxious  interview  with  Spalatin,  in 
1518,  to  determine  whether  he  should  retire  from 
Wittenberg  or  not.  North  of  this  are  Annaburg, 
the  occasional  residence  of  the  electors,  and  the  Clois- 
ter Lochau,  so  often  mentioned  by  Luther.  Directly 
on  his  route,  lay  Kemberg,  which  was  also  connected 
variously  with  the  university.  The  last  place  he 
passed  through  was  Prata,  whose  distance  from  Wit- 
tenberg, he  once  said,  would  give  an  idea  of  the  width 
of  the  Po.  To  the  left  lay  Sagrena,  Carlstadt's 
resort,  when  he  retired  from  the  university,  and 
lived  as  a  peasant.  Beyond  this  were  seen  the 
Elbe  and  the  white  sand  hills,  which  gave  to  Wit- 
tenberg its  name.  The  town  itself,  containing  then 
three  hundred  and  fifty-six  houses,  and  about  two 
thousand  inhabitants,  lay  before  him  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Elbe,  and  two  hundred  rods  distant  from 
it,  in  a  long  oval  form,  with  the  electoral  church 
and  palace  at  the  western  extremity,  the  city  church 
in  the  centre,  and  the  Augusteum  or  university  to- 
ward the  Elster  gate,  at  the  eastern  extremity. 


118  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1508. 

Though  Wittenberg  was  the  capital  of  the  old  elec- 
torate, its  appearance  was  far  from  being  splendid. 
On  the  north  side  are  seen  plains  broken  by  sand- 
hills and  copses  of  wood ;  on  the  south,  a  low  flat 
heath,  behind  which  flowed  the  broad  Elbe,  fringed 
here  and  there  with  willow  and  oak  shrubs.  Many 
wretched  hamlets  were  seen  in  the  distance,  and  the 
city  itself,  if  we  except  the  public  buildings,  was  but 
little  more  than  a  cluster  of  mean  dwellings.  The 
people  were  warlike,  but  so  sensual  that  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  limit  their  convivialities  by 
law.  At  betrothals,  for  example,  nothing  was  al- 
lowed to  be  given  to  the  guests,  except  cakes,  bread, 
cheese,  fruit  and  beer.  The  last  article  so  abounded 
at  Wittenberg,  that  it  was  said,  "  The  cuckoo  could 
be  heard  there  in  winter  evenings;"  speaking,  of 
course,  through  the  throats  of  the  bottles.  There 
were  one  hundred  and  seventy-two  breweries  in  the 
city  in  1513.  Among  the  expenditures  of  the  city, 
recorded  in  the  treasurer's  books,  for  the  ten  years 
preceding  Luther's  arrival,  are  moneys  paid  for  fire- 
arms ;  for  race-grounds,  where  oxen  were  the  prize 
won  in  the  race ;  for  paintings  and  masks  used  in 
plays ;  for  garments,  masks,  rings,  scaffolding,  linen, 
dresses  for  Satan  and  his  companions ;  for  Judas  and 
the  two  thieves,  all  to  be  used  in  the  amusements  of 
Passion-week.  Luther  rarely  speaks  in  praise  of  the 
inhabitants  in  and  about  Wittenberg.  At  one  time, 
he  says,  "The  Saxons  are  neither  agreeable  nor 
civil;"  at  another  time,  "  The  Wittenbergers  trouble 
themselves  neither  about  honour,  courtesy,  nor  reli- 
gion ;  they  do  not  send  their  sons  to  school,  though 
so  many  come  here  from  abroad."  There  seems  to 
have  been  an  almost  entire  destitution  of  lower 
schools  here,  at  that  time,  and  there  was  no  Latin 


JE.  25.]  WITTENBERG.  119 

school  till  1519.  The  first  press  at  Wittenberg,  for 
printing  learned  works,  that  is,  in  the  Latin  lan- 
guage with  the  Roman  type,  was  established  in  the 
Augustinian  cloister,  the  year  after  Luther  became 
an  inmate  there;  and  a  German  press  had  existed 
there  only  five  years  before  his  arrival. 

What  has  just  been  said  will  find  a  sufficient  ex- 
planation in  the  fact  that  Wittenberg  was  situated 
on  the  north-eastern  verge  of  German  civilization, 
being  a  border-town,  between  the  Wends  on  the  east 
and  the  Saxons  on  the  west,  and  being  as  yet  but 
feebly  influenced  by  the  refinements  of  learning, 
which  came  from  the  south  and  the  west,  from  Italy 
and  France.  Cologne,  Heidelberg  and  Erfurt  were 
the  principal  seats  of  learning,  until  Wittenberg,  ten 
years  from  this  time,  came  to  eclipse  them  all,  and 
to  fix  the  source  and  centre  of  illumination  far  to 
the  north. 


THE    UNIVERSITY. 


WITTENBERG  UNIVERSITY  had  been  in  existence 
six  years  when  Luther  was  appointed  professor. 
Until  1507,  it  was  supported  chiefly  from  the  funds 
of  the  Elector  Frederic,  who  now  incorporated  with 
it  the  collegiate  church,  with  all  its  sources  of  in- 
come, and  the  provostships  of  Kemberg  and  Clbden, 
the  parish  of  Orlamiinde,  &c.,  the  canons  of  the  for- 
mer becoming  lecturers  without  cost  or  trouble,  and 
the  incumbents  of  the  latter  providing  vicars  in  their 
churches,  and  removing  to  the  university,  where  they 
lived  upon  their  incomes.  The  university  was  or- 
ganized after  the  model  of  Tubingen,  and  bore  re- 
semblance to  the  university  of  Erfurt.  All  these 
were  less  under  ecclesiastical  control  than  the  univer- 
sities of  Louvain,  Cologne,  Ingoldstadt  and  Leipsic. 


120  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1508. 

The  rector, — who  must  be  unmarried,  and  maintain 
his  dignity  by  studied  seclusion,  and  appear  in  pub- 
lic only  in  great  pomp, — assisted  by  three  reformers, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  superintend  the  instruction, 
and  the  deans  of  the  four  faculties,  constituted  the 
Academic  Senate.  The  university,  contrary  to  the 
usual  custom,  was  under  the  protection  of  the  elector, 
and  not  of  the  pope,  or  a  cardinal,  or  an  archbishop, 
a  circumstance  which  greatly  favoured  the  Reforma- 
tion. None,  therefore,  but  the  elector  could  control 
the  university  from  without,  and  none  but  the  rector 
and  his  assistants,  the  reformers,  could  do  it  from 
within.  These,  however,  had  enough  to  do.  In  the 
very  year  that  Luther  came  there,  the  students  had 
so  insulted  some  of  the  court  of  the  Bishop  of  Bran- 
denburg, that  he  put  the  whole  city  under  the  inter- 
dict, which  was  removed  only  on  the  payment  of  two 
thousand  gulden.  The  year  before,  when  Scheurl, 
a  very  energetic  man,  was  rector,  he  checked  the  pre- 
vailing vice  of  intoxication  among  the  students,  and 
prohibited  the  practice  of  going  armed  with  gun, 
sword  and  knife.  Still,  in  1512,  another  rector  was 
assassinated  by  an  expelled  student;  and  Melanc- 
thon  once  barely  escaped  with  his  life. 

Paul  and  Augustine  were  the  patron  saints  of  the 
theological  faculty,  a  clear  intimation  on  the  part  of 
Staupitz,  the  organizer  and  first  dean  of  this  faculty, 
that  the  theological  system  which  he  had  always 
taught  was  to  be  favoured  here.  Thus  a  place  was 
from  the  beginning  prepared  for  Luther,  who  had 
studied  Paul  most  of  all  the  sacred  writers,  and 
Augustine  most  of  all  the  ecclesiastical.  The  whole 
university  was  to  observe  the  festivals  of  the  saints 
of  each  faculty.  The  faculties  were  the  theological, 
in  which  there  were  four  professors  :  the  law,  in 


JE.  25.]  WITTENBERG. 


121 


which  there  were  five  :  the  medical,  in  which  there 
were  three  :  and  the  philosophical,  including  science 
and  literature,  in  which  there  were  ten.  In  the  the- 
ological faculty  were  Staupitz,  Pollich,  (one  of  the 
founders  of  the  university,)  Truttvetter,  Luther's 
teacher  in  Erfurt,  and  Henning.  Amsdorf  and  Carl- 
stadt  were  teachers  of  the  scholastic  philosophy. 
There  was  as  yet  no  teacher  in  Greek,  Hebrew,  or 
mathematics.  The  number  of  students  who  entered 
that  year  (1508)  was  one  hundred  and  seventy-nine, 
and  the  whole  number  in  the  university  could  not 
have  been  more  than  four  or  five  hundred,  though  it 
amounted  in  a  few  years  to  two  thousand.  As  Lu- 
ther passed  rapidly  through  all  the  degrees  conferred 
in  tneology,  it  becomes  necessary  to  explain  their 
nature.  The  first  was  that  of  biblicw,  though  the 
candidate  ordinarily  knew  little  of  the  Bible  beyond 
a  few  papal  glosses  on  favourite  proof-texts  :  the 
second  was  that  of  sententiarius,  who  could  lecture 
on  the  first  two  books  of  the  Sentences  of  Peter 
Lombardus :  the  third  was  that  of  formatus,  who 
could  lecture  on  the  last  two  books  of  the  same 
author  :  the  fourth  was  that  of  licentiatus,  one 
licensed  to  teach  theology  in  general :  the  fifth  was 
that  of  doctor  of  divinity. 

THE    CHUECHES    AND    ECCLESIASTICAL    EELATIONS     OF   WIT- 
TENBERG. 

WITTENBERG  belonged  to  the  diocese  of  Branden- 
burg, of  which  Scultet  was  bishop,  subject  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  who  at  that  time  and  till 
1513  was  Ernest,  brother  of  the  Elector  Frederic. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Albert,  of  the  Brandenburg 
family,  who  retained  the  see  of  Magdeburg  after  he 
became  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  and,  of  course,  primate 
11 


122  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1508. 

of  Germany.     These,  next  after  Staupitz,  were  Lu- 
ther's ecclesiastical  superiors. 

The  Electoral  Church  (called  also  the  Church  of 
Ursula  and  her  eleven  thousand  virgins,  or  All 
Saints')  gave,  on  account  of  its  innumerable  relics 
and  unprecedented  indulgences,  a  very  superstitious 
air  to  the  religious  character  of  Wittenberg.  In 
1353,  the  elector,  who  had  been  rewarded  for  his 
faithful  services  to  the  King  of  France  by  a  thorn 
from  the  crown  worn  by  Christ,  erected  a  chapel  for 
the  relic,  and  appointed  seven  chaplains.  This  grew 
by  degrees  into  an  important  collegiate  church,  being 
exempted  from  the  bishop's  jurisdiction,  and  exer- 
cising the  right  of  patronage  over  the  other  churches 
of  the  city.  When  vacancies  occurred  in  the  chap^ 
ter,  the  canons,  the  number  of  whom  were  increased 
to  eighty,  were  presented  by  the  elector.  All 
who  worshipped  here  had  forty  days'  indulgence. 
Every  week  occurred  the  anniversary  of  some  saint, 
which  was  announced  every  Sunday,  together  with 
the  relics  to  be  shown.  The  electoral  church, 
which  occupied  the  place  of  that  old  chapel,  was 
erected  by  the  Elector  Frederic,  and  finished  nine 
years  previous  to  Luther's  removal  to  this  place. 
Relics  were  now,  at  great  expense,  collected  from 
every  quarter,  the  pope  and  foreign  ecclesiastics  aid- 
ing those  who  were  engaged  in  the  work.  They 
were  divided  into  eight  classes,  and  shown  in  as 
many  courses  to  superstitious  worshippers.  The 
number  of  the  relics  amounted  to  five  thousand 
and  five,  which  were  enclosed  in  cases  of  wood,  stone, 
glass,  silver  and  gold,  embossed  with  pearls.  Most 
of  them  belonged  to  holy  virgins,  widows,  confessors, 
martyrs,  apostles  and  prophets ;  but  the  eighth 
class,  containing  three  hundred  and  thirty-one,  re- 


2E.  25.]  FREDERIC   THE  WISE. 

latcd  to  Christ,  such  as  garments,  teeth,  hair  in 
abundance,  relics  of  the  children  slain  by  Herod, 
milk  from  the  holy  Virgin,  thread  spun  by  her, 
straw  from  the  manger  in  Bethlehem,  and  fragments 
from  the  cross,  and  from  Mount  Sinai.  Every  per- 
son, to  whom  all  these,  and  another  collection  of 
seventeen  hundred  relics  should  be  shown,  was  en- 
titled to  fourteen  hundred  and  forty-three  years  of 
indulgence  !  equalled  by  no  other  place  in  Christen- 
dom except  Assisi,  the  native  place  of  St.  Franciscus. 
In  this  single  church,  9901  masses  were  said,  and 
85,570  pounds  of  wax  consumed  every  year !  One 
of  the  first  books  printed  at  Wittenburg  after  Luther 
arrived  there,  was  a  "  Description  of  the  Venerable 
Relics,"  with  one  hundred  and  nineteen  wood-cuts. 
This  was  the  church  where  Luther  sometimes  preached, 
where  the  higher  degrees  were  conferred,  and  on 
whose  doors  the  ninety-five  theses  were  posted  up. 
The  city  or  parish  church  where  most  of  Luther's 
sermons  were  delivered,  and  of  which  Pontanus  and 
Bugenhagen  were  successive  pastors,  was  in  another 
part  of  the  town. 

FREDERIC    THE    WISE BORN    1463 DIED    1525. 

THE  reigning  Saxon  family  was  divided  into  two 
branches,  the  Albertine  and  the  Ernestine.  From 
Albert,  (whose  ordinary  residence  was  Dresden,)  de- 
scended Duke  George,  Luther's  bitter  enemy,  and  to 
him  succeeded  first  Henry  and  then  Maurice.  To 
Ernest,  who  resided  sometimes  at  Torgau  and  some- 
times at  Wittenberg,  were  born  four  distinguished 
sons,  the  Elector  Frederic  the  Wise,  who  in  his 
birth  preceded  Luther  twenty  years,  and  in  his  death 
twenty-one ;  Albert,  who  at  the  age  of  eighteen  was 
Archbishop  of  Mainz,  in  1482,  but  died  in  the  same 


124  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1508. 

year ;  Ernest,  who,  after  being  Administrator  of 
Magdeburg  for  several  years,  was  archbishop  from 
1489  to  1513 ;  and  John  the  Constant,  now  asso- 
ciated with  Frederic  in  the  government,  and  in  1525 
his  successor. 

If  we  bear  in  mind  that  the  Archbishops  of 
Magdeburg  and  Mainz  had  large  territories  under 
their  civil  government,  and  actually  had  more  of 
the  character  of  princes  than  of  ecclesiastics,  we  shall 
not  fail  to  perceive  the  great  extent  of  the  Saxon 
dominion  at  the  time  that  the  family  occupied  all 
the  places  above-named.  Hence  the  jealousy  be- 
tween that  house  and  the  house  of  Brandenburg, 
when  Albert,  belonging  to  the  latter,  was  at  the  same 
time  Archbishop  both  in  Magdeburg  and  in  Mainz. 
This  explains  the  circumstance  that  Tetzel,  Albert's 
agent  in  selling  indulgences,  was  coolly  received  in 
Saxony,  but  was  favourably  received  in  all  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  Brandenburg  family. 

Frederic,  like  all  his  brothers,  was  well  educated, 
and  could  write  and  speak  the  Latin  and  French,  be- 
sides the  German.  In  the  absence  of  the  Emperor 
Maximilian,  in  1507,  he  administered  the  affairs  of 
the  empire  in  the  character  of  vicar.  He  had  done 
the  same  before,  and  was  called  to  do  it  once  again  at 
the  important  crisis  in  respect  to  the  Reformation, 
during  the  interval  between  the  death  of  Maximilian 
and  the  election  of  Charles  V.,  in  1519.  He  at- 
tended thirty  diets  in  all,  in  which  he  took  frequently 
the  most  important,  and  never  a  subordinate  part. 
He  was,  for  those  times,  an  admirable  ruler  in  his  own 
territories;  increasing  steadily  the  power  of  the  elec- 
torate, and  commanding  universal  respect  at  home 
and  abroad. 

Though  surnamed  the  Wise,  he  was  rather  virtuous 


2E.  25.]  FREDERIC   THE  WISE.  125 

and  prudent  than  great.  If  he  did  not  regard  the 
interests  of  Saxony  too  much,  he  regarded  those  of 
Germany  too  little.  He  undoubtedly  contributed  his 
share  towards  weakening  and  dividing  the  empire,  by 
uniting  with  other  electors  and  princes  in  raising  the 
states  to  sovereignty  and  independence.  His  patriot- 
ism was  narrower  than  that  of  Ulrich  von  Hutten, 
Francis  von  Sickingen,  or  even  Philip  of  Hesse. 

As  he  was  a  liberal  patron  of  letters,  those  who 
have  written  his  history  were  so  much  indebted  to 
him  that  their  praises  are  to  be  received  with  some 
little  caution.  He  was  a  great  lover  of  peace ;  and  it  is 
said,  that  during  his  reign  blood  never  flowed  in  his 
dominions.  His  private  virtue  was  not  quite  spot- 
less. Luther  complains  that  intoxication  was  too 
much  indulged  in  at  his  court;  that  taxes  were  some- 
times oppressive;  and  that  the  administration  of 
justice  and  of  other  public  affairs  was  often  too  long 
delayed.  But  he  was  remarkably  upright  and  firm. 
When  the  imperial  throne  became  vacant,  he  refused 
all  presents  offered  him  as  elector  by  the  competitors; 
declined  the  imperial  crown  when  offered  to  him; 
and  though  he  favoured  the  election  of  Charles,  he 
was  active  in  limiting  his  authority  by  a  capitulation 
to  be  previously  signed. 

His  cautious  and  hesitating  course  towards  Luther 
and  the  Reformation  was  undoubtedly  favourable; 
inasmuch  as  it  left  the  work  to  depend  on  spiritual 
resources,  and  thereby  kept  it  from  assuming  the 
character  of  a  political  revolution.  He  was  origi- 
nally a  superstitious  but  not  bigoted  papist.  He 
expended  no  less  than  two  hundred  thousand  gulden 
on  his  favourite  collegiate  church  and  its  relics.  He 
made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  accompanied  by  the 
painter  Cranach  and  others.  Of  course  there  could. 
11* 


LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1508. 

at  first,  be  but  little  sympathy  between  him  and 
Luther. 

SECTION  II. — Luther's  early  Labours  in  Wittenberg. 

WE  are  now  prepared  to  follow  Luther  in  the  new 
scene  of  his  labours.  The  precise  time  of  his  jour- 
ney thither  is  not  known,  but  as  we  find  his  name 
entered  as  teacher  in  the  winter  semester,  or  half- 
year  term,  of  1508-1509,  we  may  infer  that  he  was 
probably  on  the  ground  by  November,  to  commence 
the  term.  Luther,  who  had  so  long  resided  in  the 
large  and  beautiful  city  of  Erfurt,  and,  before  that, 
in  Eisenach  and  Magdeburg,  sensibly  felt  the  change 
when  he  came  to  a  little,  unattractive  town,  consist- 
ing mostly  of  a  cluster  of  low  houses,  with  mud  walls 
and  thatched  roofs.  "  I  wondered,"  said  he,  "  that 
a  university  should  be  placed  here."  As  monk,  he 
found  his  new  home  in  the  Augustinian  cloister,  which 
the  elector  was  then  rebuilding.  How  little  did 
Frederic,  while  preparing  that  apartment,  which  is 
still  preserved,  or  brother  Martin,  when  taking  up  his 
residence  there,  which  he  never  afterwards  changed, 
think  that  in  this  obscure  place  should  be  forged 
the  weapons,  and  from  it -the  missiles  be  showered 
forth  which,  in  connection  with  other  agencies,  should 
put  to  flight  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  change  the 
destinies  of  nearly  all  the  north  of  Europe  !  Parts 
of  the  building  it  was  necessary  to  take  down  during 
Luther's  lifetime,  at  which  it  was  natural  that  he 
should  feel  sad.  "  If  I  should  live  another  year," 
he  remarked  with  emotion,  "  I  must  behold  the  re- 
moval of  my  poor  little  room,  from  whence  I  have 
stormed  the  pope,  for  which  cause  it  deserves  to  stand 
for  ever." 


M.  25.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  127 

He  commenced  his  labours  by  lecturing  on  the 
dialectics  and  physics  of  Aristotle,  without  salary  or 
tuition  fees.  It  is  remarkable  that  he  never  received 
any  thing  from  students  for  his  labours,  nor  from 
booksellers  for  his  writings.*  After  he  laid  aside 
the  cowl,  the  elector  gave  him  an  allowance  of  two 
hundred  gulden  a  year. 

From  the  change  through  which  Luther's  mind 
had  recently  passed,  and  from  the  fresh  interest  he 
now  took  in  the  study  of  the  Bible  and  of  theology, 
we  might  infer  that  the  Aristotelian  philosophy 
would  have  few  attractions  for  him.  It  was  indeed 
with  reluctance  that  he  turned  away  from  his  favour- 
ite studies,  and  laid  out  all  his  strength  in  preparing 
for  his  philosophical  lectures.  So  entirely  was  he 
obliged  to  surrender  himself  to  his  new  occupation 
that  he  could  not  find  time  to  write  to  his  most  inti- 
mate friends.  A  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  old 
acquaintance,  Braun,  in  Eisenach,  a  week  after  he 
was  transferred  to  the  department  of  theology,  un- 
bossoms  to  us  his  feelings  during  the  first  few  months 
of  his  residence  at  Wittenberg.  "  That  I  came  off," 
he  writes,  March  17,  1509,  "without  saying  a  word 
unto  you,  you  must  not  marvel.  For  so  sudden 
was  my  departure  that  my  closest  friends  there 
hardly  knew  it.  I  would  fain  have  written  unto  you, 
but  could  not  then  for  lack  of  time,  and  could  only 
but  grieve  that  I  was  constrained  to  fly  away  in  such 
haste,  without  bidding  you  farewell.  But  now,  at 
God's  command,  or  by  his  permission,  I  am  here  in 

*  The  publishers  of  his  works  offered  him  four  hundred 
florins  a  year,  if  he  would  give  them  his  manuscripts ; 
but  he  refused  "  to  make  merchandise  of  the  gifts  with 
which  God  had  endowed  him." 


128  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1509. 

Wittenberg.  Would  you  know  my  state  and  con- 
dition, I  would  say  it  is,  by  God's  favour,  very  good, 
saving  that  I  must  force  myself  unto  my  studies,  espe- 
cially philosophy,  before  which  I  preferred  theology 
from  the  beginning.  I  mean  that  theology  which 
Beeketh  for  the  inside  of  the  nut,  for  the  kernel  of 
the  wheat  beneath  the  husk,  for  the  marrow  within 
the  bone.  But  G-od  is  God,  and  man  often,  nay, 
always,  erreth  in  his  judgment.  This  is  our  God, 
and  he  shall  guide  us  in  his  loving-kindness  for  ever." 
The  circumstance  that  within  about  four  months 
he  became  lecturer,  or  elementary  teacher,  in  theo- 
logy, renders  it  highly  probable  that  Staupitz,  and 
perhaps  himself,  considered  his  first  appointment  as 
merely  preparatory  to  the  second.  At  any  rate,  the 
ninth  of  March  was  a  joyful  day  to  him.  In  the 
university  book,  where  his  name  is  registered,  we  find 
the  amusing  remark  :  "  On  the  ninth  of  March,  mas- 
ter (i.  e.,  A.  M.)  Martin  was  admitted  to  the  Bible, 
(i.  e.,  made  biblicus,}  but  being  called  away  to  Er- 
furt hath  not  unto  this  time  paid  his  fee."  In  the 
margin  is  added,  in  Luther's  own  hand,  "  And  neveij 
will.  I  was  then  poor,  and  under  the  rule  of  monas- 
tic obedience,  and  had  nothing  to  give.  Let  Erfurt 

pay." 

The  biblical  bachelors  knew  nothing  of  the  original 
languages  of  the  Bible,  nor  did  they  in  any  respect 
resemble  the  modern  professors  of  biblical  literature. 
They  merely  studied  the  interpretations,  or  select 
passages  of  Scripture,  given  by  the  fathers,  the  popes 
and  the  councils.  The  study  was  but  a  superficial 
and  hasty  preparation  for  reading  the  books  of  sen- 
tences. According  to  the  laws  of  the  Wittenberg 
university,  the  biblical  teacher  must  promise  to  teach 
the  Scriptures  one  year,  or,  if  he  was  a  monk;  half 


JE.  25.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  129 

a-year.  In  the  programme  of  lectures  for  the  year 
1507,  the  only  one  extant  of  that  period,  no  lecturer 
of  this  kind  is  mentioned,  and  but  little  account  was 
generally  made  of  that  office.  Though  Luther  could 
not  now  read  the  Scriptures  in  the  original  languages, 
nor  the  Greek  fathers  except  through  Latin  transla- 
tions, his  present  views  of  theology,  and  his  love  of 
the  Bible  led  him  to  enter  upon  his  official  duties 
with  an  unprecedented  earnestness  and  zeal.  To 
this  and  the  following  period  he  refers  in  a  work  pub- 
lished in  1539,  in  which,  speaking  of  the  assurance 
and  yet  the  ignorance  of  his  opponents,  he  says,  "  I 
have  also  read  the  Fathers,  and  that,  too,  before  I 
set  myself  in  such  stiff  opposition  to  the  pope.  I 
read  them,  too,  with  much  more  diligence  than  they 
have  done  who  now  bring  them  arrogantly  and  vaunt- 
ingly  against  me.  For  I  know  that  not  one  of  them 
hath  ever  undertaken  to  lecture  in  the  schools  on  a 
single  book  of  the  Bible,  and  make  use  of  the  writ- 
ings of  the  Fathers  as  helps,  as  I  have  done.  Let 
them  take  up  a  book  of  the  Bible,  and  look  for  the 
glosses  to  be  found  in  the  Fathers,  and  it  then  will 
be  with  them  as  it  was  with  me  when  I  took  up  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  with  the  aid  of  Chrysostom's 
commentary ;  Titus  and  Galatians,  with  the  aid  of 
Jerome;  Genesis,  with  the  help  of  Ambrose  and 
Augustine;  and  the  Psalms  with  all  the  helps  that 
could  be  found,  and  so  of  other  books." 

The  impression,  therefore,  which  his  biblical  lec- 
tures at  first  made,  must  have  depended  more  on  his 
having  thrown  his  heart  into  it,  and  exhibited  boldly 
and  clearly  some  long  forgotten  doctrinal  truths 
than  upon  his  mastery  of  biblical  studies. 


130  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1500. 


HIS    RELUCTANCE    TO    PKEACH. 

THE  monastic  shyness  and  timidity  which  he  had 
before  manifested  adhered  to  him  still.  Being 
called  upon  about  this  time,  probably  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1509,  by  Staupitz  to  preach,  he  manifested 
extreme  reluctance.  "  It  is  no  little  matter,"  said 
he,  "  to  appear  in  place  of  God  before  the  people, 
and  to  preach  to  them."  As  they  were  one  day  sit- 
ting in  the  cloister-garden,  refreshing  themselves  in 
the  shade  of  a  certain  pear-tree,  which  was  a  place 
of  frequent  resort,  the  case  was  long  argued  between 
them,  and  Luther  at  length  yielded.  His  own  ac- 
count of  the  interview  is  thus  given  in  the  Table- 
Talk.  "  I  had  fifteen  arguments  with  which  I  pur- 
posed, under  this  pear-tree,  to  refuse  my  vocation ; 
but  they  could  nothing  avail.  At  the  last  I  said, 
Dr.  Staupitz,  you  will  be  the  death  of  me,  for  I  can- 
not live  under  it  three  months.  Very  well,  in  God's 
name,  go  on  !  Our  Lord  God  hath  many  great  things 
to  do :  he  hath  need  of  wise  folks  in  heaven,  too." 
He  was,  at  the  time  he  made  this  remark,  sitting 
in  the  same  place  with  his  friend  Antony  Lauterbach, 
who  was  telling  how  much  difficulty,  trial  and  weak- 
ness, he  experienced  in  preaching.  "  My  dear  sir," 
said  Luther,  "  it  hath  gone  even  so  with  me.  I  had 
as  great  a  dread  and  terror  of  the  pulpit  as  you 
have ;  yet  was  I  compelled  to  go  right  onward.  I 
was  constrained  to  preach,  and  to  make  a  beginning 
in  the  refectory  with  the  brethren.  Oh,  what  a 
horror  I  had  of  the  pulpit !"  The  spot  where  Lu- 
ther first  preached,  is  thus  described  by  Myconius. 
"  In  the  new  Augustinian  cloister  at  Wittenberg,  the 
foundations  of  a  chapel  had  indeed  been  laid,  but 
the  walls  were  raised  no  higher  than  to  a  level  with 


M.  26.]  RELUCTANCE   TO   PREACH.  131 

the  ground.  Within  them  was  yet  standing  a  little 
old  wooden  chapel,  about  thirty  feet  long  and  twenty 
wide,  the  timbers  thereof  being  laid  in  mortar,  very 
much  leaning,  and  propped  up  on  all  sides.  By  the 
wall  on  the  south  side  was  to  be  seen  a  pulpit  of  old 
rough-hewn  planks,  raised  about  an  ell  and  a  half 
from  the  floor.  ...  In  this  poor  little  chapel  did 
God  cause  his  holy  gospel,  and  his  dear  child  Jesus 
to  be  born  anew.  It  was  no  minster  or  great  cathe- 
dral, though  there  were  many  thousands  of  them, 
that  God  chose  for  this  purpose.  But  soon  this 
chapel  was  too  strait,  and  Luther  was  called  to  preach 
in  the  parish  church." 

How  Luther  overcame  his  timidity  in  preaching, 
he  himself  informs  us.  "  When  a  preacher  for  the 
first  time  goeth  into  the  pulpit,  no  one  would  believe 
how  fearful  he  is,  he  seeth  so  many  heads  before  him. 
When  I  go  up  into  the  pulpit,  I  do  not  look  upon 
any  one.  I  think  them  to  be  only  so  many  blocks 
before  me,  and  I  speak  out  the  words  of  my  God." 

Creuziger  once  said  to  Melancthon,  "I  do  not 
like  to  see  you  at  my  lectures."  "  Nor  do  I,"  said 
Luther,  "  at  mine,  or  at  my  pulpit  discourses ;  but 
I  bring  the  cross  right  before  me,  think  Melancthon, 
Jonas,  Pomeranus,  &c.,  are  not  present,  and  count 
no  one  to  be  wiser  in  the  pulpit  than  myself." 


132  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1510. 


SECTION  III. — Journey  to  Rome. 

LUTHER'S  visit  to  Home  was  of  such  consequence 
to  him,  that  it  demands  our  special  attention.  He 
travelled  on  foot  with  a  brother,  whose  name  is  not 
mentioned,  and,  according  to  general  usage,  passed 
the  nights  in  the  various  convents  of  his  order  that 
lay  in  his  route.  Travelling  as  a  pilgrim  to  the 
holy  apostolical  see,  with  little  intercourse,  except 
with  sequestered  monks,  he  would  not  be  likely  to 
make  all  the  observations  upon  the  countries  through 
which  he  passed,  and  their  inhabitants,  which  would 
be  expected  of  the  curious  traveller. 

The  first  resting-place,  of  which  any  account  is  pre- 
served on  this  journey,  was  at  Heidelberg,  whither  he 
was  accompanied  by  Staupitz.  The  chronicle  of  that 
city  speaks  of  his  visiting  it  "in  1510,  when  he  was 
sent  by  the  convent  of  the  Augustinians  to  Rome." 
While  there,  he  preached  and  engaged,  as  was  usual, 
with  the  learned  monks,  in  public  disputations.  His 
journey  now  took  a  south-easterly  direction  through 
Suabia  into  Bavaria.  Tradition  mentions  Munich 
as  one  of  the  places  at  which  he  called  as  he  pro- 
ceeded on  his  way.  The  last  point  mentioned  in 
Germany  is  Ftissen,  at  the  Tyrol  pass,  and  the  first 
in  Italy  is  Milan.  He  consequently  took  a  south- 
westerly direction  in  crossing  the  Alps,  and  passed 
near  to  Lake  Como. 

Some  of  his  remarks  on  the  character  of  the 
people,  and  of  the  countries,  which  fell  under  his 
observation,  are  not  a  little  amusing.  We  will 
quote  his  own  words.  "  Were  I  to  travel  much, 
I  would  go  nowhere  of  a  readier  will  than  into 
Suabia  and  Bavaria ;  for  there  the  people  are  kind 


JE.  26.]  IN  ROME.  133 

hearted  and  hospitable,  and  are  forward  to  treat 
strangers  and  pilgrims  charitably,  and  give  them  full 
their  money's  worth."  "When,  in  1510,  I  was 
journeying  to  Rome  through  Milan,  I  perceived  that 
a  different  mass-service  was  used  there,  and  was  told 
I  conld  not  join  in  the  celebration,  because  they 
were  Ambrosians."  He  speaks  of  Lombardy,  as 
"  a  goodly  and  pleasant  country,"  as  "a  valley  a  hun- 
dred miles  wide,  on  both  sides  of  the  Po,  (which  is 
as  wide  as  from  Wittenberg  to  Prata,)  extending 
from  the  Alps  to  the  Apennines."  He  adds,  "  In 
Lombardy,  on  the  Po,  is  a  very  rich  Benedictine 
cloister,  with  a  yearly  income  of  thirty-six  thousand 
florins.  Of  eating  and  feasting,  there  is  no  lack, 
for  that  twelve  thousand  florins  are  consumed  upon 
guests,  and  as  large  a  sum  upon  building.  The  re- 
sidue goeth  to  the  convent  and  the  brethren.  I  was 
in  that  cloister,  and  was  received  and  treated  with 
honour."  The  air  of  Italy  was  so  pestilential  that 
it  was  necessary  to  exclude  it  entirely  during  the 
night  by  closing  the  windows.  "  That,"  said  he, 
"  did  I  and  my  brother  experience.  When  we  were 
in  Italy,  (near  Padua,)  on  our  way  to  Rome,  we 
slept  at  one  time  till  six  in  the  morning,  with  our 
windows  open,  and  when  we  rfwoke,  we  found  our 
heads  so  stopped  with  catarrh,  and  so  heavy  and 
void  of  sense,  that  we  could  travel  that  day  but 
only  five  miles."  At  Bologna,  he  was  taken  so  ill 
that  he  despaired  of  recovery.  His  mind  reverted 
in  its  anxiety  to  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  his  newly 
adopted  creed,  the  only  point  on  which  a  clear  light 
had  begun  to  shine,  and  he  drew  consolation  from 
those  words,  which  three  years  before  gave  new  life 
to  his  soul,  "  The  just  shall  live  by  faith."  During 
all  his  journey,  this  memorable  passage  would  ever 
12 


134  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1510. 

and  anon  occur  to  his  memory.  He  speaks  with 
admiration  of  the  foundling  and  other  excellent  hos- 
pitals which  he  saw  at  Florence,  and  gives  evident 
signs  of  satisfaction  at  the  honourable  mention  of 
the  name  of  the  Emperor  Frederic,  of  Germany, 
whose  sayings  were  still  preserved  among  the  people. 
At  length  he  came  in  sight  of  Rome,  whereupon, 
with  the  feelings  of  a  pilgrim  who  has  reached  the 
hallowed  spot  of  his  most  earnest  longings,  he  fell 
prostrate  to  the  ground,  and  raised  his  hands,  and 
said,  "Hail,  sacred  Rome,  thrice  sacred  for  the 
blood  of  the  martyrs  here  shed  I" 


LUTHER    IN    ROME. 


CICERO  and  Julius  Caesar  would  hardly  have 
recognised  the  ecclesiastical  city  which  Luther  has 
just  greeted,  and  with  scarcely  less  difficulty  would 
he  recognise  the  Rome  of  the  present  day.  Its  hills, 
indeed,  are  the  same,  and  the  same  Tiber  flows  there 
still.  But  Alaric,  Genseric,  Ricimer,  and  Totila 
had  been  there,  and  desolation  reigned  on  many 
of  the  seven  hills.  Another  priesthood,  and  a  people 
of  another  faith  were  there ;  and  instead  of  the 
temples  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  of  Esculapius  and 
of  Apollo,  were  to  be  seen  St.  Peter's,  the  Lateran 
and  Santa  Maria  Maggiore.  Modern  Rome  was  not 
yet  in  full  existence.  The  residences  of  the  great 
were  still  chiefly  within  the  angle  made  by  the 
curve  of  the  Tiber,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Campus 
Martius  and  the  Circus. 

Luther  entered  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  its  north- 
ern gate.  Near  it  was  the  Augustinian  monas- 
tery, where  he  is  said  to  have  taken  his  lodg- 
ings and  to  have  held  mass  as  soon  as  he  entered 
the  city.  On  his  right,  across  the  river,  and  be- 


JE   26.]  IN  ROME.  135 

yond  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  was  seen  the  half- 
finished  St.  Peter's,  which  had  been  begun  and  was 
now  carried  on  by  Pope  Julius,  that  lover  of  war 
and  of  architecture.  It  was  finished  at  a  later  period 
by  Leo,  who  was  equally  fond  of  splendour,  and 
who  in  the  arts  of  peace  was  as  heathenish  as  his 
predecessor  was  in  the  arts  of  war.  As  one  enters 
the  gate  above  mentioned,  he  finds  himself  in  a 
square,  from  which  diverge  three  long  streets,  in 
nearly  direct*  lines,  the  one  on  the  right  running  to 
the  Campus  Martius  and  near  to  the  Pantheon ;  the 
one  in  front  passing  directly  to  the  old  Capitol  and 
Forum ;  the  one  on  the  left  passing  in  a  south-east- 
erly direction  across  the  Quirinal  and  Viminal  hills, 
leaving  the  Diocletian  Baths  to  the  left,  and  extend- 
ing to  the  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  which,  with  the 
Lateran,  are  next  in  splendour  to  St.  Peter's.  The 
Lateran,  the  proper  parish  church  of  the  pope,  and 
"  the  mother  and  head  of  all  the  churches  of  the 
world,"  is  about  half  as  much  farther,  and  near  the 
walls  of  the  city.  Directly  south  of  this,  and  two 
miles  beyond  the  walls  is  St.  Sebastian's  church, 
built  directly  over  the  catacombs.  West  from  the 
latter,  near  the  bank  of  the  Tiber  and  a  mile  below 
the  city,  is  St.  Paul's,  next  in  magnitude  to  St. 
Peters. 

This  introductory  view  Will  enable  us  to  follow 
Luther  in  his  frequent  visits  to  the  sacred  places  in 
Home,  and  to  perceive  the  full  import  of  his  casual 
observations.  Fortunately,  a  guide-book  for  pilgrims, 
— Mirabilia  Romve,  the  Wonders  of  Rome — had  been 
prepared  and  was  reprinted  the  very  year  of  Luther's 
pilgrimage.  Of  the  general  appearance  of  the  city, 
he  remarks,  "  Rome,  as  it  now  appeareth,  is  but  a 
dead  carcase  compared  with  its  ancient  splendour. 


136  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1510. 

The  houses  now  rest  on  ground  as  high  as  the  roofs 
once  stood,  so  deep  are  the  ruins.  This  do  we  per- 
ceive at  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  where  the  ruins 
reacli  perpendicularly  to  the  length  of  two  spears, 
such  as  are  used  by  our  troops."  "  Rome,  where  the 
most  magnificent  buildings  once  stood  was  razed  to  the 
ground  by  the  Goths.  On  the  hill,  and  the  Capitol, 
stands  a  Franciscan  convent."  "  Rome,  as  I  saw  it, 
is  full  five  miles  in  circumference.  The  vestiges 
where  ancient  Rome  stood  can  scarcely  be  traced. 
The  theatre  and  the  Baths  of  Diocletian  are  still  to 
be  seen.  .  .  .  The  erection  of  St.  Peter's  has  lasted 
more  than  thirteen  hundred  years,  (including  the 
old  building,)  and  upon  it  a  huge  sum  of  money  has 
been  expended."  "  In  the  Pantheon  at  Rome,  now 
converted  into  a  church,  are  representations  in  paint- 
ings of  all  the  gods.  .  .  .  When  I  was  there,  I  saw 
this  church.  It  had  no  windows,  but  was  one  high 
vault,  with  an  opening  above  to  admit  the  light.  It 
had  large  marble  pillars,  which  could  hardly  be  com- 
passed by  two  men  with  their  arms  extended." 

Luther  visited  Rome  as  a  pilgrim.  Twice  while 
in  Erfurt  had  he  vowed  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to 
Rome;  and  he  himself  affirms  that  he  made  the 
journey  in  consequence  of  his  vows.  This  state- 
ment does  not,  however,  stand  in  the  way  of  his 
having  other  objects  to  accomplish  at  the  same  time. 
Rome  was  then  regarded  as  second  only  to  Jerusalem 
in  sacredness.  The  soil  was  supposed  to  be  hal- 
lowed, not  only  by  the  graves  of  thousands  of  martyrs, 
and  many  Roman  bishops,  but  of  the  apostles  Peter 
and  Paul.  Pilgrims  came  in  multitudes,  sometimes 
two  hundred  thousand  at  a  time,  to  visit  this  sacred 
city. 

"The  "Wonders  of  Rome,"  the   guide-book  al- 


2E.  26.]  IN  ROME.  137 

ready  mentioned,  describes  the  stations,  tke  relics, 
and  the  indulgences,  especially  those  connected  with 
the  seven  principal  churches.  The  Lateran  church 
had  power  to  give  as  many  days  of  indulgence  as 
the  drops  of  rain  which  would  fall  in  three  days  and 
nights.  Each  chapel  belonging  to  the  group  of  the 
Lateran  buildings,  each  altar  and  relic,  had,  more- 
over, its  particular  number  of  indulgences.  Instruc- 
tions are  given  how  to  deliver  souls  from  purgatory 
by  means  of  Pater  nosters  and  Ave  Marias.  When 
Luther  was  there  paying  his  devotions,  with  fran- 
tic zeal  like  the  rest  of  the  infatuated  multitude,  he 
regretted,  as  he  says,  that  his  father  and  mother 
were  both  living,  so  desirous  was  he  to  release  their 
souls  from  purgatory.  He  afterwards  alludes  to  this 
insane  passion  with  bitter  scorn  and  contempt,  say- 
ing, "  How  gladly  would  I  then  have  made  my 
mother  happy,  but  was  denied  the  opportunity,  and 
must  content  myself  with  a  good  dried  herring !" 
"  Such  a  foolish  saint  was  I,  running  to  all  the 
churches  and  sepulchres,  and  believing  all  the  piti- 
able stories  that  were  told  me." 

According  to  the  same  book,  one  may  obtain  every 
day  at  the  high  altar  of  St.  Peter's  eighteen  years 
indulgence  and  eighteen  carenas,  each  carena  being 
equal  to  seven  years  and  forty  days'  fasting.  All 
the  past  sins  of  every  visitor  who  comes  with  good 
intention  can  be  forgiven.  He  who  devoutly  goes 
up  and  down  the  stair-way  to  St.  Peter's,  has  a 
thousand  years'  indulgence  in  respect  to  penance  im- 
posed; and  seven  times  as  much  if  he  look  at  the 
handkerchief  of  St.  Veronica  containing  the  like- 
ness of  the  Saviour.  Luther  went  up  those  stairs 
on  his  knees  to  obtain  the  large  indulgence  pro- 
mised ;  but  while  he  was  so  doing  a  voice  like  thun- 
12* 


138  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1610. 

der  seemed  to  say  to  him,  "The  just  shall  live  by 
faith."  No  wonder  that  his  former  experience  should 
come  up  like  a  spectre  before  him,  and  rebuke  his 
idolatrous  worship.  His  mind  was  then  like  a  field 
overgrown  with  briars  and  thorns,  in  which,  how- 
ever, one  good  germ  had  taken  root,  that  was  soon 
to  produce  a  great  fruit-bearing  tree — one  which 
should  overshadow  all  the  rest  and  take  up  the 
strength  of  the  soil. 

In  regard  to  the  pretended  handkerchief  which 
St.  Veronica  is  said  to  have  given  to  Christ  in  his 
agony  to  wipe  off  his  sweat,  and  upon  which,  when 
applied  to  his  face,  his  likeness  was  miraculously 
impressed,  Luther  remarks,  evidently  from  personal 
observation :  "  It  is  nothing  but  a  black  square 
board,  with  a  cloth  hung  before  it,  and  before  that 
another  which  is  raised  when  the  Veronica  is  shown. 
The  poor  besotted  pilgrim  can  see  nothing  but  a 
cloth  before  a  black  tablet.  That  is  what  they  call 
seeing  the  Veronica ;  and  with  such  low  falsehoods 
are  connected  great  devotion  and  large  indulgences." 
There  was  never  such  a  person  as  Veronica;  and 
the  name  was  unknown  till  the  Middle  Ages.  It 
is  the  corruption,  as  Mabillon  and  others  have  shown, 
of  the  two  words  vcra  and  icon,  a  true  image,  which 
were  inscribed  beneath  paintings  of  Christ's  counte- 
nance upon  cloth. 

Luther,  while  credulously  gazing  at  such  sacred 
relics  in  St.  Peter's  church,  saw  also  the  heads  of 
the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  in  the  court  before  the 
church.  "  They  boast  at  Rome  of  having  the  heads 
of  Peter  and  Paul,  and  show  them  as  sacred  relics, 
though  they  are  nothing  but  wooden  heads,  made 
by  a  bungling  artist.  I  can  boldly  affirm,  according 
to  what  I  myself  have  seen  and  heard  at  Rome,  that 


JE.  26.]  IN  ROME.  139 

no  one  there  knows  where  the  bodies  of  St.  Paul 
and  Peter  lie.  .  .  The  popes  show  every  year  (on 
St.  Peter  and  Paul's  day)  to  the  blind  and  silly 
populace  two  heads  of  Peter  and  Paul,  carved  in 
wood,  and  would  fain  make  them  believe  that  these 
are  the  veritable  skulls  of  Peter  and  Paul ;  and  on 
the  altar  where  these  heads  are  preserved,  the  pal- 
liums  of  the  bishops  are  consecrated." 

Of  the  catacombs  of  Rome,  which  extended  all 
along  the  eastern  part  of  the  city  and  the  adjacent 
country,  from  the  church  of  St.  Sebastian  or  St.  Ca- 
lixtus  to  that  of  St.  Agnes  without  the  walls,  Lu- 
ther speaks  more  than  once.  They  evidently  filled 
his  imagination,  as  well  they  might,  more  completely 
than  any  thing  else  he  saw  at  Rome.  In  early 
times,  great  excavations  were  made  under  the  city 
to  furnish  stone  and  sand  for  building.  In  this 
complete  net-work  of  subterranean  passages,  the 
Christians  secreted  themselves  during  the  persecu- 
tions, buried  all  their  dead  there  for  two  or  three 
centuries,  placing  them  in  niches  at  the  sides  of  the 
passages;  and  built  small  chapels  near  the  bodies  of 
the  martyrs,  where  they  resorted  for  prayer  and 
the  communion  service. 

Thus,  while  pagan  Rome  was  in  the  light  of 
day  above,  living  in  splendour  and  luxury,  and 
putting  the  Christians  to  death,  or  driving  them 
from  the  abodes  of  men,  Christian  Rome,  beneath 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  "the  church  in  the  ca- 
tacombs" as  Maitland  calls  it,  was  preparing  to 
come  forth  from  her  caverns  and  take  possession 
of  the  city  above.  "At  Rome,"  says  Luther,  "by 
the  church  of  St.  Calixtua  (or  St.  Sebastian)  lie 
in  one  vault,  as  is  said,  more  than  eight  thousand 
martyrs,  and  that  is  a  most  sacred  spot.  Under  the 


140  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  ['lolO. 

church,  enclosed  in  sarcophagi,  lie  one  hundred  and 
seventy-six  thousand  holy  bodies,  and  forty -five  popes 
who  were  martyrs.  The  place  is  called  the  Crypt. 
For  full  three  hundred  years  did  the  persecutions 
rage ;  and  they  rose  to  such  a  pitch  of  fury  that,  as 
we  learn  from  history,  seventy  thousand  martyrs 
were  slain  in  the  empire  in  one  day.  There  is  still 
to  he  seen  at  Rome  a  burial-place,  where,  as  it  is  said, 
eighty  thousand  martyrs  and  forty-six  hishops  lie." 
The  exaggeration  in  these  accounts  which  were  given 
to  Luther?  consists  not  so  much  in  the  numbers  of 
the  dead,  as  in  pronouncing  them,  on  fallacious 
grounds,  martyrs.  These  catacombs,  which  were 
closed  in  Luther's  time,  as  they  had  been  during 
all  the  Middle  Ages,  have  since  been  opened,  and 
their  contents,  containing  a  wonderful  history  in 
the  inscriptions,  placed  in  the  Vatican. 

But  Luther  saw  other  things  which  shocked  his 
feelings,  though  they  did  not  then  shake  his  faith. 
Afterwards,  when  he  came  to  understand  the  true 
character  of  the  papacy,  the  recollections  of  what  he 
had  seen  at  Rome  were  constantly  springing  up  in 
his  mind  as  illustrations  of  the  most  shocking  cor- 
ruption of  the  church.  "  The  pope,"  he  observes, 
"  moves  as  if  making  a  triumphal  entry,  with  beau- 
tiful and  richly  caparisoned  horses  before  him,  and 
he  himself  bears  the  sacrament  upon  a  splendid 
white  palfrey."  "At  Rome,  when  they  pronounce 
the  ban  of  excommunication,  about  twenty  cardinals 
sit  and  throw  from  them  burning  torches,  extinguish- 
ing them  by  the  cast,  thereby  showing  that  the  well- 
being  and  salvation  of  the  persons  so  excommunicated 
will  be  extinguished  in  like  manner.  And  (as  a  little 
bell  was  rung  at  the  same  time)  this  ceremony  was 
called  lighting  and  tinkling  a  man."  Little  did 


M.  26.]  IN  ROME.  141 

Luther  think  while  learning  such  things  at  Rome 
that  he  was  one  day  to  be  thus  "lighted  and  tinkled." 
In  another  place  he  says,  "I  have  been  in  Rome, 
have  held  many  mass-services  there,  and-  have  seen 
others  hold  many  in  a  way  that  filleth  me  with 
horror  when  I  think  thereupon."  In  the  following, 
he  seems  to  speak  as  one  who  had  been  an  eye-wit- 
ness. "What  Christian  can,  without  pain,  observe 
that  the  pope,  when  he  is  to  partake  of  the  com- 
munion, sitteth  still  like  a  gracious  lord,  and  niaketh 
a  cardinal,  with  bended  knee,  reach  to  him  the  sacra- 
ment in  a  golden  tube  !"  He  speaks  of  the  revolt- 
ing licentiousness  which,  prevailed  even  among  the 
cardinals  whom  he  saw,  and  pronounces  the  Roman 
court  a  brothel.  He  adds,  "  I  myself  have  heard 
people  say  openly,  in  the  streets  of  Roine,  if  there 
be  a  hell,  Rome  is  built  upon  it."  He  once  said  he 
would  not  take  one  hundred  thousand  florins  for 
what  he  had  seen  at  Rome ;  "  we  speak  of  what  we 
have  seen."  Still  all  these  abominations  did  not 
alienate  Luther  from  the  Roman  church.  He 
revered  her,  in  spite  of  the  sins  of  pope  and  cardinal, 
monk  and  priest.  As  late  as  1519,  he  could  say, 
"  The  Roman  church  is  honoured  of  God  above  all 
others.  .  .  There  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  forty- 
six  popes  and  many  thousand  martyrs  did  shed  their 
blood.  .  .  Though,  alas !  it  is  not  as  it  should  be 
at  Rome,  notwithstanding  there  is,  and  can  be,  no 
reason  for  separating  from  it." 


142  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1512. 


SECTION  IV. — Luther  at  Wittenberg  again. 

OF  his  return  from  Rome,  and  of  his  studies  and 
occupations  for  the  next  succeeding  year  or  two  but 
little  is  known.  The  first  important  event  after  that 
period  is  his  promotion  in  theology,  in  1512.  He 
had  taken  the  second  degree,  or  that  of  sententiarius, 
during  the  interval,  probably  in  1511,  both  at  Wit- 
tenberg and  at  Erfurt.  Of  the  singular  dispute 
which  afterwards  arose  between  him  and  the  monks 
of  Erfurt  on  this  subject,  mention  will  be  made 
elsewhere. 

Staupitz,  who  had  interested  himself  so  deeply  in 
Luther's  welfare  ever  since  his  first  acquaintance 
with  him,  and  who,  for  the  benefit  of  the  church, 
had  undertaken  to  guide  his  steps,  was  not  disap- 
pointed in  the  hopes  he  had  entertained  of  his  young 
friend.  He  had  already  made  him  reader  at  table 
in  the  monastery,  substituting  the  Scriptures  in  the 
place  of  Augustine's  writings,  which  had  hitherto 
been  read  to  the  monks  during  meal  times.  He 
was  raised  to  the  rank  of  licentiate  in  theology,  (the 
next  degree  above  sententiarius,)  the  4th  of  October, 
1512,  and  finally  to  the  degree  of  doctor  of  divinity, 
on  the  19th  of  the  same  month.  His  reluctance  to 
receive  this  honour,  (or  rather  office  as  it  then  was,) 
appears  to  have  been  not  less  than  that  which  he 
felt  when  it  was  proposed  to  make  him  preacher. 
It  was  manifested  in  a  similar  way,  and  overcome 
by  similar  arguments.  In  his  letter  of  invitation  to 
the  Erfurt  convent  to  attend  the  ceremony,  he  says, 
he  is  to  receive  the  degree  "out  of  obedience  to  the 
fathers  and  the  vicar."  In  a  dedicatory  epistle  to 
the  Elector  Frederic,  written  several  years  after  he 


M.  28.]  IN    WITTENBERG.  143 

says,  "At  your  expense  was  the  doctor's  hat  placed 
upon  my  witless  head,  an  honour  at  which  I  blush, 
but  which  I  am  constrained  to  bear,  because  those 
whom  it  is  my  duty  to  obey  would  have  it  so." 
Among  the  letters  of  Luther  is  found  the  receipt 
which  he  signed  for  the  fifty  florins  furnished  him 
by  the  elector  for  paying  the  costs  of  the  degree. 
A  doctor's  ring  of  massive  gold  was  presented  to 
him  by  the  elector  at  the  same  time,  which  is  still 
to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  \Volfenbtittel.  On  the 
19th  of  October  the  ceremony  was  performed  with 
great  pomp,  with  solemn  procession  and  the  ringing 
of  the  great  bell.  This  appointment — for  it  was  not 
a  mere  honour — given  him  by  the  united  voice  of 
his  religious  superiors,  his  sovereign,  and  the  uni- 
versity, he  construed,  and  ever  after  regarded,  as  a 
Divine  call  to  teach  religion  in  the  most  public  man- 
ner. "  I  was  called,"  says  he,  "  and  forced  to  the 
office,  and  was  obliged,  from  the  duty  of  obedience, 
to  be  doctor  contrary  to  my  will,  .  .  .  and  to  pro- 
mise with  an  oath  to  teach  purely  and  sincerely 
according  to  the  Scriptures."  Tubingen  and  Wit- 
tenberg were  the  only  universities  where  such  an 
oath  was  required.  Under  this  oath,  administered 
to  him  by  Carlstadt,  Luther  claimed  the  right  to 
appeal  to  the  Bible  as  the  only  ultimate  authority, 
and  thus  formally  did  he  plant  himself  upon  the 
fundamental  principle  of  Protestantism. 

At  the  time,  both  he  and  the  highest  authorities, 
secular  and  ecclesiastical,  supposed  there  was  a  sub- 
stantial agreement  between  the  teachings  of  the 
church  and  those  of  the  Bible.  When  he  became 
thoroughly  convinced  of  the  contrary,  he  adhered  to 
the  letter  of  the  oath,  and  turned  it  against  the  very 
power  that  had  exacted  it.  He  even  burnt  the  papal 


144  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1512. 

bull,  as  he  says,  "because  his  title,  office,  station  and 
oath  required  him  to  overthrow  or  ward  off  false, 
dangerous,  and  unchristian  doctrines  !"  Thus  when 
his  enemies  assailed  him  as  a  disobedient  son  of  the 
church,  he  availed  himself  of  this  defence.  When 
Satan  sorely  pressed  him  with  doubts  and  tempta- 
tions in  respect  to  the  great  commotion  which  he 
was  the  means  of  exciting  in  the  Christian  world,  his 
heart  found  assurance  and  his  conscience  relief,  in 
recurring  to  his  public  and  formal  call.  In  reference 
to  this  matter  he  remarks  :  "  At  the  command  of  the 
pope  and  of  the  emperor,  (both  of  whom  had  given 
to  the  university  authority  to  confer  degrees,)  and  in 
a  regular  and  free  university,  (its  freedom,  too,  had 
been  conceded  to  the  elector,)  I  began,  as  became  a 
doctor  who  had  taken  an  oath  to  that  effect,  to  ex- 
plain the  Scriptures  before  all  the  world,  .  .  and 
having  begun  thus  to  do,  I  had  cause  to  continue, 
and  cannot  now  with  a  good  conscience  go  back  or 
break  off,  even  though  pope  and  emperor  should  put 
me  under  the  ban."  Whether  all  his  reasoning  on 
the  subject  was  strictly  correct  or  not,  he  was  evi- 
dently very  conscientious  about  it.  He  affirms  that 
he  had  times  of  distress  in  relation  to  this  point, 
when  he  felt  the  perspiration  start  all  over  him. 

The  period  of  about  two  years  immediately  follow- 
ing the  date  above-mentioned,  appears  to  have  been 
chiefly  taken  up  in  preparing  for  his  lectures,  and  in 
acquiring  the  original  languages  of  the  Bible.  The 
only  events  mentioned  in  connection  with  him  during 
that  time,  are  a  disputation,  in  1512,  by  a  candidate 
for  the  first  degree  in  theology,  and  another  in  1513, 
for  the  second  degree,  at  both  of  which  he  was  the 
presiding  officer.  Such  things  were  of  frequent  oc- 
currence with  him  at  a  later  period.  Inasmuch  as 


IE.  30.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  145 

it  is  evident  that  Luther  knew  little  of  Greek  or  He- 
brew before  the  year  1513,  whereas  we  find  him 
making  use  of  both  with  some  facility  the  next  year, 
the  inference  is  plain,  that  he  must  have  studied 
them  zealously  about  this  time.  Mathesius  repre- 
sents Luther  as  "  spelling  out  the  words  of  the  Bible" 
after  he  commenced  lecturing  upon  it.  The  first 
books  on  which  he  lectured  were  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  and  the  Psalms,  which  the  same  biographer 
informs  us,  took  place  immediately  after  he  was  made 
doctor.  How  admirably  wouJ  1  lecturing  on  that 
epistle  agree  with  the  long  and  hard  struggle  through 
which  his  mind  had  passed  on  the  subject  of  justifi- 
cation; and  how  well  was  such  an  exercise  adapted 
to  prepare  him  for  his  great  work  as  Reformer !  In 
the  Psalms,  too,  so  peculiarly  a  book  of  the  heart, 
how  much  would  a  man  of  Luther's  ardent,  devout, 
and  poetical  mind,  discover  to  be  just  what  his  re- 
ligious necessities  called  for  !  Here  we  find  in  part  the 
secret  of  his  great  success  as  a  university  lecturer. 
He  not  only  brought  to  light  treasures  of  spiritual 
knowledge  from  an  almost  forgotten  book,  but  treated 
of  those  subjects  in  which  his  whole  soul  felt  a  vital 
interest,  and  that,  too,  in  the  ardour  of  acquisition 
both  as  a  scholar  and  as  a  Christian. 

"  These  writings,"  (the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  and 
the  Psalms,)  says  Melancthon,  "he  explained  after 
such  a  sort  that,  in  the  estimation  of  all  pious  and 
intelligent  persons,  a  new  day,  succeeding  a  long 
night  of  darkness,  was  dawning  upon  the  Christian 
doctrines."  His  earnest  discussions,  in  which  he 
clearly  distinguished  between  law  and  gospel,  justi- 
fication by  works  and  justification  by  faith,  opened  a 

new  world  of  ideas  to  the  student.     Still  his  inter- 
is 


146  LIFE   OP  LUTHEE.  [1513-14. 

pretations,  judged  by  a  modern  standard,  must  often 
appear  imperfect. 

Let  us  here  pause  a  moment  and  contemplate  the 
position  he  now  held.  He  had  fully  adopted  the 
two  great  Protestant  principles  of  justification  by 
faith  in  Christ,  and  the  right  of  private  judgment  in 
interpreting  the  Scriptures ;  but  he  was  by  no  means 
aware  that  these  were  the  germs  of  a  new  order  of 
things  which  could  not  be  developed  without  sepa- 
rating him  from  the  church.  Meantime  he  was  be- 
coming a  bold,  strong,  and  independent  thinker,  and 
beginning  already,  without  directly  intending  it,  to 
wield  a  commanding  and  renovating  influence  over 
his  pupils  and  friends.  Others,  who  had  opposed 
the  church,  had  fixed  their  eye  primarily  on  certain 
evils,  and  begun,  of  set  purpose,  to  operate  against 
them,  using  religion  as  a  means  only  to  that  end, 
and  thereby  became  but  negative  reformers.  Such 
were  the  promoters  of  classical  learning,  who  were 
offended  at  the  ignorance  and  stupidity  of  the  clergy, 
and  many  of  the  actors  at  the  councils  of  Constance 
and  Basle,  who  were  more  anxious  to  crush  the 
power  of  the  pope  and  correct  public  abuses  than 
to  revive  a  spirit  of  primitive  piety.  But  Luther 
first  fed,  for  a  long  time,  the  flame  of  experimental 
religion  in  his  own  heart,  and  then  spread  the  fire 
by  his  conversations  and  lectures,  and  thus  became 
the  instrument  of  a  regenerating  movement  by  merely 
unfolding  and  expounding  the  religious  elements 
which  he  brought  with  him  from  the  convent  of  Er- 
furt. 

In  the  Wolfenbuttel  library  is  preserved  Luther's 
copy  of  the  Psalms  in  Hebrew,  printed  on  a  quarto 
page,  in  the  centre  of  which  stands  the  Hebrew  text, 


JE.  30.]  IN   WITTENBERG. 

with  wide  spaces  between  the  lines.  On  the  broad 
margin  and  between  the  lines  are  to  be  seen  the 
notes,  in  Latin,  of  his  first  lectures  on  this  book,  de- 
livered probably  in  1513.  It  is  believed  that  he 
caused  copies  to  be  printed  in  this  form  for  the 
greater  convenience  of  the  students  in  taking  notes 
and  connecting  them  with  the  words  of  the  text. 
The  great  value  of  this  singular  book  consists  in  the 
record  it  contains  of  Luther's  religious  and  theolo- 
gical views  at  that  period.  Jiirgens,  who  has  care- 
fully examined  this  earliest  of  Luther's  Scripture  ex- 
positions which  have  been  preserved — it  exists  only 
in  manuscript,  and  in  Luther's  hand-writing — re- 
marks :  "  It  contains  the  clearest  indications  how 
little  Luther  had  advanced  in  biblical  interpretation ; 
and  yet  it  occasionally  points  to  the  way  in  which  he 
afterwards  became  so  eminent  as  an  expositor  of 
Scripture.  We  refer  particularly  to  his  disposition 
to  go  back  to  the  original  sources.  But  he  appears 
still  to  be  without  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
Hebrew.  He  makes  use  of  a  defective  Latin  trans- 
lation, agreeing  with  the  Vulgate,  and  adheres  closely 
to  it,  though  he  knows  the  Hebrew  text,  and  con- 
stantly refers  to  it  as  well  as  to  the  Greek  version." 
We  find  him,  as  he  is  represented  by  these  notes, 
still  a  perfect  monk,  filled  with  all  the  monastic 
notions  and  superstitions ;  in  his  interpretation,  given 
to  allegory  and  conceits,  except  on  two  or  three 
points  where  he  becomes  luminous,  which  circum- 
stance gives  to  the  whole  the  appearance  of  a  morning 
twilight  with  its  attendant  indications  of  approaching 
day.  We  must  constantly  keep  this  in  mind  j  for 
with  him,  the  dawning  light  approached  slowly,  and 
for  ten  years  it  was  dark  in  the  west  after  the  east 
was  streaked  with  red. 


148  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1514. 

It  is  now  time  to  notice  more  particularly  his 
misunderstanding  with  the  university  at  Erfurt.  It 
seems  that  after  he  had  taken  his  second  degree  in 
theology  in  Wittenberg,  complaints  were  made 
from  Erfurt,  where  he  had  received  his  education, 
and  that  he  consequently  postponed  lecturing  on  those 
subjects  for  which  that  degree  was  regarded  as  a 
license,  and  went  to  Erfurt,  and  with  some  difficulty 
obtained  the  degree  there.  Three  or  four  years 
afterwards,  some  monks  of  that  city,  who  envied  his 
growing  reputation,  attempted  to  humble  him  by 
circulating  reports  unfavourable  to  his  integrity,  and 
by  going  back  to  that  old  difficulty  to  rake  up  evi- 
dence against  him. 

As  the  correspondence  contains  some  of  the  ear- 
liest indications  of  the  slumbering  lion  that  was 
in  him,  it  will  be  a  matter  of  interest  to  glance 
at  its  character.  The  affair  itself  remains  in  great 
obscurity.  Only  two  letters  of  Luther's  are  ex- 
tant to  give  us  any  light  on  the  subject;  and  of 
these  but  one  is  published.  The  new  complaint  was, 
that  Luther,  in  taking  the  degree  of  doctor  in  divi- 
nity at  Wittenberg  instead  of  Erfurt,  had  violated 
an  oath  he  had  taken  when  he  received  the  degree  of 
master  in  theology,  or  sententiarius  at  the  latter  place. 
The  accusation  was  made  by  a  certain  master  Nathin, 
who  was  both  inmate  of  the  convent  and  teacher  in 
the  university. 

Luther's  first  letter  on  the  subject  is  dated  June 
16,  1514,  and  is  directed  to  the  prior  and  se- 
'niors  of  the  Erfurt  convent.  In  this  he  refers  to 
two  preceding  letters,  now  lost,  in  which  he  had 
refuted  the  charges  falsely  brought  against  him. 
There  was,  indeed,  a  law  in  the  Erfurt  university 
requiring  that  he  who  should  receive  the  first  degree 


JE.  30.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  149 

in  theology  there,  should  take  an  oath  to  receive  the 
second  there  also;  and  he  who  received  the  second 
was  to  do  the  same  in  regard  to  the  degree  of  doctor  of 
divinity.  He  exculpated  himself  by  saying  that  he 
never  took  the  first  degree  at  Erfurt,  but  at  Witten- 
berg; and  that,  in  taking  the -second,  nothing  was 
said  or  done  about  the  oath.  The  irregularity,  there- 
fore, was  on  the  part  of  his  accusers,  and  not  on  his. 
But  let  us  hear  his  own  words  : 

"Although  I  have  heard  and  read  sundry  evil  reports 
spread  by  some  of  your  convent  which  make  against 
you,  and  more  particularly  against  myself;  yet,  by  the 
late  letters  of  master  John  Nathin,  written  in  the 
name  of  you  all,  by  his  falsehoods,  his  biting  words,  his 
bitter  provocations  and  reproaches,  I  was  so  disturbed 
that  I  came  near  pouring  out,  after  the  example  of  mas- 
ter Paltz,  both  upon  him  and  upon  the  whole  convent, 
the  full  vials  of  my  wrath  and  indignation.  For  this 
cause  I  wrote  unto  you  two  foolish  letters.  I  know 
not  whether  they  came  into  your  hands,  and  should 
soon  have  sent  you  the  hidden  mystery  thereof,  had 
not  that  slanderous  tongue  been  silenced  by  your 
convocation.  I  am,  therefore,  constrained  to  excuse 
many  of  you,  nay,  most  of  you.  If,  then,  you  were 
in  any  degree  offended,  or  if  some  of  you  find  your- 
selves mentioned  by  name  in  those  letters,  take  in 
good  part  what  I  have  done,  and  reckon  it  all  to  the 
account  of  the  bitter  things  which  master  Nathin  did 
write.  For  my  vehement  indignation  was  just.  But 
now  do  I  hear  what  is  yet  worse,  that  this  same  man 
everywhere  proclaimeth,  I  know  not  on  what  grounds, 
that  I  am  a  perjured  and  infamous  person.  1  request 
you,  since  I  fear  you  cannot  stop  his  mouth,  to  avoid 
him,  and  warn  others  not  to  regard  his  speeches.  I 
have  violated  no  oath,  for  I  was  promoted  in  another 

13* 


150  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1515. 

place.  Both  the  universities  and  you  all  know  that 
I  did  not  receive  my  biblical  degree,  wherein  the 
oath  is  taken,  at  Erfurt.  Nor  am  I  conscious  of  ever 
having  taken  any  oath  in  my  whole  course.  My 
degree  of  sententiarius  I  did,  in  truth,  take  at  Erfurt; 
but  no  one,  I  trow,  will  affirm  that  I  took  any  oath. 
But  what  master  Nathin  hath  yet  to  hear  from  me, 
concerning  the  authority  given  unto  me  to  teach  and 
to  govern,  (when  the  degree  was  conferred,)  will  per- 
haps be  seen  at  the  proper  time.  I  write  these  things, 
most  excellent  fathers,  to  the  end  that  the  Erfurt 
theologians  may  not  look  upon  me  as  a  despiser  of 
their  university;  to  which,  as  to  a  mother,  I  attri- 
bute all  that  I  have.  I  have  not  contemned  them, 
nor  will  I  ever,  although  my  abode  and  promotion 
elsewhere  have  separated  me  from  them.  The  con- 
vent could  then,  with  a  word,  have  prevented  both 
of  these  events,  if  it  had  desired.  But  what  it  could 
then  do,  but  would  not.  it  cannot  now  do,  if  it  would. 
Thus,  it  hath  pleased  God  to  bring  to  nought  the 
dissensions  and  threatenings  of  them  that  were  ask- 
ing for  vengeance.  But  let  them  go  on.  I  am  at 
peace  and  reconciled  unto  you  all,  though  I  was  of- 
fended. God  hath  singularly  blessed  me,  unworthy 
as  I  am,  so  that  I  have  cause  only  to  rejoice,  to  love, 
and  to  do  good  to  them  that  deserve  the  contrary  of  me, 
just  as  I  receive  of  the  Lord  the  contrary  of  what  I 
deserve.  I  therefore  pray  you  to  be  resigned,  and 
lay  aside  bitterness,  if  any  remains,  and  not  to  be 
disturbed  by  my  connection  with  another  university, 
for  so  God  would  have  it,  and  we  cannot  resist  him." 
The  other  letter  was  written  in  January  of  1515, 
and  directed  to  the  theological  faculty  of  the  univer- 
sity. It  enters  more  into  particulars,  which  we  must 
pass  over  with  the  single  remark  that  it  states  the 


M.  31.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  151 

fact  of  his  having  been  called  to  Erfurt  to  be  exa- 
mined in  respect  to  the  degree  of  sententiarius,  which 
he  had  received  at  Wittenberg,  and  which,  after 
much  difficulty,  was  confirmed  at  Erfurt.  Nathin, 
of  course,  had  continued  his  opposition,  till  the  uni- 
versity was  so  far  affected  by  his  representations  that 
it  was  necessary  for  Luther  to  exculpate  himself  be- 
fore them. 

In  the  tone  of  these  letters,  we  look  in  vain  for  the 
spirit  of  the  once  timid  and  submissive  monk.  He 
conies  forward,  single-handed,  against  a  host,  with  a 
sense  of  his  rights ;  and  a  consciousness  not  only  of 
his  innocence,  but  of  his  power.  With  a  desire  for 
peace,  and  the  olive  leaf  in  his  hand,  he,  at  the  same 
time,  gives  no  doubtful  indications  that  he  is  prepared 
for  war.  Here  we  see  the  same  Luther  that  could 
stand  up  alone  at  the  diet  of  Worms,  and  speak  with- 
out fear,  before  emperor  and  princes  and  cardinals! 

Something  more  than  the  mere  habit  of  lecturing 
had  contributed  to  this  result,  in  respect  to  his  pre- 
sent boldness  of  character.  His  biographers  state 
that  he  had  held  frequent  public  disputations  with  his 
colleagues,  and  that  in  these  he  always  came  off  tri- 
umphant. The  reason  of  his  meeting  so  much  oppo- 
sition was,  that  he  advocated  new  and  strange  views; 
and  the  reason  of  his  being  victorious  was,  as  well  that 
he  was  in  the  right,  as  that  he  knew  how  to  main- 
tain his  ground.  He  openly  assailed  the  authority 
of  Aristotle  in  theology,  on  whom  the  sententiarists 
mainly  relied.  Carlstadt  and  Truttvetter,  in  parti- 
cular, disputed  him. 

The  point  in  debate  was  fundamental.  It  re- 
lated, as  Luther  says,  to  first  principles,  namely, 
whether  the  doctrines  of  the  schoolmen,  who  fol- 
lowed Aristotle,  were  to  be  received  on  the  assump- 


152  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1515. 

tion  that  they  were  true,  and  argument  to  proceed 
from  them  as  from  well-settled  principles;  or,  whe- 
ther these  doctrines  were  themselves  to  be  called 
in  question,  and  examined  anew  in  the  light  of 
Scripture  and  of  reason.  Both  parties  were  well 
aware  that  on  this  hinge  turned  all  the  questions 
between  the  old  and  the  new,  the  scholastic  and  the 
biblical  views  of  theology.  Luther  fought  out  the 
battle  with  gigantic  strength.  He  completely  con- 
verted Carlstadt  and  the  other  young  theologians  to 
his  biblical  doctrines.  Truttvetter,  his  old  teacher,  not 
being  able  to  maintain  his  position,  and  not  being 
willing  to  succumb  to  his  own  pupil,  retired  from  the 
conflict,  and  went  back  to  Erfurt  in  1513.  Luther  af- 
terwards supposed  he  was  the  innocent  cause  of  hasten- 
ing the  death  of  that  sturdy  old  scholastic  divine. 

In  all  this,  it  is  easy  to  find  an  explanation  of 
the  perfectly  independent  and  decided  tone  with 
which  Luther  stood  up  and  declared  that  he  could 
but  just  refrain  from  "pouring  out  the  full  vials  of  his 
wrath  against  the  whole  convent;"  and,  perhaps, 
the  return  of  Truttvetter,  under  such  circumstances, 
to  the  university  of  Erfurt,  will  suggest  at  least  one 
reason  why  the  calumny  of  Nathin  should  be  listened 
to  there,  after  it  had  been  put  down  at  the  convent. 

The  little  information  we  have  respecting  Luther 
from  the  beginning  of  1515,  to  the  beginning  of 
1516,  may  be  regarded  as  indirect  evidence  that  he 
was  going  steadily  and  prosperously  on  in  the  course 
he  had  begun,  constantly  accumulating  that  power 
and  influence  which  was  so  soon  to  be  put  in  requi- 
sition. The  interest  he  felt  in  the  controversy  which 
was  then  raging  between  Reuchlin  and  the  stupid 
Dominicans  at  Cologne,  in  respect  to  the  utility  of 
the  study  of  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  languages,  and 


JE.  32.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  153 

the  advancement  which  he  himself  made  in  the 
knowledge  of  these  languages  about  this  time,  put 
it  beyond  doubt  that  the  lectures  which  he  delivered 
on  the  various  books  of  the  Bible  were  founded, 
more  and  more,  on  the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek 
Scriptures.  He  also  continued  earnestly  engaged  in 
academic  disputations,  for,  from  some  of  the  older 
professors,  he  still  met  with  opposition.  During  this 
year,  he  was  made  dean  of  the  theological  faculty, 
and  under  him,  according  to  the  university  records, 
a  large  number  of  Augustinian  eremites  received 
their  degrees  in  theology.  Odelkop,  who  heard  his 
lectures,  particularly  those  on  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  at  this  time,  says  Luther  diligently  prose- 
cuted his  studies  and  preached,  and  delivered  lec- 
tures and  held  debates.  In  this  year  were  preached 
the  first  three  discourses  of  his  which  have  been  pre- 
served. In  these  he  manifests  decided  progress  in 
the  clearness  and  solidity  of  his  religious  views.  In 
the  first  of  those  discourses,  he  strongly  urges  the 
doctrine,  that  piety  consists  not  in  outward  works, 
but  in  an  inward  principle ;  that  an  act,  in  itself  good, 
becomes  even  sinful  if  the  motive  be  sinful.  No- 
thing could  more  clearly  indicate  that  Luther  was 
outgrowing  the  discipline  and  tuition  of  that  church, 
whose  religion  consisted  chiefly  in  outward  forms 
and  ceremonies,  and  whose  theology  was  as  void  of 
vitality  as  was  its  piety. 

1516. 

Not  only  is  this  an  important  year  in  the  life  of 
Luther,  as  a  period  of  transition  from  a  condition 
of  comparative  retirement  to  one  of  great  publicity, 
as  forming  the  boundary  line  between  Luther  the 
learned  and  somewhat  disputatious  monk,  and  Lu- 


154  LIFE  OF   LUTHER.  [1516. 

ther  the  Reformer;  but  here,  for  the  first  time,  the 
mist  of  obscurity  which  has  hitherto  mantled  his 
personal  history  is  cleared  away,  and,  from  this  period 
on,  all  the  principal  events  of  his  life  are  so  fully 
chronicled  that  we  can  follow  his  course  with  com- 
parative ease.  Of  his  published  letters,  only  seven 
precede  this  date :  one  in  1507,  inviting  his  friend 
Brown  to  his  ordination  as  priest ;  one  in  1509,  to 
the  same,  excusing  himself  for  having  come  away 
from  Erfurt  without  taking  leave  of  him ;  one  in 
1510,  to  Spalatin,  expressing  a  favourable  opinion 
of  Reuchlin,  and  censuring  his  opponents;  two  in 
1512,  the  former  being  an  invitation  to  the  convent 
at  Erfurt  to  be  present  at  his  promotion  to  the  rank 
of  doctor  of  divinity,  the  latter  being  his  receipt  for 
fifty  florins  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  ceremony ; 
and  two  in  1514,  the  one,  the  bold  letter  already 
mentioned,  relating  to  his  difficulties  with  Erfurt ; 
the  other  a  second  letter  to  Spalatin,  condemning 
the  course  of  Ortuin,  one  of  Reuchlin's  opponents 
at  Cologne.  In  this  last,  we  perceive  that  vein  of 
drollery  and  sarcasm  with  which  his  subsequent 
writings  abound.  He  speaks  of  that  "poetaster/' 
as  he  calls  him,  in  terms  of  derision  and  scorn,  and 
allows  himself  to  use  language  always  objectionable, 
but  less  noticed  then  than  at  the  present  day.  After 
applying  to  him  several  opprobrious  epithets,  he 
adds :  "  I  think  that  he  himself,  instructed  by 
our  Reuchlin,  did  feel  his  asinity,  so  to  express  my- 
self, to  such  a  degree  that  he  meditated  laying  aside 
the  ass  and  putting  on  the  majesty  of  the  lion,  but 
unluckily,  undertaking  a  metamorphosis  beyond  his 
strength,  he  took  too  short  a  leap,  and  fell  into  a 
wolf  or  crocodile." 

Though  up  to  this  period  we  have  in  all  only 


M  32.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  155 

seven  or  eight  of  his  letters  preserved,  in  the  single 
year  1516  we  have  twenty,  in  the  following  year 
twenty -three,  in  1518,  fifty -six,  and  so  on,  to  the 
amount  of  five  large  octavo  volumes.  From  these 
letters  alone  a  tolerably  full  biography  of  Luther 
might  be  written. 

February  2, 1516,  he  writes  to  his  intimate  friend, 
John  Lange,  prior  of  the  cloister  at  Erfurt,  a  letter 
which  strikingly  illustrates  the  state  of  his  mind  in 
respect  to  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  and  the  scho- 
lastic theology  founded  upon  it;  and  also  the  rela- 
tions of  his  old  teachers,  Truttvetter,  or  Jodocus 
of  Eisenach,  as  he  generally  calls  him,  and  Usingen, 
both  to  scholasticism  and  to  himself.  He  writes  : 
"  I  send  the  accompanying  letter,  reverend  father, 
to  the  excellent  Jodocus  of  Eisenach,  full  of  posi- 
tions against  [the  Aristotelian]  logic,  philosophy 
and  theology,  that  is,  full  of  blasphemies  and  male- 
dictions against  Aristotle,  Porphyry,  and  the  sen- 
tentiarists,  the  pernicious  study  of  this  our  age.  .  .  . 
See  that  these  be  put  into  his  hands,  and  take  pains 
to  find  out  what  he  and  all  the  rest  think  of  me  in 
this  matter,  and  let  me  know.  I  have  no  other 
more  eager  desire  than  to  make  known  to  many, 
and,  if  I  have  time,  to  show  to  all,  how  ignomini- 
ously  that  old  actor,  under  his  Greek  mask,  playeth 
and  maketh  pastime  with  the  church.  .  .  .  My 
greatest  sorrow  is,  that  I  am  constrained  to  see 
brethren  of  good  parts  and  of  gifts  qualifying  them 
for  study,  spend  their  time  and  waste  their  lives  in 
such  vain  pursuits,  while  the  universities  cease  not 
to  burn  and  to  condemn  good  books,  and  then  make, 
or  rather  dream  out  new  ones  in  their  room.  I  wish 
Usingen  as  well  as  Truttvetter  would  leave  off  these 
studies,  or  at  least  be  more  moderate  therein.  My 


156  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1516. 

shelves  are  stored  with  weapons  against  their  writ- 
ings, which  I  perceive  to  be  utterly  useless ;  and  all 
others  would  see  the  same,  were  they  not  bound  to 
a  more  than  Pythagorean  silence." 

Thus  we  see  Luther  hating  Aristotle,  because  the 
scholastic  theologians  perversely  put  him  in  the  place 
of  the  prophets  and  apostles;  entertaining  a  feeling  of 
respect  for  his  two  principal  university  teachers,  and 
yet  doubtful  whether  what  he  wrote  to  them  would 
not  rather  offend  than  enlighten  them ;  impatient  to 
expose  the  monstrous  abuse,  pitying  the  hapless 
youth  who  must  be  perplexed  with  these  tedious  stu- 
dies only  to  be  misled ;  indignant  at  those  birds  of 
night  at  Cologne,  who  scream  out,  "Heresy!"  at 
what  they  have  not  sense  enough  to  comprehend; 
confident  that  he  possesses  the  means  of  exploding 
the  whole  system ;  but  sighing  over  the  timidity  of 
those  who  would  easily  be  convinced  but  for  their 
fear  of  giving  offence.  Nothing  but  time  and  cir- 
cumstances were  wanting  to  call  him  out,  even  at 
this  early  period. 

But  there  was  another  element  of  character  com- 
bined with  this,  that  gave  depth  and  a  regenerating 
power  to  Luther's  influence.  In  a  letter  dated 
April,  1516,  we  learn  that  his  mind  was,  in  refer- 
ence to  that  particular  feature,  undergoing  a  most 
favourable  development. 

Our  meaning  will  be  apparent  by  the  language  of 
the  letter  itself.  After  a  few  words  relating  to  a  cer- 
tain economical  transaction,  he  writes  to  Spenlein,  a 
monk  of  Memmingen,  a  little  south  of  Ulm :  "  But  I 
desire  to  know  how  it  is  with  your  soul ;  whether, 
weary  of  your  own  righteousness,  you  have  learned  to 
refresh  yourself  with,  and  put  your  trust  in,  the  right- 
eousness of  Christ.  For  in  our  times  presuming  of 


JE.  32.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  157 

ourselves  is  the  chief  temptation,  especially  in  them 
that  are  striving  with  all  their  might  to  be  righteous 
and  good.  Being  ignorant  of  the  righteousness  of 
God,  which  is  abundantly  and  freely  given  to  us  in 
Christ,  they  seek  continually  to  perform  good  works 
of  themselves  until  they  can  have  confidence  to 
stand  before  God,  adorned  in  their  own  good  works 
and  merits,  which  is  impossible.  When  you  were 
with  us  [in  the  cloister  at  Erfurt  ?]  you  were  of 
this  opinion,  or  rather  in  this  error,  and  so  was  I. 
I  still  have  to  fight  against  this  error  in  myself,  and 
have  not  yet  altogether  overcome  it.  Therefore,  my 
dear  brother,  acquaint  yourself  with  Christ  and  him 
crucified ;  learn  to  praise  him ;  despairing  of  your- 
self, say  to  him,  '  Lord  Jesus,  thou  art  my  right- 
eousness, and  I  am  thy  sin  :  thou  hast  taken  to  thy- 
self what  is  mine,  and  given  me  what  is  thine  :  thou 
hast  assumed  what  thou  wast  not,  and  given  to  me 
what  I  was  not.'  Beware  of  aspiring  to  such  purity 
as  to  be  unwilling  to  appear,  and  also  to  be  in  very 
deed,  a  sinner.  For  Christ  dwelleth  only  in  sinners. 
For  this  cause  Christ  descended  from  heaven,  where 
he  dwelleth  in  the  righteous,  to  the  end  that  he 
might  dwell  also  in  sinners.  Meditate  upon  this 
love  of  his,  and  you  will  find  therein  his  most  sweet 
consolations.  For  if  by  our  toils  and  conflicts  we 
could  obtain  peace  of  conscience,  why  should  he 
die?  Therefore  you  will  not  find  peace  save  in 
him,  by  utterly  despairing  of  yourself  and  of  your 
own  works.  Learn  then  of  him,  as  he  received 
you  and  made  your  sins  his  own,  so  to  make  his 
righteousness  yours. 

"If  you  steadfastly  believe  this  as  you  ought, 
(and  cursed  is  he  who  believeth  it  not,)  then  re- 
ceive your  brethren,  who  have  been  refractory  and 

14 


158  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1516. 

gone  astray,  and  patiently  carry  them  along  and 
make  their  sins  yours;  and  if  you  have  any  thing 
good,  let  it  be  theirs,  as  the  apostle  saith,  'Receive 
one  another  even  as  Christ  hath  received  you  to 
the  glory  of  God/  and  again,  'Let  the  same  mind 
be  in  you  which  was  in  Christ  Jesus,  who  when  he 
was  in  the  form  of  God,  emptied  himself/  &c.  So 
you,  if  you  seem  to  yourself  to  be  better,  do  not 
look  upon  it  as  a  plunder,  as  if  it  were  yours  alone ; 
but  empty  yourself,  and  forget  what  you  are,  and 
be  as  one  of  them,  and  bear  them  in  your  arms. 
His  is  an  unhappy  righteousness  which  maketh 
him  unwilling  to  support  others  who  appear  worse 
in  comparison,  and  maketh  him  flee  and  retreat 
when  he  ought  to  be  present  and  succour  them  by 
his  patience  and  prayers  and  example.  This  is 
burying  the  Lord's  talent,  and  not  giving  to  his 
fellow-servants  what  is  their  due.  If  then  you  will 
be  a  lily  and  a  rose  of  Christ,  know  that  you  must 
be  among  thorns.  Only  be  careful  that  by  impa- 
tience, hasty  judgment,  or  secret  pride,  you  do  not 
yourself  become  a  thorn.  The  kingdom  of  Christ 
is  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  as  the  Psalm  saith. 
Why  then  do  you  think  of  it  as  in  the  midst  of  his 
friends  ?  In  whatsoever  therefore  you  are  deficient, 
seek  the  supply,  prostrate  before  the  Lord  Jesus. 
He  will  teach  you  all  things.  Only  consider  what 
he  hath  done  for  you  and  for  all,  that  you  may 
learn  what  you  ought  to  do  for  others.  If  he  had 
wished  to  live  only  among  the  good  and  to  die  for 
his  friends  alone,  for  whom,  I  ask,  would  he  have 
died,  or  with  whom  would  he  ever  have  lived  ? 
Thus  do,  my  brother,  and  pray  for  me,  and  the 
Lord  be  with  you." 

We  have  presented  the  whole  of  this  letter,  ex- 


M.  32.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  159 

cept  the  introductory  paragraph,  in  order  that  the 
reader  may  see  into  the  heart  of  Luther  as  he  was 
at  this  period,  and  form  some  conception  of  the 
power  of  his  religious  influence,  as  exerted  upon 
numerous  brethren  by  a  mass  of  letters  of  similar 
import,  which  have  not  been  preserved.  Mathesius 
informs  us  that  he  wrote  many  such  during  the 
first  four  years  of  his  doctorate. 

One  other  letter  of  similar  tendency,  and  written 
in  the  same  month,  is  still  extant.  A  brother  Leiffer 
in  Erfurt  "was  agitated  by  the  tempests  and  bil- 
lows of  temptation."  After  affirming,  "from  his 
own  experience  as  well  as  that  of  his  brother,  nay, 
from  the  experience  of  all,  that  our  worldly  wisdom 
is  the  cause  of  all  our  disquiet,"  and  that  his  own 
exceedingly  depraved  reason,  or  "vicious  eye,"  as 
he  terms  it,  had  vexed  him  with  extreme  wretched- 
ness, and  continued  to  do  so  still,  he  proceeds : 
"The  cross  of  Christ  is  distributed  throughout  all  the 
world,  and  to  each  one  is  always  given  his  portion. 
Do  not  you,  therefore,  cast  it  away,  but  rather  re- 
ceive it  as  a  most  sacred  relic,  and  place  it  away, 
not  in  a  gold  or  silver  casket,  but  in  a  golden  heart, 
that  is,  a  heart  imbued  with  gentle  charity.  For 
if  the  wood  of  the  cross  was  consecrated  by  contact 
with  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ,  so  that  fragments 
of  it  should  be  treasured  up  as  the  choicest  relics, 
how  much  more  should  the  injuries,  persecutions, 
passions  and  hatred  of  men,  whether  of  the  right- 
eous or  of  the  wicked,  be  regarded  as  most  sacred 
relics,  which,  not  indeed  by  contact  with  Christ's 
flesh,  but  by  the  love  of  his  most  anguished  heart 
and  of  his  Divine  will,  have  been  embraced,  kissed 
and  blessed,  and  more  than  consecrated,  inasmuch 
as  cursing  is  turned  into  blessing,  injury  into  equity, 


160  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1516. 

suffering  into  glory,  and  the  cross  into  rejoicing. 
Farewell,  dear  father  and  brother,  and  pray  for 
me."  How  characteristic !  Written  in  the  very 
midst  of  the  sumptuous  collection  of  sacred  relics  in 
the  Electoral  church,  which  to  his  spiritual  mind 
served  no  other  purpose  than  to  furnish  imagery  for 
deeper  truths,  this  letter  leads  us  back  to  Erfurt,  to 
those  scenes  where  Luther  first  found  the  true  cross 
of  Christ,  and  then  along  the  path  of  his  subsequent 
experience,  where,  like  Bunyan's  pilgrim,  he  is  seen 
as  a  sort  of  religious  mirror  reflecting  the  whole  in- 
terior of  the  Christian  life. 

In  both  these  letters  we  see  the  intensity  and 
fervour  of  his  religious  feeling,  showing  a  depth 
and  maturity  of  character  as  great  as  in  those 
vigorous  assaults  made  by  him  upon  the  scholastic 
theology — spiritual  health  within,  and  a  bold  ac- 
tivity without. 

Not  far  from  the  date  of  the  foregoing  letters, 
Staupitz  was  sent  into  the  Netherlands  to  collect 
relics  for  the  Elector  Frederic.  What  strange  in- 
congruities meet  us  just  at  the  moment  that  the 
night  of  superstition  is  passing  away !  In  conse- 
quence of  this  singular  embassy,  Luther  was  made 
vicar  of  the  order  in  Saxony  and  Thuringia,  in 
place  of  Staupitz,  for  about  a  year  and  a  half,  or 
from  April,  1516,  to  about  November  of  1517. 
"This,"  as  Jiirgens  well  remarks,  "was  a  sign  of 
great  confidence  on  the  part  of  Staupitz, — a  sign  of 
Luther's  high  standing  already  in  the  order.  Stau- 
pitz could  not  have  committed  his  own  office  to  so 
young  a  man,  unless  the  intellectual  superiority  of 
the  latter  was  universally  acknowledged,  or  at  least 
felt.  Otherwise,  how  could  Luther  venture  to  ap- 
pear as  overseer  of  the  very  cloister  where  not  many 


M.  32.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  161 

years  before  he  had  been  misused  in  his  novitiate, 
where  his  singularities  had  been  witnessed,  but 
hardly  approved,  and  where  until  very  recently  an 
unfriendly  feeling  had  been  cherished  against  him 
in  respect  to  his  degree,  or  whatever  else  was  the 
cause  of  the  misunderstanding?  There  were  distin- 
guished and  celebrated  men  there,  such  as  Lange, 
Link  and  Usingen." 

It  is  remarkable  that,  in  his  accepting  this  office, 
we  find  no  traces  of  that  shrinking  timidity  which 
he  manifested  in  1509,  when  he  was  appointed 
preacher,  and  in  1512,  when  he  was  made  doctor 
of  divinity.  In  a  religious  point  of  view,  he  had 
passed  to  a  joyful  and  confident  state  of  mind.  In 
his  theology,  he  had  come  to  feel  strong  in  the 
Bible,  and  anxious  to  open  to  others,  as  widely  as 
possible,  those  living  fountains  of  truth  by  which 
he  himself  had  been  so  refreshed.  In  practical  life, 
he  had,  as  lecturer  and  debater  and  principal  pro- 
fessor, acquired  great  skill  and  power,  and  seemed 
to  feel  like  a  young  hero  panting  to  engage  in  some 
worthy  enterprise.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  with 
eagerness,  and  with  a  firm  hand.  To  the  decorous 
but  unhesitating  tone  of  authority  which  he  as- 
sumed, the  cloister  of  Erfurt  never  uttered  a  mur- 
mur. On  the  contrary,  his  correspondence  with 
Lange,  the  prior,  implies  the  highest  degree  of  con- 
fidence and  cordiality. 

Luther,  immediately  after  his  appointment,  set 
out  upon  a  journey  of  visitation,  and  passed  the 
las,t  of  April,  all  of  May  and  the  beginning  of  June 
in  going  from  cloister  to  cloister  in  his  province, 
regulating  discipline,  encouraging  education  and 
the  study  of  the  Bible  in  particular,  dismissing  un- 
ekilful  priors  and  appointing  others  in  their  place. 

14* 


162  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1516. 

The  faithful  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this  office 
made  him  intimately  acquainted  with  the  moral 
condition  of  the  monks  of  his  order,  and  the  know- 
ledge thus  acquired  was  invaluable  to  him  at  a 
future  period. 

The  first  monastery  he  visited  was  that  of  Grim- 
ma,  near  Leipsic,  and  still  nearer  the  nunnery  of 
Nimptschen,  where  Catharine  von  Bora,  Luther's 
future  wife,  then  a  girl  of  sixteen,  was  nun.  As 
Staupitz  and  Link  accompanied  Luther  to  this  place, 
and  as  the  former  performed  in  this  instance  the 
duties  of  visitation,  it  would  seem  that  Luther  was 
here  practically  initiated  into  his  new  calling. 
While  they  were  thus  engaged  at  Grimma,  Tetzel 
made  his  appearance  in  the  adjacent  town  of  Wurt- 
zen,  and  practised  his  arts  in  selling  indulgences  so 
shamelessly  as  to  arouse  the  indignation  of  both 
Luther  and  Staupitz.  This  is  the  time  when  the 
former  resolved  to  expose  the  traffic,  and  threatened 
"to  make  a  hole  in  Tetzel's  drum." 

We  next  find  him  in  Dresden,  examining  the 
state  of  the  monastery  of  the  Augustinians  in  that 
place.  Here  he  writes  a  letter,  May  1,  to  the  prior 
in  Mainz,  requesting  him  to  send  back  to  Dresden 
a  runaway  monk,  "For,"  says  he,  "that  lost  sheep 
belongeth  to  me.  It  is  my  duty  to  find  him  and 
bring  him  back  from  his  wanderings,  if  so  it  please 
the  Lord  Jesus.  I  entreat  you  therefore,  reverend 
father,  by  our  common  faith  in  Christ,  and  by  our 
profession,  to  send  him  unto  me,  if  in  your  kindness 
you  can,  either  at  Dresden  or  Wittenberg,  or  rather 
persuade  him,  and  affectionately  and  kindly  move 
him  to  come  of  his  own  accord.  I  will  meet  him 
with  open  arms,  if  he  will  but  return.  He  need 
not  fear  that  he  has  offended  me.  I  know  full  well 


M.  32.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  163 

that  offences  must  come ;  nor  is  it  strange  that  a 
man  should  fall.  It  is  rather  strange  that  he  should 
rise  again  and  stand.  Peter  fell,  that  he  might 
know  he  was  but  a  man.  At  the  present  day  also, 
the  cedars  of  Lebanon,  whose  summits  reach  the 
skies,  fall.  The  angels  fell  in  heaven,  and  Adam 
in  paradise.  Is  it  then  strange  that  a  reed  should 
quiver  in  the  breeze,  and  the  smoking  lamp  be  put 
out  ?"  This  is  the  first  letter  in  which  he  signs  his 
name  as  "  Vicar  of  the  Augustinian  Eremites  in 
Misnia  and  Thuringia." 

His  next  letter,  (and  we  give  all  in  their  order 
which  are  written  in  1516,)  is  dated  May  29,  after 
he  had  nearly  finished  his  tour.  He  had  been  in 
Erfurt  and  was  then  in  Gotha,  which  he  was  un- 
willing to  leave  without  paying  his  respects  in  some 
way  to  Mutianus,  a  great  classical  and  belles-lettres 
scholar,  who,  as  long  ago  as  when  Luther  was  a 
student  at  Erfurt,  was  at  the  head  of  a  literary  club, 
to  which  many  of  the  university  friends  of  Luther 
belonged.  Luther  addresses  him  thus :  "  That  I 
have  not  visited  you,  most  learned  and  accomplished 
Mutianus,  nor  invited  you  to  visit  me,  is  owing 
first  to  my  haste  and  the  stress  of  my  business, 
and  secondly,  to  my  high  opinion  and  true  venera- 
tion of  you.  Our  friendship  is  of  too  short  a  stand- 
ing to  justify  me  in  humbling  your  excellence  so 
far  as  to  request  you  to  visit  me.  I  must  now  go 
where  my  duty  calleth  me,  but  not  without  first 
saluting  you,  though,  from  a  sense  of  my  ignorance 
and  uncouth  style,  I  shrink  from  it.  But  my  affec- 
tion for  you  overcometh  my  modesty;  and  that 
rustic  Corydon,  Martin,  barbarous  and  accustomed 
only  to  cackle  among  the  geese,  saluteth  you,  the 
scholar,  the  man  of  the  most  polished  erudition. 


164  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1516. 

Yet  I  am  sure,  or  certainly  presume  that  Mutianus 
valueth  the  heart  above  tongue  or  pen;  and  my 
heart  is  sufficiently  erudite,  for  it  is  sufficiently  de- 
voted to  you.  Farewell,  most  excellent  father  in 
the  Lord  Jesus,  and  be  not  forgetful  of  me."  Post- 
script. "  One  thing  I  wish  you  to  know :  father 
John  Lange,  whom  you  have  known  as  a  Greek 
and  Latin  scholar,  and  what  is  more,  as  a  man  of  a 
pure  heart,  hath  now  lately  been  made  prior  of  the 
Erfurt  convent  by  me.  Unto  man  commend  him 
by  a  friendly  word,  and  unto  God  by  your  pray- 
ers." 

The  same  day  he  wrote  another  letter  from  Lan- 
gensalza,  a  little  north  of  Gotha,  to  Lange  him- 
self, instructing  him  how  to  proceed  in  his  official 
station.  He  says  at  the  close  :  "  I  have  not  found 
in  this  district  any  convents  in  so  good  a  state  as  here 
and  in  Gottern,"  [between  Langensalza  and  Miihl- 
hausen.]  "  I  have  despatched  my  business  here  in 
one  hour,  and  think  I  shall  do  the  same  there  in  two. 
By  the  blessing  of  God,  I  hope  to  proceed  toward 
Nordhausen  to-morrow,  trusting  that  in  these  two 
places  God  will  work  without  me  both  in  spiritual 
and  temporal  things,  though  the  devil  is  unwill- 
ing." 

On  the  8th  of  June,  he  is  again  in  "Wittenberg, 
and  writes  to  Spalatin,  Frederic's  secretary,  dissuad- 
ing the  elector  from  his  purpose  of  making  Stau- 
pitz  bishop.  "  These  are  not  times  to  be  happy,  or 
even  comfortable  in  ruling  as  bishop,  i.  e.  in  being 
given  up  to  carousals,  sodomy  and  Roman  corrup- 
tion." Though  he  is  "free  from  such  vices,"  he 
ought  not  to  be  involved  "  in  the  whirlpools  and 
violent  tempests  of  the  bishops'  courts." 

On  the  22d;  he  writes  to  Dressel,  prior  of  the 


^3.  32.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  165 

monastery  at  Neustadt,  a  little  south  of  Jena,  who 
had  some  difficulty  with  the  monks,  endeavouring 
to  comfort  him  in  his  afflictions.  He  was  obliged 
afterward  to  depose  him,  for  want  of  skill  rather 
than  of  good  intention,  and  to  permit  the  convent 
to  choose  another.  In  the  former  letter,  he  says : 
"  You  seek  and  strive  for  peace,  but  in  a  wrong 
way.  You  seek  it  as  the  world  giveth  it,  not  as 
Christ  giveth.  .  .  .  You  cry  with  Israel,  '  Peace, 
peace,'  and  yet  there  is  no  peace.  Cry  rather  with 
Christ,  l The  cross,  the  cross/  and  yet  there  is  no 
cross.  The  cross  ceaseth  to  be  such  as  soon  as  you 
can  say,  '  Blessed  cross ;  among  all  the  kinds  of 
wood,  there  is  nothing  like  unto  it.'  Behold,  then, 
how  kindly  the  Lord  inviteth  you  unto  true  peace, 
when  he  besetteth  you  all  around  with  such  crosses." 
In  the  latter,  he  addresses  Dressel  and  the  chapter 
thus :  "I  hear  with  grief,  as  I  well  deserve,  excel- 
lent fathers  and  brethren,  that  you  are  living  void 
of  peace  and  unity,  and  though  you  are  in  one  house, 
you  are  not  of  one  way ;  neither  are  you,  according 
to  the  rule,  of  one  heart  and  one  mind.  This  misera- 
ble and  unprofitable  kind  of  life  cometh  either  from 
your  lack  of  humility — for  where  humility  is  there 
is  peace — or  from  my  negligence,  or  at  least  from 
your  fault  and  mine,  in  not  beseeching  the  Lord 
that  made  us,  and  praying  that  he  would  direct  our 
way  in  his  sight,  and  lead  us  in  his  righteousness. 
He  erreth,  he  erreth,  he  erreth,  who  presumeth  to 
direct  himself,  not  to  say  others,  by  his  own  coun- 
sel." He  then  lays  the  blame  chiefly  on  the  brethren 
for  not  submitting  to  the  prior,  but,  with  kind 
words,  requires  the  prior  to  resign,  at  the  same  time 
pronouncing  him  a  well-meaning,  upright  man.  But 
there  must  be  peace  and  concord.  The  brethren 


166  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1516 

are  to  choose  their  own  prior,  and  then  pray  and 
strive  for  union. 

The  remaining  letters  of  this  year  are  those  written 
to  his  particular  friends  Lange  and  Spalatin.  They 
give  an  interesting  view  of  his  occupations  and  cares. 
To  the  former,  under  date  of  June  30,  he  says  :  "  I 
wrote  to  you  from  Sangerhausen,  [north  of  Erfurt 
and  near  Eisleben,]  most  excellent  father,  that  if  you 
had  any  insubordinate  brother,  you  might  send  him 
thither  by  way  of  correction.  I  now  write  unto 
you  again  from  Wittenberg,  not  only  desiring,  but 
beseeching  you,  to  send  George  of  Schleusingen 
or  William  Fischer  to  the  brethren  at  Eisleben,  or 
at  least  allow  them  to  go,  till  the  reverend  father 
[Staupitz]  shall  return.  Rigorous  necessity  requir- 
eth  it.  Say  to  that  brother,  and  to  all,  that  this  is 
done  by  me  not  from  violence,  but  because  we  are 
all  bound,  and  I  especially,  to  maintain  the  honour 
of  the  vicariate  everywhere  and  particularly  that  of 
our  reverend  vicar.  These  same  fathers  [at  Eisleben] 
sent  me  a  brother  who  came  near  introducing  the 
plague  into  that  young  conventual  house.  Brother 
Caspar,  a  senior  there,  lieth  dead.  Reader  Antony 
is  dead.  Father  Bacalaureus  is  in  Leipsic.  Two 
others  are  abroad,  as  you  know,  begging  money 
for  the  building.  The  brother  before-mentioned 
is  now  here  with  me.  You  yourself  see  how  we 
need  succour.  Neither  you  nor  others  need  be  afraid, 
the  plague  doth  not  prevail  there.  Farewell,  and 
say  farewell  to  the  fathers,  masters,  the  reader  and 
others,  not  in  my  name,  but  the  Lord's."  The 
reader  here  mentioned  is  his  friend  George  Leiffer, 
to  whom  the  letter  of  April  15th  was  addressed. 
The  next  letter,  written  August  30th,  to  Lange,  is 
accompanied  with  Luther's  oration  delivered  to  the 


JE.  32.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  167 

convent  at  Gottern  wishing  him  to  show  it  or  send 
it  to  Braun  of  Eisenach,  Wigand  of  Walthershausen, 
and  reader  George  Leiffer,  or  any  who  should  wish 
to  see  it.  The  remainder  of  the  letter  relates  to 
difficulties  experienced  in  maintaining  study  in  the 
cloisters.  "  You  need  not  send  brethren  who  are 
students  to  me,  first  for  that  we  have  too  many  [in 
the  cloister]  already;  and  secondly  because  the 
plague  hath  broken  out  vehemently  here."  October 
5th,  he  writes  again  to  the  same ;  "  Just  as  if  we 
[at  Wittenberg]  were  in  such  abundance  here,  that 
those  which  you  [at  Erfurt,]  who  are  rich,  cannot 
maintain,  we  in  our  poverty  could.  We  shall  have 

£a  the  cloister]  thirty-six  here  this  winter,  unless 
e  plague  prevent,  and  forty,  if  all  whose  names 
are  entered  should  come.  You  seem  to  have 
drunken  in  the  Erfurt  spirit  of  distrust,  as  though 
God  could  not  feed  even  the  ungrateful,  and  pre- 
serve even  those  that  do  not  desire  it.  Then  you 
make  this  monastery  so  much  your  own,  that  you 
call  other  monks  strangers,  and  ask  me  to  come  to 
the  aid  of  my  mother  [the  Erfurt  monastery.]  Take 
care  that  you  continue  to  walk  according  to  your 
Tauler,  and  remain  free  [from  all  particular  inte- 
rests,] and  common  for  all  things,  as  becometh  the 
son  of  a  common  God  and  of  a  common  church. 
Brother  John  Metzel  I  will  send  you  as  soon  as  I 
learn  that  he  can  be  spared  from  Eisleben. 

"Touching  my  theses,  or  rather  Bartholomew 
Feldkirk's,  there  is  no  cause  why  your  Gabrielists 
[followers  of  Gabriel  Biel]  should  marvel,  albeit 
ours  here  continually  do  the  same.  The  theses  were 
not  written  by  me,  but  were  gotten  up  by  Feldkirk, 
because  of  the  cackling  of  my  enemies  against  my 
lectures.  This  he  did,  to  the  end  that  these  things 


168  LIFE   OP  WTHER.  [1516. 

might  be  publicly  debated,  under  my  presiding, 
in  order  to  stop  the  mouths  of  the  garrulous,  or  to 
learn  the  opinions  of  others.*  ....  I  will 
keep  a  few  days  the  brethren  which  you  sent  unto 
me,  and  see  what  I  can  do,  or  how  it  shall  turn  out 
with  the  plague,  which  has  begun.  I  should  be 
sorry  to  send  them  back  again,  for  they  are  apt  for 
study.  And  yet  I  am  urged  by  want;  but  the 
Lord  liveth  and  reigneth."  The  large  number  of 
these  inmates  of  the  Augustinian  cloisters  who  were 
sent  to  Wittenberg  to  study  in  the  university  and 
live  in  the  monastery,  without  expense,  will  account 
for  the  fact  that  so  many  of  the  students  who  took 
their  degrees  in  theology  at  Wittenberg  about  this 
time,  and  of  those  monks  who  first  embraced  the 
doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  were  Augustinians. 
How  admirably  was  Luther,  all  this  time,  sowing 
the  seed  for  a  future  harvest;  as  well  by  directing 
the  studies  of  nearly  all  the  promising  young  men 
of  his  order,  as  by  securing,  through  his  diligence 
and  energy  an  entire  ascendency  in  the  monasteries 
of  his  province ! 

During  the  month  of  August  he  made  several 
journeys  on  business  connected  with  the  duties 
of  his  office.  After  a  letter  on  matters  of  local 
interest,  written  from  Kemberg,  whither  the  pro- 
fessors and  students  often  fled  in  the  time  of  the 
plague,  we  find  another,  in  which  there  is  an  amus- 
ing account  of  Luther's  accumulated  labours.  "  I 
have  need,  almost,"  he  writes  again  to  Lange,  "of 

*  It  is  these  theses  on  the  freedom  of  the  will,  written 
and  defended  by  Feldkirk,  but  in  reality  emanating  from 
Luther,  that  were  the  occasion  of  the  sparring  between 
Carlstadt  and  Eck,  which  terminated  in  the  Leipsic  dis- 
putation. 


JE.  32.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  169 

two  scribes  or  secretaries.  I  do  hardly  any  thing 
through  the  whole  day,  but  write  letters.  I  there- 
fore cannot  tell  whether  I  do  always  write  the  same 
things  or  no.  See  for  yourself.  I  am  the  preacher 
of  the  cloister ;  I  am  reader  at  the  table ;  I  am  re- 
quired every  day  to  be  parish-preacher ;  I  am  direc- 
tor of  the  studies  of  the  brethren  ;  I  am  vicar,  that 
is,  eleven  times  prior;  I  am  inspector  of  the  fish- 
ponds in  Litzkau;  I  am  advocate  for  the  Hertze- 
bergers  in  Torgau;  I  am  lecturer  on  Paul;  I  am 
commentator  on  the  Psalms;  and,  as  I  have  said, 
the  greater  part  of  my  time  is  occupied  in  writing 
letters.  I  seldom  have  time  for  the  canonical  hours 
and  for  the  mass,  to  say  nothing  of  the  temptations 
of  the  flesh,  the  world  and  the  devil.  You  see  what 
a  man  of  leisure  I  am.  Concerning  brother  John 
Metzel,  I  think  my  opinion  and  reply  have  already 
reached  you.  Nevertheless,  I  will  see  what  I  can 
do.  How  do  you  suppose  I  can  find  a  place  for  all 
your  Sardanapaluses  and  sybarites  [easy  monks]? 
If  you  have  trained  them  up  wrong,  you  must  sup- 
port them  after  thus  training  them.  I  have  useless 
brethren  enough  everywhere,  if  any  can  be  useless 
to  a  patient  mind.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  useless 
can  be  made  of  more  use  than  the  most  useful.  Sup- 
port them,  therefore,  for  the  present.  In  respect  of 
the  brethren  you  sent  to  me,  I  think,  (but  I  am  not 
sure,)  I  lately  wrote  unto  you.  The  convert,*  with 
the  young  men,  I  sent  to  master  Spangenberg,  as 
they  desired,  to  the  end  that  they  might  escape 
from  breathing  this  pestilential  air.  Two  I  have 
kept  here,  with  two  others  from  Cologne,  in  whose 
good  parts  I  felt  so  deep  a  concern  that  I  chose 

*  One  who  becomes  monk  late  in  life. 
15 


170  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1516. 

rather  to  keep  them,  at  no  little  cost,  than  send  them 
away.  There  are  now  twenty-two  priests  and  twelve 
youths,  forty-one  persons  in  all,  who  live  upon  our 
more  than  most  scanty  stores.  But  the  Lord  will 
provide.  You  say  you  began  yesterday  [to  lecture] 
upon  the  second  part  of  Lombard's  Sentences.  To- 
morrow, I  shall  begin  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians. 
Albeit,  I  fear  the  plague  will  not  suffer  me  to  go 
on.  It  taketh  away  two  or  three  each  several  day. 
A  son  of  our  neighbour,  Faber,  opposite,  who  was 
well  yesterday,  is  carried  to  his  burial  to-day.  An- 
other son  lieth  infected.  What  shall  I  say?  It  is 
already  here,  and  hath  begun  to  rage  suddenly  and 
vehemently — especially  with  the  young.  You  ask 
me  and  Bartholomew  [Feldkirk]  to  flee  with  you. 
Whither  shall  I  flee  ?  I  hope  the  world  will  not  fall 
to  pieces,  if  brother  Martin  do  fall.  The  brethren  I 
shall  disperse  throughout  all  the  country,  if  the  pesti- 
lence should  prevail.  But  I  am  placed  here,  and  my 
duty  of  obedience  will  not  allow  me  to  flee,  until 
the  authority  which  commanded  me  hither  shall 
command  me  away." 

Who  can  fail  in  this  letter,  to  see  Luther 
with  almost  every  trait  of  his  character?  How 
frank  and  agreeable  his  manner  with  Lange,  and 
how  sportive  his  rebukes !  Yet  how  sensible  and 
earnest  in  respect  to  useless  monks;  and  how 
ready  to  turn  the  evil  to  a  spiritual  account !  How 
strong  his  sympathy  with  young  students  of  enter- 
prise, and  how  prompt  to  aid  them!  What  fidelity 
in  maintaining  his  post  in  time  of  danger,  and  in 
securing  all  but  himself!  Death  was  a  trifle  to 
him,  compared  with  unfaithfulness.  So  we  see 
him  here,  just  one  year  and  five  days  before  the 
ninety-five  theses  or  indulgences  were  published,  like 


JE.  33.]  IN   WITTENBERG.  171 

a  stream,  broad  and  deep,  and  ever  growing  broader 
and  deeper  as  it  advances.  No  character  was  ever 
more  steadily  progressive  than  his,  from  1507  to 
1517. 

The  only  remaining  letter  to  Lange,  during  the 
year  1516,  is  but  a  note,  in  which  he  commands 
that  the  three  obstreperous  monks,  of  whom  repeated 
complaints  had  been  made,  should  be  sent  to  San- 
gerhausen;  which  seems  to  have  been  frequently 
honoured  in  this  way.  The  letters  to  Spalatin 
speak  with  disapprobation  of  the  way  in  which 
Erasmus  explains  "the  righteousness  of  the  lawj" 
returns  thanks  to  the  Elector  Frederic,  "for  the 
present  of  a  garment  of  too  fine  cloth  for  a  monk's 
habit,  did  it  not  come  from  a  prince ;"  gives  an  ac- 
count of  the  success  of  Staupitz  in  collecting  relics 
along  the  cities  of  the  Rhine;  and  explains  why 
Luther  is  not  yet  prepared  to  publish  his  notes  on 
the  Psalms. 

We  have  now  reached  the  year  1517,  so  celebrated 
as  the  one  from  which  the  great  Reformation  of  the 
sixteenth  century  takes  its  date.  But  there  are  yet  ten 
months  to  the  31st  of  October,  the  day  on  which  Luther 
posted  up  his  theses  against  Tetzel.  We  cannot  do 
better  than  follow  him  through  this  brief  period  in 
his  correspondence.  January  27th,  he  writes  to  his 
old  acquaintance  and  colleague  Scheurl,  a  jurist,  then 
at  Nuremberg,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  his  let- 
ter, which  is  "to  me,"  he  says,  "most  pleasant  and 
yet  most  sad.  But  why  do  you  wrinkle  your  brow  ? 
For  what  could  you  write  more  pleasant  than  the 
merited  eulogy  of  our  reverend  father,  the  vicar,  or, 
rather,  Christ  in  him?  Nothing  more  grateful  to 
me  could  be  said  than  that  the  word  of  Christ 
[through  Staupitz]  is  preached,  heard,  received ;  nay, 


LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1617. 

rather  lived  and  felt  and  understood.  On  the  other 
side,  you  could  write  nothing  more  bitter  than  the 
courting  of  my  friendship  and  the  honouring  me  with 
so  many  vain  titles."  And  in  this  strain  of  unaf- 
fected modesty  the  whole  letter  is  written. 

In  a  letter  to  Lange,  dated  March  1,  after  men- 
tioning that  he  sends  Didymus,  "who  is  still  ignor- 
ant of  the  usages  of  the  order/'  to  Erfurt,  and  that 
he  is  about  to  publish  his  translation  and  exposition 
of  the  Penitential  Psalms,  he  proceeds  to  say:  "I 
am  reading  our  Erasmus,  and  my  esteem  for  him 

groweth  less  every  day With  him,  what 

is  of  man  prevaileth  over  what  is  of  God.  Though 
I  am  loth  to  judge  him,  I  must  admonish  you  not 
to  read  his  works;  or  rather,  not  to  receive  all  he 
saith  without  examination.  These  are  dangerous 
times,  and  I  perceive  that  a  man  is  not  to  be  esteemed 
truly  wise  because  he  understandeth  Greek  and 
Hebrew;  seeing  that  St.  Jerome,  with  his  five  lan- 
guages, did  not  match  Augustine  with  one — though 

to  Erasmus  it  may  seem  otherwise This 

opinion  of  him  I  keep  hid,  lest  I  should  strengthen 
the  opposition  of  his  enemies  [the  monks  and  priests]. 
Perhaps  the  Lord,  in  due  time,  will  give  him  under- 
standing. Farewell.  Salute  the  fathers,  the  mas- 
ters and  the  reader;  and  inquire  whether  Dr.  Jodo- 
cus  [Truttvetter]  will  reply  to  me." 

In  two  notes  to  Spalatin,  (April  3d  and  9th,)  Lu- 
ther begs  a  stipend  for  a  poor  student;  and,  in  reply 
to  a  previous  request,  recommends  the  reading  of 
certain  works  of  Augustine,  Ambrose  and  Cyprian. 
On  the  6th  of  May,  he  writes  again  to  Scheurl,  as 
follows:  "First,  I  thank  you,  most  excellent  man, 
for  the  present  of  the  treatises  of  Staupitz,  but  lament 
that  my  trifles  should  be  spread  among  you  by  the 


M   38.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  173 

reverend  father.  They  were  not  written  for  your 
delicate  and  polite  Nurembergers,  but  for  the  rude 

Saxons Upon  your  requesting  me  to  write 

familiarly  to  Eck,  I  wrote  as  carefully  as  I  could. 
....  The  propositions  hereunto  joined,  I  send  to 
you,  and  through  you  to  master  Wenceslaus  [Link], 
and  to  any  others  who  are  entertained  with  such 
things.  They  are  not  the  paradoxes  of  Cicero,  [who 
wrote  a  book  under  this  title,]  but  of  our  Carlstadt, 
or  rather  of  St.  Augustine.  These  paradoxes  will 
expose  the  carelessness  or  ignorance  of  all  those  that 
looked  upon  them  as  more  paradox  than  orthodox."* 

The  next  succeeding  letter,  giving  a  provost  in- 
structions how  to  treat  a  fallen  monk,  may  be  passed 
over.  May  15,  Luther  sends  a  few  lines  to  Lange, 
in  which  he  says,  "The  reverend  vicar  writeth  that 
he  shall  soon  return  to  us.  Our  theology  and  St. 
Augustine  go  on  prosperously  by  Grod's  help,  and 
reign  in  our  university.  Aristotle  is  sinking  by 
little  and  little,  and  verging  towards  a  fall  from 
which  he  will  never  more  rise.  The  scholastic  lec- 
tures have  wonderfully  lost  their  savour;  and  no 
one  can  expect  to  have  hearers,  unless  he  consent  to 
lecture  on  the  Bible,  or  on  St.  Augustine,  or  some 
writer  which  has  church  authority."  Thus  com- 
pletely had  Luther  revolutionized  the  university, 
and  given  a  new  direction  to  its  studies. 

Omitting  two  unimportant  letters  to  Lange,  we 
come  to  the  one  bearing  date  September  4,  in 
which  he  says,  "I  send  you,  by  master  Otto,  my 
propositions,  [against  the  scholastic  theology,]  and 

*  These  propositions,  in  connection  with  those  of  Feld- 
kirk,  mentioned  above,  led  to  the  disputation  which,  in 
the  following  year,  ensued  at  Leipsic  between  Eck  and 
the  Wittenberg  theologians. 

15* 


174  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1517. 

my  exposition  of  the  ten  commandments 

I  wait  with  much,  with  very  great,  with  stupendous 
anxiety,  to  learn  what  you  think  of  these  paradoxes 
of  mine.  I  suppose  that  to  your  theologians  these 
paradoxes  will  appear  heterodox ;  though  to  us  they 
cannot  be  otherwise  than  orthodox.  Let  me  know 
as  quick  as  you  can;  and  say,  in  my  name,  to  my 
masters  and  reverend  fathers  of  the  theological 
faculty  and  others,  that  I  am  fully  prepared  to 
come  and  discuss  these  subjects  with  them;  either 
in  the  university  or  in  the  monastery.  Let  them 
not  suppose  that  I  wish  to  whisper  these  things  in 
a  corner;  if  our  university  is  still  so  insignificant  as 
to  seem  to  be  a  corner."  How  evidently  are  things 
tending  to  a  crisis ! 

On  the  llth  of  the  same  month,  he  wrote  a  letter  to 
Scheurl,  the  last  from  which  we  shall  quote,  the  three 
which  remain  being  but  casual  notes.  It  well  illus- 
trates, what  is  indeed  everywhere  obvious,  how  per- 
fectly Luther  adapted  himself  in  tone  and  manner  to 
the  various  characters  of  his  correspondents.  He 
writes  thus :  "  Although,  my  dearest  Christopher,  I 
have  no  occasion  to  write  to  you  sufficient  to  justify 
me  in  writing  to  such  a  man,  yet  this  is  a  sufficient 
one  for  me,  namely,  the  desire  to  write  to  a  friend, 
(setting  aside  all  the  titles  and  dignities  with  which 
you  are  adorned,)  to  a  friend  who  is  pure  and  most 
upright  and  urbane,  and — what  is  most  to  the  point — 
lately  known  and  acquired.  If  silence  is  ever  to 
be  esteemed  a  fault,  the  silence  of  friend  toward 
friend  is  particularly  so,  since  playfulness  and  trifles, 
not  less  than  weighty  matters,  strengthen,  not  to 
say  perfect  friendship.  St.  Jerome  exacted  this 
of  his  friend,  that  he  should  write  and  inform  him 
that  he  had  nothing  to  write.  Thus,  I  determined 


JE.  83.]  IN  WITTENBERG.  175 

to  write  trifles  rather  than  to  be  silent  toward  a 
friend.  But  what  will  that  brother  Martin,  falsely 
called  the  theologian,  ever  write  besides  trifles  ? — who, 
amid  the  creaking  and  pell-mell  of  syllogisms,  hath 
made  no  proficiency  in  polite  literature ;  or,  if  he 
ever  had  any  taste  of  learning  and  eloquence,  it  hath 
been  kept  back  in  a  state  of  stammering  infancy  by 
long  practice  and  use  in  that  other  style  of  writing. 
But  my  preface  is  long  enough,  and  too  long,  if  I 
am  not  to  write  a  volume,  instead  of  a  letter,  that 
is,  doubly  to  unbend  in  trifles  and  foolishness,  when 
to  do  it  once,  is  more  than  enough  for  a  theologian. 
The  aim  of  my  letter  is  to  let  you  know  how  high 
an  opinion  I  have  formed  of  you,  and  of  your 
fidelity.  .  .  .  But  it  cometh  to  mind,  that  you  sent 
by  Ulrich  Pindar,  the  small  treatises  of  our  reverend 
father,  the  vicar,  about  two  florins'  worth,  a  part 
whereof  I  have  sold,  and  a  part  given  away  to  good 
friends  of  the  reverend  father.  The  money  received, 
I  have  given  to  the  poor,  as  you  required,  that  is, 
to  myself  and  the  brethren,  for  I  could  find  no  one 
poorer  than  myself.  ...  I  send  you  my  proposi- 
tions, or  paradoxes,  or  heterodoxies,  as  many  regard 
them.  You  can  show  them  to  our  learned  and  in- 
genious Eck,  that  I  may  know  what  he  thinketh  of 
them." 

We  have  now  concluded  what  has  generally  been 
treated  as  an  almost  unknown  period  of  Luther's 
life,  and  what  most  biographers  have  despatched  in 
a  few  pages.  Henceforth,  the  career  of  the  great 
Reformer  is  of  the  most  public  character,  attracting 
the  attention  of  the  religious  world  more  than  that 
of  any  other  individual  in  Christendom. 


176 


LIFE   OP  LUTHER. 


[1517. 


PART  II. 

FROM  THE  PUBLISHING  OF  THE  THESES  IN  1517,  TO  THE  PRE- 
SENTATION OF  THE  AUGSBUKG  CONFESSION  IN  1530. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    OPENING   OF   THE   REFORMATION   IN   1517,    TILL   THE 
TIME   OF   THE   LEIPSIO    DISPUTATION   IN    1518. 

SECTION  I. — Indulgences. 

HOUGH  much 

&  yet  remained 
for  Luther  to 
learn,  and  many 
and  great 
changes  in  his 
U  opinions  were 
yet  to  take 
place,  we  may 
consider  the 
ground-work  of 
his  character  as 
having  been  al- 
ready firmly 
laid.  In  trac- 
ing his  internal  history,  and  searching  out  all 
the  influences  which  the  social  and  religious  in- 
stitutions of  his  times  exerted  upon  him  in  the  for- 
mation of  his  character,  we  have  incidentally  brought 
before  us  many  scenes  which  strikingly  illustrate 
the  fallen  and  corrupt  state  of  the  church.  To  this, 


JE.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  177 

in  its  contrariety  to  the  religious  character  and  as- 
pirations of  Luther,  as  represented  in  the  foregoing 
statements,  it  is  now  necessary  to  direct  particular 
attention.  The  Reformer  stands  before  us  in  all 
his  leading  peculiarities.  It  would  be  well  as  dis- 
tinctly to  see  the  church  in  all  those  deformities, 
which  called  so  loudly  for  a  reformation.  The 
limits  of  this  work,  however,  make  it  necessary  to 
confine  our  attention  to  that  class  of  abuses  which 
the  preceding  account  has  not  exhibited, — the  abuses 
practised  under  the  name  of  INDULGENCES. 

The  tendency  of  the  Catholic  church  to  degrade 
religion  from  its  high  spiritual  character  to  a  mere 
round  of  outward  forms  and  ceremonies,  reached  its 
height  in  the  practical  workings  of  the  system  of 
confessions,  penances  and  indulgences.  As  the 
most  marked  peculiarities  of  Luther's  reform  con- 
sisted in  making  every  thing  in  religion  depend  on 
Christ,  rather  than  on  human  mediators,  whether 
on  earth  or  in  heaven,  and  our  connection  with 
Christ  to  depend  on  the  spiritual  affections  of  each 
individual's  heart,  rather  than  on  outward  rites  and 
ecclesiastical  relations,  it  was  perfectly  natural  that 
a  collision  should  take  place  just  where  it  did,  namely, 
at  those  points  of  the  two  opposite  systems  which 
related  to  the  removal  of  sin.  In  the  one  system, 
the  agent  was  the  church :  in  the  other  it  was 
Christ.  In  the  one,  the  sinner  was  to  be  reformed 
by  penances,  from  which  he  might  purchase  release ; 
in  the  other,  he  was  to  exercise  godly  sorrow  for  sin 
and  faith  in  Christ.  The  one  was  external  and  sa- 
cramental ;  the  other  was  internal  and  spiritual. 

How  could  such  a  perversion  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment doctrine  of  repentance  and  remission  of  sin 
ever  make  its  way  into  a  nominally  Christian  com- 


178  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1517. 

munity?  To  this  inquiry  there  is  a  decisive  histo- 
rical reply;  but  the  process  is  long  and  the  answer 
complicated.  Like  the  formation  of  a  coral  island, 
the  perversion  was  one  of  gradual  accumulation.  It 
had  small  beginnings,  and  went  on  for  fifteen  cen- 
turies, keeping  even  pace  with  the  intellectual  and 
moral  character  of  the  age. 

First,  outward  mortifications  were  injudiciously, 
but  with  good  intentions,  imposed  by  the  church  upon 
members  under  ecclesiastical  censure,  as  signs  of  re- 
pentance. Next,  the  priest  enjoined  similar  things 
privately,  upon  those  members  who,  in  consequence 
of  certain  sins,  were  supposed  to  be  unprepared  for  the 
communion.  Then  the  priest,  who  had  already  as- 
sumed a  false  position  in  the  church,  as  mediator  be- 
tween God  and  his  people,  became  lord  of  the  indi- 
vidual conscience,  examined  every  one  before  the  com- 
munion, decided,  as  an  infallible  judge,  upon  the  exact 
amount  of  each  one's  sin,  and  affixed  a  corresponding 
penance.  Repentance  itself,  instead  of  being  regarded 
as  a  duty  always  to  be  performed,  was  made  a  part 
of  an  ordinance  of  only  periodical  recurrence.  At 
those  stated  times,  the  individual  was  to  feel  con- 
trition, to  confess  to  the  priest,  and  to  make  satis- 
faction by  submitting  to  the  penances  imposed. 
The  first  of  these  three  parts  of  the  ordinance, 
namely,  contrition,  was  lightly  passed  over.  The 
second,  the  confession,  was  accepted  on  condition 
of  its  being  full  and  complete.  The  third,  satis- 
faction, was  to  be  attended  to  afterward;  and  with 
reference  to  this,  too,  absolution  was  conditionally 
pronounced  by  the  priest,  and  the  penitent  was 
then  admitted  to  the  communion.  In  theory,  those 
three  successive  acts  must  be  faithfully  performed 
by  the  penitent,  or  the  absolution  was  of  no  efficacy. 


M.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  179 

But  how  was  one  to  know  that  his  penitence  was 
sufficient?  How  would  he  be  sure  that  no  individual 
sin  was  omitted  in  the  confession  ?  Why  should  ab- 
solution be  pronounced  before  the  conditions  were  all 
fulfilled,  before  satisfaction  was  known  to  be  made? 

These  were  the  questions  which  tortured  the  mind 
of  Luther,  when  he  was  a  conscientious  monk.  The 
theological  objections  to  the  whole  system  are,  that 
the  third  part  is  without  foundation,  a  mere  human 
invention ;  that  the  second  is  in  no  sense  necessary, 
and  arose  from  a  false  interpretation  of  two  or  three 
passages  of  Scripture ;  is  founded  on  an  absurd  view 
of  the  nature  of  sin,  as  a  measurable  quantity,  and 
is,  moreover,  utterly  impracticable,  as  no  mortal  has 
the  means  of  searching  the  heart  and  ascertaining 
the  precise  amount  of  a  man's  sins.  The  first  part  is 
the  only  one  which  has  any  value  or  authority,  and 
this  is  perverted  by  being  so  far  limited  to  a  parti- 
cular time  and  place.  But  the  worst  of  all  is,  that 
the  practice  fell  far  short  of  the  theory,  miserable 
as  that  was  :  and  contrition,  the  only  shadow  of  a 
virtue  that  remained,  was  just  the  part  which  the 
poor  ignorant  people  least  regarded.  Luther  at- 
tacked the  practice;  his  opponents  defended  the 
theory,  and  there  the  matter  stands  to  this  day. 

The  theory  of  the  treasure  of  the  church,  con- 
sisting of  the  superabundant  merits  of  Christ  and 
of  his  followers,  especially  the  martyrs,  on  which 
the  Bishop  of  Rome  could  make  drafts  at  plea- 
sure, was  a  mere  scholastic  invention,  made  at  a  late 
period,  for  the  purpose  of  propping  up  a  system 
which  had  long  existed  in  practice.  On  this  there 
was  no  agreement  among  the  scholastic  theologians ; 
Alexander  of  Hales  maintaining  one  view,  Albert 
the  Great  another,  and  Thomas  Aquinas  a  third. 


180  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1517. 

Luther  did  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  this  cir- 
cumstance, and  triumphantly  maintained,  that  in 
attacking  these  modern  individual  opinions,  he  by 
no  means  attacked  the  doctrines  of  the  ancient  uni- 
versal church. 

Indulgences  relate  only  to  the  third  part  of  the 
sacrament  of  penitence,  and  consist  in  substituting, 
in  the  place  of  satisfaction,  or  the  endurance  of  the 
penance  imposed  by  the  priest,  pilgrimages  to  sa- 
cred places,  crusades  against  the  infidels,  or  pecu- 
niary contributions  for  certain  religious  purposes. 
The  last  were,  in  theory,  a  substitute  for  the  others, 
or  for  ecclesiastical  penalties  :  but  in  practice,  a  tax 
for  sins.  Indeed,  it  is  said,  that  the  modern  system 
of  taxation  is  borrowed  from  the  church  practice. 

Plenary  indulgence  could  proceed  only  from  the 
pope,  and  was  granted  to  those  who  went  on  a  pil- 
grimage to  the  holy  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  The 
indulgences  given  by  archbishops  and  bishops  were 
restricted  to  their  own  dioceses,  and  could  not  ex- 
tend beyond  forty  days.  When  the  crusades  had 
lost  their  novelty,  pilgrimages  to  Rome  were  ac- 
cepted as  a  substitute.  There,  at  certain  sacred 
places,  were  stations  for  prayer,  which  were  resorted 
to  by  pilgrims.  Most  of  all  were  indulgences  given 
at  St.  Peter's,  on  Christmas  eve.  As  Boniface  VIII. 
happened  to  be  elected  on  such  an  occasion,  he  ap- 
pointed a  jubilee  in  1300,  after  the  manner  of  the 
old  Roman  secular  games,  and  promised  plenary  in- 
dulgence to  all  who  should  daily  visit  St.  Peter's 
and  St.  Paul's  for  thirty  successive  days.  Strangers 
who  came  to  Rome  as  pilgrims  were  required  to  spend 
but  half  that  length  of  time  in  visiting  those  places. 
The  income  of  that  single  jubilee  has  been  esti- 
mated at  fifteen  millions  of  florins.  Hence,  Luther 


M.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  181 

said,  it  was  "  truly  a  golden  year."  Because  men 
could  not  live  long  enough  to  see  the  close  of  another 
century,  Clement  VI.  appointed  another  jubilee,  to 
take  place  at  the  end  of  fifty  years,  and  added  the 
Lateran  church,  as  a  third  station  or  place  of  sacred 
resort.  Even  this  period,  one  has  observed,  seemed 
an  eternity  to  Urban  VI.  He,  therefore,  caused  the 
next  to  be  held  after  thirty-three  years,  the  period 
of  the  Saviour's  life,  and  appointed  St.  Mary  Mag- 
giore  as  a  fourth  place  of  pilgrimage.  These  four 
churches  had  each  a  golden  door,  opened  only  on 
the  year  of  jubilee.  The  money,  which  the  pil- 
grims must  not  forget,  was  received  by  priests  at 
these  four  churches,  and  afterward  at  three  others 
also.  Just  before  the  year  of  jubilee,  preachers  of 
jubilee  and  of  indulgence  were  sent  into  various 
countries,  calling  the  attention  of  the  people  to  the 
approaching  year  of  grace.  In  1400,  the  King  of 
France  prohibited  his  subjects  from  visiting  Rome 
at  the  jubilee.  In  1450,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  did 
the  same,  the  council  of  Basle  having  passed  a 
decree  against  the  practice.  This  last  year  of  ju- 
bilee seems  not  to  have  been  so  profitable  to  the 
successor  of  St.  Peter  as  the  preceding  had  been,  for 
after  it  had  passed,  he  sent  a  legate,  Nicholas  of 
Cusa,  into  all  the  dioceses  of  Germany,  to  receive 
the  change  from  those  who  had  not  found  it  conve- 
nient to  visit  Rome ! 

But  it  was  found  that  money  for  building  and 
repairing  churches  and  bridges  could  be  most  con- 
veniently raised  by  selling  indulgences.  Thomas 
Aquinas  had  taught  that  indulgences  could  be 
given  in  consideration  of  any  act  performed  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  good  of  the  church,  "such 
as  building  of  churches  and  bridges,  performing  pil- 

16 


182  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1517. 

grimages  and  giving  alms."  In  1319,  John  XXII. 
granted  forty  days'  indulgence  to  those  who  should 
aid  in  building  a  bridge  across  the  Elbe  at  Dresden. 
In  1484,  the  papal  legate  promised  the  same  to  all 
who  should  contribute  towards  rebuilding  a  church 
destroyed  by  fire  at  Freiberg,  in  Saxony,  and  a  hun- 
dred days  to  those  who  should  do  so  for  another 
church  in  the  same  city.  In  1491,  Innocent  VIII. 
granted  to  the  inhabitants  of  Saxony,  a  dispensation 
from  the  quarterly  fasts  for  a  period  of  twenty  years, 
on  condition  that  each  person  would  pay  the  twen- 
tieth part  of  a  Romish  florin  annually  toward  build- 
ing a  bridge  and  chapel  at  Torgau,  and  the  colle- 
giate church  at  Freiberg.  One-fourth,  however,  of 
the  whole  sum  was  to  go  to  Rome,  for  building  St. 
Peter's.  This  ordinance  was  resisted  by  the  faculty 
of  law  in  Leipsic,  and  the  Bishop  of  Meissen  re- 
fused to  publish  the  bull  in  his  see. 

In  1496,  Alexander  VI.  endeavoured  to  allay  the 
opposition,  by  promising  that  when  the  twenty  years 
were  expired,  this  kind  of  indulgences  should  not  be 
repeated  in  Saxony.  But  his  successor,  Julius  II. , 
paid  no  regard  to  that  promise,  for  in  1509,  the 
year  before  Luther  went  to  Rome,  he  revived  the 
indulgences  for  twenty  years  thereafter.  In  1512, 
the  year  of  Luther's  doctorate,  when  he  took  the 
oath  by  which  he  felt  himself  authorized  to  oppose 
Tetzel's  doctrines,  Julius  enlarged  and  extended  the 
system  of  indulgences  in  an  unheard-of  manner,  in 
order  to  prosecute  the  enterprise  in  which  he  had 
been  engaged  six  years,  of  erecting  the  magnificent 
structure  of  St.  Peter's.  Leo  X.  followed  in  his 
steps,  and  in  1514, 1515,  and,  most  of  all,  in  1516, 
sent  his  agents  into  Germany,  to  sell  indulgences  for 
this  purpose. 


JE.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  183 

At  this  point,  an  extraordinary  character  presents 
himself,  to  whom  we  have  before  alluded  and  whose 
name  is,  for  all  time,  so  fatally  connected  with 
Luther's  that  it  cannot  be  passed  over  in  silence. 
It  is  Tetzel,  the  notorious  preacher  and  vender  of 
indulgences.  Born  in  Leipsic,  not  far  from  1460, 
he  studied  in  the  gymnasium  of  his  native  city, 
and  then  entered  the  university  in  1482,  one 
year  before  Luther  was  born.  After  a  protracted 
course  of  study,  particularly  under  the  celebrated 
Professor  Wimpina,  he  took  his  degree  in  1487,  and 
ranked  as  the  sixth  student  in  a  class  of  fifty -five. 
As  he  excelled  in  oratory,  his  friends  were  surprised 
at  his  entering,  two  years  afterward,  the  Dominican 
monastery,  then  called  the  Paulinum,  and  now 
known  as  a  university  building  under  that  name. 
He  was  soon  made  priest,  and  was  sent  to  Zwickau, 
where,  by  his  ready  and  showy  eloquence,  he  ac- 
quired considerable  popularity  as  a  preacher.  But 
here,  also,  he  furnished  the  first  proof  of  his  worth- 
less character. 

On  a  certain  day,  he  proposed  to  be  the  sexton's 
guest,  who  excused  himself,  saying,  he  was  too  poor 
to  furnish  suitable  entertainment  for  so  distinguished 
a  man.  "  No  matter,"  was  the  ready  reply,  "  we  will 
easily  provide  ourselves  with  the  money.  Look  at  the 
calendar,  and  see  what  saint' s-day  it  is  to-morrow." 

It  happened  to  be  the  day  of  Juvenal,  and  the 
sexton  regretted  that  the  saint  was  so  little  known. 
"We  will  make  him  known,"  said  Tetzel.  "To- 
morrow,  ring  the  church-bell  as  at  all  high  festi- 
vals, and  we  will  hold  high  mass."  His  orders 
were  obeyed,  and  the  mass  was  accordingly  held. 

When  the  ceremony  was  ended,  Tetzel  ascended 
the  pulpit,  and  said,  "Dear  people,  I  have  some- 


184  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1517. 

thing  to  say  unto  you.  If  I  should  withhold  it, 
your  salvation  would  be  in  peril.  You  know,  we 
have  long  prayed  to  one  saint  and  another,  but 
they  have  become  old,  and  are  tired  of  attending  to 
us  and  aiding  us.  To-day  is  the  festival  of  Juvenal, 
and  though  he  hath  not  yet  been  known  to  you,  it 
is  all  the  better.  He  is  a  new  saint,  and  will  hear 
us  the  more  patiently.  Juvenal  was  a  holy  martyr, 
who  shed  his  innocent  blood  for  the  truth.  If  you 
would  enjoy  the  benefit  of  his  innocence,  lay  some- 
thing, each  one  of  you,  upon  the  altar,  on  this  day 
of  high  mass.  You,  that  are  noble  and  rich,  go 
forward  and  give  to  the  rest  a  good  example." 
He  received  the  collection,  placed  a  part  of  it  upon 
the  altar,  and  took  the  remainder  himself,  and  said, 
with  a  smile  to  the  sexton,  "Now,  we  have  enough 
for  our  evening  cups."  Such  is  the  account  of  the 
old  Zwickau  Chronicle,  and  it  can  hardly  be  supposed 
to  be  a  pure  fiction. 

In  1502,  he  was  selected  as  papal  agent  and 
preacher,  offering  indulgences  for  the  jubilee  that 
had  just  passed,  to  the  multitudes  in  Nurenberg, 
Leipsic,  Magdeburg,  and  other  German  cities  who 
did  not  visit  Rome.  Next,  we  find  him  on  the  Vis- 
tula, similarly  employed,  and  raising  money  for  a 
crusade  by  the  Teutonic  Knights,  against  the  Rus- 
sians and  Tartars.  From  1507  to  1513,  he  was 
itinerating  again  in  the  cities  and  towns  of  Saxony. 
For  two  years  he  made  Annaberg,  a  new  mining 
town  considerably  to  the  south  of  Leipsic,  his  head- 
.  quarters.  "  The  surrounding  mountains,"  said  he, 
"  would  be  turned  into  silver,  if  the  people  would 
only  purchase  indulgences." 

In  the  summer  of  1510,  while  in  Annaberg,  at 
St.  Anne's,  with  the  red-cross  raised,  as  usual,  be- 


M.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  185 

fore  the  altar,  he  said :  "  Three  days  more,  and  the 
cross  will  be  taken  down  and  the  door  of  heaven 
closed."  Never  again  would  the  time  return  when 
eternal  life  and  forgiveness  of  sins  would  be  had  so 
cheap,  nor  would  the  liberality  of  the  pope  to  Ger- 
many ever  be  so  great  again!  "Now,"  said  he,  "is 
the  accepted  time,  now  is  the  day  of  salvation." 

At  Gorlitz,  where  the  city  council  wished  to  raise 
money  for  indulgences  to  put  a  copper-roof  upon 
the  principal  church,  Tetzel  was  employed,  and  was 
aided  by  the  parish  preacher,  the  penitentiary  priests, 
the  confessors,  the  rector  of  the  school  and  his  as- 
sistants, and  the  Franciscan  monks,  and  they  suc- 
ceeded in  collecting  forty-five  thousand  rix  dollars  ! 
Of  the  many  anecdotes  recorded  of  him,  only  one 
more  can  find  a  place  here.  Whether  true  or  not,  it 
is  perfectly  characteristic.  Wishing,  on  a  certain 
occasion,  to  quicken  the  devotions  of  the  people,  he 
promised  to  show  them,  the  next  day,  a  feather  which 
the  devil  plucked  from  the  wing  of  the  archangel 
Michael.  But,  during  the  night,  some  rogues  made 
their  way  into  his  room,  found  the  box  of  relics, 
took  out  the  feather  and  put  some  coals  in  its  place. 
Next  morning  he  proceeded  to  the  church  with  his 
box,  without  having  opened  it,  and  spoke  at  large 
of  the  virtues  of  this  celestial  feather,  and  opening 
the  box,  behold,  there  was  nothing  but  some  black 
coals !  Not  at  all  disconcerted,  he  exclaimed,  "  No 
marvel  that  with  such  a  treasure  of  relics,  I  have 
chanced  to  take  the  wrong  box,"  and  went  right  on 
to  explain  the  value  of  these  coals,  which  were  the 
remains  of  the  burnt  body  of  St.  Laurentius !  No- 
thing better  illustrates  the  childish  character  and 
spirit  of  those  times  than  such  original  anecdotes, 
whether  true  or  false. 


186  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1517. 

Tetzel  afterward  went  to  Innspruck,  where  he  was 
detected  in  the  grossest  immorality  and  lewdness, 
and  at  the  intercession  of  powerful  friends,  instead 
of  being  enclosed  in  a  sack,  and  cast  into  the  rivfcr, 
according  to  the  sentence  passed  against  him,  was 
only  imprisoned. 

Before  we  proceed  farther  with  our  narrative,  we 
must  introduce  another  new  personage,  though  of  a 
very  different  order,  Albert,  the  accomplished,  but 
worldly  and  ambitious  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  a 
young  prince  now  twenty-eight  years  old.  He  was 
the  youngest  brother  of  Joachim  I.,  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg, (Prussia.)  He  had  been  carefully  edu- 
cated under  Eitelwolf  von  Stein,  an  ardent  lover  of 
classical  literature,  and  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Frankfurt  University  on  the  Oder.  The  young 
prince  attached  himself  to  the  liberal  party,  and 
favoured  the  cause  of  Reuchlin,  Erasmus  and  Von 
Hutten.  Being  destined  for  the  church,  he  was, 
while  a  boy,  made  canon  at  Magdeburg,  Mainz  and 
Treves.  At  the  age  of  twenty-four,  he  was  made 
Archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  and,  ten  days  later,  Ad- 
ministrator of  Halberstadt,  and  in  five  months  from 
that  time,  Archbishop  and  Elector  of  Mainz,  thus 
holding,  at  the  same  time,  three  of  the  large  and 
wealthy  sees  of  Germany.  For  the  see  of  Magde- 
burg, he  had  obtained  from  Rome  the  pallium,  (the 
archbishop's  badge  of  office,)  at  great  expense.  He 
was  not  sufficiently  in  funds  to  procure  at  his  own 
expense  another  for  the  see  of  Mainz,  and  yet, 
at  his  election,  it  was  expressly  stipulated  that  he, 
and  not  the  people,  should  be  at  that  expense. 
Albert  being  the  third  archbishop  elected  at  Mainz, 
within  a  period  of  eight  years,  the  see,  if  it  paid 
for  his  pallium  thirty  thousand  florins,  the  usual 


JE.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  187 

sum  given,  would,  during  that  short  period,  be  at 
the  enormous  expense  of  ninety  thousand  florins 
for  that  white  strip  of  cloth.*  Albert  was  obliged 
to  borrow  the  money  of  Jacob  Fugger,  the  rich 
broker,  the  Rothschild  of  Augsburg.  To  get  out 
of  his  pecuniary  embarrassments,  he  applied  to  the 
pope  for  the  appointment  of  commissary  for  indul- 
gences in  his  own  three  dioceses  and  in  the  Mark  of 
Brandenburg,  for  a  period  of  three  years.  The  ap- 
pointment was  given  him,  on  the  condition  that  he 
was  to  retain  half  of  all  the  money  that  should  be 
collected,  and  pay  the  remainder  to  the  pope,  as 
usual,  for  building  St.  Peter's.  The  appointment 
was  afterward  confirmed  and  extended. 

Meanwhile  Tetzel  had  got  released  from  prison, 
with  the  understanding  that  he  should  proceed  to 
Rome  and  obtain  absolution  from  the  pope.  He 
went  by  way  of  Mainz,  and  desired  Albert  to 
use  his  good  offices  in  recommending  him  to  the 
papal  favour,  promising  his  services  in  turn,  if  suc- 
cessful, in  raising  the  thirty  thousand  florins. 
With  a  letter  of  recommendation  from  the  arch- 
bishop he  went  to  Rome  and  applied  to  Leo,  who  was 
not  very  nice  in  matters  of  morality,  and  not  only 
obtained  absolution,  but  was  made  sub-commissary 
for  disposing  of  indulgences  under  Arcimboldi,  ge- 
neral commissary  for  Germany.  In  April,  1516, 
Tetzel  was  in  Wurzen  practising  his  old  art,  to 
which  most  of  his  public  life  was  devoted,  and  this 
was  the  time  that  Luther  and  Staupitz  came  in  near 
contact  with  him,  when  they  were  at  Grimma.  Ar- 

*  It  was  made  of  lamb's  wool,  spun  and  woven  by  nuns, 
and  consecrated  at  the  graves  of  the  apostles  Peter  and 
Paul. 


188  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1517. 

cimboldi  resigning  his  office  near  the  end  of  the  same 
year,  Albert  was  raised  to  the  post  of  nuncio  and 
general  commissary;  and  Tetzel  went  immediately 
to  Halle,  the  favourite  residence  of  Albert,  and  en- 
tered into  his  service.  Of  this  last  connection, 
Luther  was  ignorant;  and  very  innocently  wrote  to 
Albert,  as  his  ecclesiastical  superior,  requesting  him 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  shameful  traffic ! 

In  the  Archbishop  Albert,  and  in  Pope  Leo,  Luther 
found  himself  disappointed  even  more  than  in  Eras- 
mus. They  were  all  enlightened  and  liberal  men,  but 
their  interest  overruled  their  better  judgment,  and 
they  all  became  the  personal  enemies  of  the  reformer, 
whom  they  respected  and  feared;  and  whom,  in  the 
main  points  in  question,  they  knew  to  be  in  the 
right. 

It  was  about  the  beginning  of  the  year  1517  that 
Tetzel  entered  the  service  of  Albert,  and  well  did  he 
redeem  the  pledge  given  when  on  his  way  to  Rome ; 
for,  during  the  year,  he  succeeded  in  collecting  one 
hundred  thousand  florins,  in  nominal  value  sixty -two 
thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  but  in  real  value  vastly 
more.  In  the  Saxon  territories,  Tetzel  was  not  very 
popular.  The  Saxon  house  was,  moreover,  jealous 
of  the  house  of  Brandenburg  and  did  not  care  to 
have  their  lands  drained  to  fill  Albert's  cofiers. 
Tetzel,  therefore,  found  the  best  reception  either  in 
Albert's  territories,  the  sees  of  Magdeburg  and  Hal- 
berstadt,  or  in  those  of  his  brother,  Joachim  of 
Brandenburg.  From  February  to  June,  we  find  him 
at  Halle,  which  belonged  to  the  diocese  of  Magde- 
burg, at  Annaberg,  and  once  at  Leipsic.  In  Sep- 
tember, he  went  north  to  Berlin,  was  a  short  time  at 
Zerbst,  and  finally  came  to  Jiiterboch,  in  a  detached 
district  of  Magdeburg,  about  eighteen  miles  to  the 


JE.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  189 

north-east  of  Wittenberg,  and  there  he  was  the 
means  of  calling  out  Luther.  The  house  of  a  certain 
Teupitz,  in  which  Tetzel  then  lodged,  is  still  shown 
to  visitors. 

It  was  reported  to  Luther  that  Tetzel  made  the 
following  declarations  in  his  sermons,  viz.:  That  he 
had  such  grace  and  power  from  the  pope,  that  though 
one  had  corrupted  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary,  the 
mother  of  God,  he  could  grant  forgiveness — provided 
the  individual  should  put  into  the  box  the  proper 
amount  of  money;  that  the  red  cross  of  indulgence, 
with  the  papal  coat  of  arms,  when  erected  in  the 
church,  had  as  much  efficacy  as  the  cross  of  Christ; 
that,  if  St.  Peter  were  present,  he  could  not  have 
greater  grace  and  power  than  he  himself  had ;  that 
he  would  not  divide  with  St.  Peter  in  heaven,  for  he 
had  redeemed  more  souls  with  his  indulgences  than 
Peter  had  with  his  preaching ;  that  when  one  puts 
money  into  the  box  for  a  soul  in  purgatory,  such 
soul  escaped  to  heaven  as  soon  as  the  money  tinkled 
in  the  box;  that  the  grace  of  indulgences  was  the 
very  grace  by  which  a  man  was  reconciled  to  God ; 
and  that  if  one  obtained  indulgences,  or  a  certificate 
of  indulgence,  there  was  no  need  of  contrition,  nor 
sorrow,  nor  repentance. 

Some  of  these  statements,  particularly  those  more 
offensive  to  Papal  than  to  Protestant  ears,  may  be 
exaggerated.  At  any  rate,  Tetzel  procured  two 
certificates  from  the  clergy  and  authorities  in  Halle, 
where  the  first  statement  was  said  to  have  been  made, 
testifying  to  the  contrary.  Those  certificates  were 
first  discovered  and  published  in  1844.  But  that 
the  reports  were  for  the  most  part  true,  is  evident, 
not  only  from  what  Luther  says,  but  from  Tetzel's 
own  words.  In  his  published  instructions  to  the 


190  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1517. 

priests,  he  said,  "  Let  the  people  consider  that  Rome 
is  here.  God  and  St.  Peter  call  you.  Give  your 
mind,  then,  to  the  obtaining  of  such  great  grace, 
both  for  the  salvation  of  your  own  souls  and  those 
of  your  deceased  friends.  They  that  impede  this 
work  are  thereby  excommunicated  by  the  pope,  and 
are  under  the  indignation  of  Almighty  God,  and  of  St. 
Peter  and  Paul/'  In  his  printed  sermons  he  said, 
"  Let  your  sheep  [an  ominous  word]  know  that  on 
these  letters  are  imprinted  and  inscribed  all  the 
ministries  of  the  suffering  of  Christ.  For  every 
mortal  sin  a  man  must  needs  endure  seven  years 
penance,  either  in  this  life  or  in  purgatory.  But 
with  these  letters  of  pardon,  you  can  at  one  time, 
and  for  all  cases,  have  plenary  indulgence  from  all 
penalties  due  unto  that  time;  and,  afterwards, 
throughout  all  your  lives,  whensoever  you  shall 
wish  to  confess,  you  can  have  a  like  remission ;  and, 
last  of  all,  in  the  article  of  death,  plenary  indulgence 
from  all  penalties  and  sins." 

In  order  to  be  prepared  to  estimate  rightly  the 
work  of  Luther,  one  must  understand  not  only  what 
his  character  and  views  were  and  what  the  corrup- 
tions and  abuses  of  the  church  were,  but  also  what 
others  before  his  time  had  thought  and  said  on  the 
same  subject.  But  not  every  kind  of  opposition  which 
was  made  to  the  papal  hierarchy  can  claim  to  be  a 
reformation.  A  reformation,  in  the  proper  sense  of 
the  term,  is  not  merely  the  reaction  of  reason  and 
philosophy  against  stupidity  and  folly,  as  some 
modern  rationalists  would  have  it ;  nor  of  classical 
education  and  refinement  against  ignorance  and  bar- 
barism, such  as  was  manifested  by  many  in  Italy, 
France  and  Germany  at  the  revival  of  learning;  nor 
of  civil  liberty  and  national  independence  against 


M.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  191 

the  tyranny  of  a  foreign  ecclesiastic,  for  in  this  many 
German  emperors,  princes  and  statesmen  were  far 
from  being  deficient ;  but  it  is  the  reaction  of  a  pure 
and  spiritual  Christianity,  resting  solely  on  the  Bible, 
against  the  degeneracy,  corruption,  false  authority 
and  traditions  of  the  Church  of  Rome ;  a  sort  of 
Christianized  Boodism,  which  had  subjugated  the 
masses  of  the  people  to  an  almost  unheard-of  super- 
stition and  spiritual  despotism. 

To  this  monstrous  system  of  abuses,  men  of  pro- 
found piety  and  of  great  hearts  had  offered  resistance 
in  the  form  of  religious  and  theological  objections, 
long  before  the  time  of  Luther.  To  say  nothing  of 
such  men  as  Wicklif  and  Huss,  out  of  Germany,  or  of 
the  many  in  Germany  who  had  uttered  their  unavailing 
lamentations  and  transient  murmurs,  we  may  mention 
three  men,  whose  theatre  of  action  was  along  the 
middle  and  lower  Rhine,  who  were,  theoretically,  far 
in  advance  of  Luther  at  the  time  of  publishing  his 
well-known  theses,  namely,  John  of  Goch,  whose  pub- 
lic life  covered  the  interval  from  1450  to  1475 ;  John 
of  Wesel,  professor  of  theology  at  Erfurt  from  the 
year  1440  to  1460,  and  then  for  about  twenty  years 
preacher  at  Mainz  and  Worms ;  and  John  Wessel, 
a  disciple  of  Thomas  &  Kempis,  and,  from  1452  to 
1479,  professor  in  Cologne,  Paris  and  Heidelberg. 
What  these  men  did,  for  about  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century  before  Luther's  birth,  in  undermining  the 
foundations  of  the  papal  hierarchy,  was  certainly  not 
without  its  effect  upon  the  community ;  preparing  it 
for  Luther's  influence,  though  he  himself  was  formed 
for  his  great  enterprise  independently  of  them. 

The  first  of  the  three  theologians  here  named,  who 
regarded  the  Bible  as  the  only  authority  in  matters 


192  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1517. 

of  religion,  and  Christ  as  the  only  mediator  and 
helper,  treated,  in  his  writings,  largely  of  grace  and 
works,  and  is  even  an  abler  and  clearer  writer 
on  this  subject  than  Luther.  Of  the  last  of  the 
three,  Luther  himself  says,  "If  I  had  formerly  read 
his  works,  Luther  might  have  appeared  to  his  enemies 
as  having  derived  every  thing  from  Wessel,  so  per- 
fectly is  the  spirit  of  both  the  same.  This  coinci- 
dence giveth  me  new  joy  and  strength." 

The  second,  John  of  Wesel,  took  up  the  subject 
of  indulgences  in  particular,  and  was  more  mature 
and  more  decided  than  Luther  was  at  the  commence- 
ment. The  very  title  of  his  book,  which  was  not 
"On  Indulgences,"  but  "Aga inst  Indulgences,"  is 
indicative  of  his  position.  Among  other  things,  he 
says :  "  We  read  the  discourses  of  Christ,  containing, 
perhaps,  all  that  is  necessary  to  salvation,  but  we  find 
in  them  nothing  touching  indulgences.  Afterwards 
the  Apostles  wrote  epistles  and  preached,  but  in 
them  there  is  no  mention  made  of  indulgences. 
Finally,  the  distinguished  teachers  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anzum,  Basil,  Athanasius,  Chrysostom,  Ambrose, 
Jerome,  and  Augustine  wrote  many  works,  approved 
by  the  church,  and  yet  they  contain  nothing  about 
indulgences."  "  That  any  priest,  or  even  the  pope, 
can  give  indulgences  by  which  a  man  may  be  re- 
leased from  all  the  punishments  imposed  by  God,  is 
not  taught  in  the  Scriptures."  "Some  say,  and  this 
is  the  common  opinion,  that  Christ  gave  to  the 
church  the  keys  of  jurisdiction,  and  that  indulgences 
rest  on  this  power.  They  say  so,  but  do  not  prove  it. 
Neither  the  Old  Testament  nor  the  New  saith  any 
thing  about  the  keys  of  jurisdiction.  Jurisdiction,  as 
it  now  is  in  the  church,  was  brought  in  by  men." 


M.  83.]  INDULGENCES.  193 

"  One  may  affirm  that  indulgences  are  a  pious  decep- 
tion of  believers,  and  so  many  priests  have  said. 
They  are  a  pious  deception,  because  believers  are 
thereby  moved  to  make  pilgrimages  to  holy  places ; 
to  give  alms  for  pious  uses  j  to  build  churches ; 
and  to  raise  armies  against  the  infidels.  They  be- 
lieve they  shall  thereby  be  delivered  from  the  pun- 
ishment due  to  their  sins,  and  from  suffering  in  pur- 
gatory. In  this  they  are  deceived." 

Enough,  perhaps,  has  been  said  to  indicate  what 
is  important  in  the  circumstances  under  which  Lu- 
ther entered  publicly  upon  what  may,  without  af- 
fectation, be  called  his  "mission." 

SECTION  II. — Luther's  Collision  with  Tetzel,  and  the  Publica- 
tion of  the  Ninety-five  Theses. 

FOR  a  year  and  a  half  before  the  controversy  broke 
out  between  Luther  and  Tetzel,  the  former  had 
directed  his  attention  to  the  abuses  practised  in  the 
sale  of  indulgences.  His  exposition  of  the  decalogue, 
delivered  as  lectures,  as  early  as  1516,  and  afterwards 
published,  may  be  referred  to  as  evidence.  A  sermon 
against  indulgences,  as  then  dispensed,  delivered  July 
17,  1517,  in  the  presence  of  the  elector,  who  had, 
but  little  more  than  a  year  before,  procured  the  right 
of  granting  indulgences  in  the  very  same  church 
where  the  preacher  now  stood,  was  not  much  relished 
by  the  prince.  When  Luther  perceived  that  half 
of  the  population  of  Wittenberg  were  resorting  to 
Jiiterbock  and  Zerbst,  where  Tetzel  and  his  colleague, 
Rauch,  were  practising  their  arts  upon  the  ignorant 
populace,  he  warned  his  hearers,  in  a  discourse  held 
in  the  little  old  cloister-chapel,  against  the  deception. 
"  It  would  be  better,"  said  he,  "  to  yive  alms  to  the 
poor  according  to  the  command  of  Christ,  than  to 

17 


194  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1517. 

buy  with  money  such  uncertain  grace.  He  that  re- 
penteth  during  all  his  life,  and  turneth  to  God  with 
all  his  heart,  receiveth  heavenly  grace,  and  the  for- 
giveness of  all  his  sins;  which  Christ,  by  his  sacrifice 
and  blood  hath  obtained  for  us,  and  offereth  us  without 
money,  from  pure  grace."  Meanwhile,  Luther  per- 
ceived that  some  of  his  congregation,  who  had  pur- 
chased indulgences,  relied  upon  their  certificates,  and 
consequently  did  not  come  to  the  confessional,  nor  seek 
absolution  before  the  communion.  He,  therefore,  re- 
fused to  administer  to  them  the  supper,  unless  they 
would  first  make  to  him  confession  of  their  sins,  and 
submit  to  the  penances  he  should  impose.  This  they 
refused  to  do,  and  referred  to  their  certificates  of  indul- 
gence, in  which  they  were  pronounced  absolved  from 
the  grossest  crimes — not  only  past,  but  those  yet  to  be 
committed ;  and  that  without  penitence  or  satisfaction. 
Luther  adhered  to  his  resolution ;  and  said,  to  the  great 
surprise  and  consternation  of  the  individuals  concern- 
ed, "Except  ye  repent,  ye  shall  all  likewise  perish." 
Some  of  them  went  back  to  Tetzel,  complained  that 
Luther  would  not  receive  the  certificates,  and  demand- 
ed their  money  again,  but  to  no  purpose.  Tetzel,  who 
was  also  inquisitor,  was  thrown  into  a  rage  of  pas- 
sion ;  and,  in  his  sermons,  poured  out  curses  upon 
the  heretics;  and,  to  give  emphasis  to  his  denuncia- 
tions, he  caused,  at  different  times,  piles  of  fagots 
to  be  kindled  in  the  public  square,  as  signals  of 
what  awaited  the  heretic  who  should  dare  utter  a 
word  against  the  papal  indulgences. 

There  are  three  stages  of  the  doctrine  of  indul- 
gences which,  in  the  case  of  Luther,  must  be  distin- 
guished from  each  other.  The  first  is  that  of  the 
ancient  church,  in  which  indulgence  is  the  mere  re- 
laxation or  removal  of  ecclesiastical,  that  is,  human 


M.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  d5 

penalties,  in  respect  to  penitents  who  confess  their 
faults  and  feel  contrition.  The  second  is  that  which 
prevailed  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries, 
when  penance  had  become  a  sacrament;  and  the 
indulgence  was  a  spiritual  grace,  securing  the  for- 
giveness of  sin ;  but  true  repentance  was  a  condition 
of  pardon.  The  third  was  the  same  system,  except 
that  the  condition  of  repentance  was  but  little  re- 
garded; and  in  some  cases  declared  not  to  be  neces- 
sary; as1  in  some  of  the  later  papal  bulls,  and  in  the 
instructions  and  public  declarations  of  Tetzel.  In 
the  first  of  these,  Luther  was  still  a  sincere  believer. 
The  third  he  openly  assailed,  without  knowing  that 
either  Leo  or  Albert  were  implicated.  In  respect 
to  the  second,  he  spoke  doubtfully,  and,  by  way  of 
discussion,  ready  to  adopt  whatever  should  be  proved. 

Luther,  in  these  circumstances,  felt  it  his  duty  to 
write  to  Albert,  his  metropolitan,  as  Archbishop  of 
Magdeburg,  and  Jerome  Scultet,  Bishop  of  Branden- 
burg, to  whose  see  Wittenberg  belonged,  informing 
them  of  the  disorders  and  abuses  against  which  he 
had  already  preached;  and  calling  upon  them  to 
interpose  their  episcopal  and  metropolitan  authority, 
and  put  a  stop  to  the  evil.  But  Albert  had  good 
reasons  for  pay£*J  t^>  i^sard  to  the  request.  Scul- 
tet replied,  inbfifrl  'wu^  t-tlidly  and  unsatisfactorily. 
Luther  then  wrote  to  t^c  Bishops  of  Meissen  and  of 
Merseburg  and  of  Naumburg,  but  with  what  effect 
is  not  known.  None  of  the  above-mentioned  letters 
have  been  preserved. 

Perceiving  that  nothing  was  to  result  from  the 
application  he  had  made  to  his  ecclesiastical  superiors, 
he  felt  bound  in  conscience  to  perform  his  duty  as 
preacher  in  the  city  parish,  where  he  was  assistant 
of  Pontanus,  and  accordingly  preached  anew  on  the 


196  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1517. 

subject  there.  Nor  was  he  content  with  his  efforts 
to  check  the  evil  in  a  practical  way  before  the  com- 
mon people,  where  it  began,  but  he  resolved  to  bring 
forward  the  subject  of  indulgences  as  a  matter  of 
public  debate  before  the  learned,  and  before  the 
theologians  as  such.  The  Electoral  Church,  on  ac- 
count of  its  many  sacred  relics,  and  the  indulgences 
which  could  be  procured  there  on  certain  days,  at- 
tracted many  pilgrims  there;  particularly  on  the 
first  of  November,  the  anniversary  of  the  dedication, 
and  All  Saints'  day.  Luther  took  the  occasion  of 
that  solemn  celebration  for  a  disputation ;  and,  on 
the  day  before,  viz.  Saturday,  October  31,  at  twelve 
o'clock,  posted  up  on  the  doors  of  that  church  his 
ninety-five  propositions  respecting  the  power  of  papal 
indulgences,  inviting  any  and  all  persons  to  discuss 
the  subject  with  him. 

These  theses  have  a  very  remarkable  character 
and  history.  They  show  that  the  mind  of  their 
author  was  drifting  on  a  current  in  a  direction  of 
which  he  himself  was  hardly  aware.  An  expres- 
sion of  abject  submission  to  the  authority  of  the 
church  and  of  the  pope, — still  a  part  of  his  reli- 
gion,— and  then  a  startling  declaration,  or  a  sarcasm 
that  shocked  the  servile  sons  of  the  church  and 
servants  of  the  pope;  and  to  finish  the  medley, 
some  doubts,  thrown  out  to  elicit  discussion — these 
are  the  three  ingredients  of  propositions,  which 
acted  with  the  velocity  of  lightning,  and  threw  all 
the  centre  of  Europe  into  a  ferment. 

Though  designed  only  for  the  learned,  and  proposed 
only  as  a  sketch  of  the  topics  for  debate,  they  were 
translated  and  circulated  by  thousands  among  all 
classes.  Luther,  perceiving  that  an  unexpected  and 
unextinguishable  fire  was  kindled  in  the  popular 


m.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  197 

mind,  and  that  the  propositions,  by  their  abstruse, 
scholastic  and  querying  rather  than  affirmatory  cha- 
racter, were  ill  adapted  for  the  common  people,  pub- 
lished a  sermon  in  the  vernacular  tongue,  the  sub- 
stance of  discourses  previously  delivered  to  the  people, 
in  which  he  firsfrstruck  upon  that  popular  tone  of  plain 
and  energetic  eloquence  for  which  he  was  ever  after- 
wards distinguished.  From  the  latter  part  of  this 
sermon,  as  better  adapted  than  the  theses  to  give  a 
plain  and  simple  view  of  Luther's  opinions  at  that 
time,  we  shall  here  make  a  few  extracts.  After 
laying  down  eleven  propositions,  he  proceeds  to  say : 

"  12.  We  are  told,  indeed,  that  for  the  residue  of 
the  punishment,  the  sinner  should  be  referred  to  pur- 
gatory, or  to  indulgences.  But  many  other  things 
are  also  said  without  reason  or  evidence. 

"13.  It  is  a  great  error  for  one  to  think  to  make 
satisfaction  for  his  sins,  in  that  God  always  for- 
giveth  gratuitously  and  from  his  boundless  grace, 
requiring  therefor  nothing  but  honest  living.  The 
church  doth  indeed  require  somewhat,  [penance,  as 
a  sign  of  sorrow,]  but  it  may  and  should  mitigate 
its  demands,  and  ought,  moreover,  never  to  lay  upon 
men  any  thing  too  grievous  or  intolerable. 

"  14.  Indulgence  is  granted  unto  weak  and  sloth- 
ful Christians,  that  will  not  manfully  exercise  them- 
selves in  good  works,  or  endure  mortifications.  For 
indulgences  carry  no  one  forward  in  godliness,  but 
rather  bear  with  and  wink  at  his  backwardness. 
For  this  cause  no  one  ought  to  speak  against  in- 
dulgences, nor  ought  any  one  to  be  persuaded  to 
them. 

"15.  One  would  act  mych  more  safely,  and  do  far 
better,  to  give  purely  for  tSod's  sake  unto  the  build- 


198  LITE  OP  LUTHER.  [1617. 

ing  of  St.  Peter,  or  unto  any  other  object,  than  to 
take  indulgences  for  it.  For  it  is  not  safe  to  give, 
in  such  matters,  moved  by  indulgences  rather  than 
by  the  love  of  God. 

"  16.  Far  better  is  a  deed  of  charity  done  to  the 
poor  than  a  tribute  for  building  churches,  or  than 
indulgences  granted  for  the  same.  For,  as  before 
said,  one  good  deed  performed  is  better  than  many 
omitted.  Indulgence  is  a  relaxing  of  the  require- 
ment of  many  good  works ;  otherwise  no  indulgence 
would  be  given.  .  .  .  My  will,  desire,  entreaty  and 
counsel  are,  that  no  one  obtain  indulgences.  Let 
loitering  and  drowsy  Christians  do  after  this  manner; 
but  do  thou  go  thine  own  way. 

"  17.  Indulgences  are  not  things  required,  or  even 
recommended;  but  pertain  to  those  things  which 
are  only  permitted,  or  allowed.  Therefore  it  is  not 
a  work  of  obedience,  nor  meritorious,  but  a  drawing 
away  from  obedience.  Therefore,  though  we  may 
not  forbid  men  to  obtain  indulgence,  we  ought  to 
dissuade  all  Christians  therefrom,  and  exhort  and 
move  them  to  do  those  works  and  suffer  those  pains 
which  are  remitted  in  indulgence. 

"18.  Whether  souls  be  delivered  from  purgatory 
by  indulgency  or  no,  is  more  than  I  can  tell ;  but  I  do 
not  hold  to  that  opinion  yet.  Certain  modern  teachers 
hold  and  maintain  it,  but  they  cannot  prove  it ;  nei- 
ther hath  the  church  established  it  as  true.  It  is 
therefore  much  safer  that  thou  thyself  shouldst  pray 
and  act  for  them.  For  this  is  more  sure  and  certain. 

"19.  On  these  questions  I  make  no  doubt.  They 
are  sufficiently  settled  in  the  Scriptures.  You,  there- 
fore, should  not  doubt,  but  let  the  scholastic  teachers 
be  scholastic  teachers.  All  of  them  together  cannot 
give  authority  to  a  doctrine  with  their  opinions. 


JE.  88.]  INDULGENCES.  199 

"  20.  If  some,  to  whose  coffers  such  truth  is  not  of 
advantage,  shall  cry  out  and  call  me  a  heretic,  I  shall 
little  heed  their  clamour,  inasmuch  as  *  it  will  be 
made  only  by  those  cloudy  heads  that  have  had  no 
taste  of  the  Bible,  that  have  never  studied  the  Chris- 
tian doctrines,  that  have  never  understood  their 
own  teachers,  but  in  their  ragged  and  tattered 
opinions  have  gone  well-nigh  to  decay.  For  had 
they  understood  them,  they  had  known  that  no  man 
is  to  be  condemned  until  he  has  been  heard  and  con- 
futed." 

At  a  later  period,  Luther,  looking  back  upon  his 
first  efforts  at  reform,  speaks  thus:  "By  these 
theses  [then  published  anew]  will  be  publicly  set 
forth  my  shame,  that  is,  my  great  weakness  and 
ignorance,  which,  at  first,  made  me  begin  the  work 
with  great  fear  and  trembling.  I  was  alone ;  and 
plunged  myself  into  the  business  without  fore- 
sight ;  and  now  that  I  could  not  go  back,  I  not  only 
gave  place  to  many  weighty  articles  of  the  pope,  but 
sincerely  and  earnestly  reverenced  him.  .  .  .  What 
and  how  my  heart  endured  and  suffered  the  first  and 
second  year;  into  what  humility,  not  false  and 
feigned,  but  real,  nay  into  what  despondency  I 
sunk,  the  unmolested  actors  of  these  peaceful  times 
know  little.  ...  I,  who  braved  the  danger  alone, 
was  not  so  easy,  confident  and  sure  of  my  cause. 
I  was  then  ignorant  of  much  that  I  now,  thank  God, 
know.  I  only  debated  the  matter,  and  was  ready 
to  be  instructed.  .  .  .  With  great  earnestness  and 
veneration  I  held  the  church  of  the  pope  to  be  the 
true  church." 

No  one  had  appeared  at  the  time  appointed  to 
debate  with  Luther  on  the  subjects  embraced  in  his 
theses.  On  the  festival  day,  he  had  preached  be- 


200  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1517. 

fore  the  multitude,  though  with  great  moderation, 
on  the  subject  of  indulgences.  A  few  days  after, 
probably  within  a  week,  he  published  the  sermon 
above  mentioned.  As  there  had  been  no  free  and  ex- 
tended discussion  of  these  topics,  and  as  his  brief  in- 
timations in  the  theses  were  liable  to  be  misunder- 
stood, especially  by  the  common  people,  for  whom 
they  were  not  designed,  he  wished  to  publish  an 
extended  explanation  of  his  views,  and  for  this 
purpose  wrote  his  work  entitled  "  Proofs  or  Solutions 
of  the  Theses."  But  his  bishop  objected  to  their 
publication,  as  we  learn  from  the  following  letter 
to  Spalatin,  dated  Nov.  1517:  "Yesterday  the 
Abbot  of  Lenin  [a  rich  abbey  situated  nearly  mid- 
way between  Wittenberg  and  Brandenburg]  was 
here.  In  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the  Bishop  of 
Brandenburg  did  he  come,  bringing  a  letter  from 
him,  and  likewise  saying  to  me,  by  our  bishop's 
order,  that  he,  the  bishop,  desired  and  entreated 
me  to  put  off  the  publishing  of  my  Proofs  and  other 
similar  writings.  He  was  sorely  grieved  that  I  had 
put  forth  the  sermon  on  Indulgences,  and  desired 
that  it  should  not  be  published  again  or  sold  any 
further.  Overcome  with  modesty  that  so  high  a 
prelate  should  humble  himself  to  send  unto  me  such 
an  abbot,  I  said  on  this  behalf  alone,  '  Very  well, 
I  would  rather  obey  than  do  miracles.'  .  .  .  Although, 
in  his  esteem,  nothing  heretical  was  to  be  found  in 
those  writings,  but  every  thing  was  orthodox,  and 
though  he  himself  did  condemn  those  indiscreet 
declarations  (as  they  are  called)  on  the  power  of  in- 
dulgences, yet,  to  avoid  offence,  he  thought  it  best  to 
remain  silent  for  a  season  and  delay  publishing." 
To  J.  Lange  of  Erfurt,  he  wrote  under  date  of  Nov. 
11,  1517,  sending  at  the  same  time  a  copy  of  his 


JE.  33.]  INDULGENCES.  201 

theses :  "  If  your  theologians  should  be  offended 
at  these,  and  say  (as  all  the  world  doth  of  me)  that 
I  declare  my  opinions  and  impugn  other  men's  rashly 
and  arrogantly,  .  .  .  say  to  them  in  my  name,  that 
I  commend  their  ripe  modesty  and  grave  inodera* 
tion,  so  that  they  reduce  their  principles  to  prac- 
tice. .  .  .  But  why  do  they  not  use  moderation  in 
their  judgment  of  me?  Why  do  they  not  mo- 
destly wait  for  the  issue  of  the  controversy  ?"  He 
signs  himself,  "  Martinus  Eleutherias,  (freeman,)  or 
rather  servant  and  captive  at  Wittenberg." 

In  a  letter  of  the  same  date  to  Spalatin,  he  ac- 
knowledges the  receipt  of  a  piece  of  cloth,  and  thanks 
the  prince  for  the  present. 

In  another  letter  of  but  five  lines,  written  in  No- 
vember, to  the  same,  he  says,  "To  be  short,  I  will 
do  all  that  you  ask  in  your  letter.  The  bishop  has 
made  answer  and  released  me  from  my  promise. 
Only  I  do  not  know  whether  I  can  preach  these 
three  following  days.  Nevertheless  I  will  see;  if 
not,  Amsdorf  can  come  to  my  aid." 

In  these  few  words  we  see  the  busy  and  business- 
like man,  who  was  beginning  to  attract  that  universal 
attention  which  was  never  afterward  withdrawn  from 
him.  His  relations  to  the  elector  at  this  period  are  also 
apparent  from  his  familiar  letters.  "My  theses," 
he  writes  in  the  same  month  again  to  Spalatin,  "I 
did  not  wish  to  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  our  illus- 
trious prince  or  any  of  his  court,  till  after  they  had 
seen  them  that  may  find  themselves  touched  there- 
in, lest  these  persons  should  think  that  I,  by  the 
command  or  will  of  the  elector,  had  sent  them  forth 
against  the  Bishop  of  Magdeburg,  (Albert,)  as  I 
hear  say  many  already  imagine.  But  we  can  now 
i  swear  that  they  were  brought  to  the  light  without 


202  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1517. 

the  knowledge  of  the  Elector  Frederic.  More  at 
another  time,  for  I  am  now  very  busy."  In  a  post- 
script he  says:  "You  said  in  your  letter  that  the 
prince  had  promised  me  a  garment.  I  would  fain 
know  to  whose  charge  he  has  committed  the  busi- 
ness." This  is  not  the  same  present  mentioned  in 
a  previous  letter.  Luther  recurs  to  the  subject  in 
another  letter,  addressed  a  few  days  after  to  the 
elector  himself,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  us  a 
peep  into  court  life,  as  well  as  a  view  of  the 
character  of  both  the  elector  and  of  the  Reformer. 
"  Most  gracious  lord  and  prince,"  he  writes,  "  inas- 
much as  your  grace  formerly  promised  through 
Hirsfeld  to  give  me  a  new  garment,  I  now  beg 
leave  to  put  you  in  mind  of  the  same.  But  I  must 
ask,  as  I  did  before,  that  if  Pfeffinger  is  to  fulfil 
the  promise,  he  do  it  by  deed,  and  not  by  soft 
words.  He  knoweth  how  to  spice  up  fine  di.**  ~ivse, 
but  that  never  maketh  good  cloth." 

After  endeavouring  to  reconcile  him  vu  Staupitz, 
who  had  been  misrepresented  and  maligned,  Lu- 
ther proceeds  to  say,  "To  give  proof  of  my  fidelity, 
and  to  render  myself  worthy  of  my  court  garment, 
I  will  say,  that  I  have  heard  your  grace  intendeth 
after  the  present  taxing  to  lay  another  and  perhaps 
heavier  one  upon  his  subjects.  If  your  grace  will 
not  despise  a  poor  beggar's  petition, 'I  entreat  you 
in  God's  name  not  to  let  that  be  done,  for  it 
grieveth  me,  as  it  doth  many  of  your  grace's 
friends,  to  learn  that  this  last  taxation  hath  dero- 
gated much  from  your  good  name." 

It  is  time  to  notice  the  various  annoyances  which 
Luther  experienced  in  consequence  of  the  publica- 
tion of  his  theses,  and  the  many  petty  strifes  in 
which  his  enemies  engaged  with  him.  Here  we 


M.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  203 

shall  see  the  Reformer  appearing  in  all  the  quali- 
ties of  his  mind  and  heart,  profoundly  sincere  and 
honest,  entirely  religious  and  conscientious,  though 
still  held  in  bondage  to  many  errors  and  supersti- 
tions; more  and  more  deeply  convinced  of  the  just- 
ness and  importance  of  his  biblical  views  of  theo- 
logy and  religion,  and  of  the  corruption  of  the 
church,  of  the  ignorance  and  stupidity  that  reigned 
in  the  monasteries  and  the  schools,  and  finally  un- 
deceived in  respect  to  the  character  of  Pope  Leo, 
the  Archbishop  Albert,  and  other  high  dignitaries 
of  the  church.  Sometimes  we  shall  see  him  sighing 
over  these  evils;  sometimes  reasoning  with  Her- 
culean strength  in  order  to  convince  the  wise  and 
the  good;  sometimes,  when  assailed  by  malignant 
foes  with  the  vilest  arts,  either  indignant  and  blast- 
ing them  as  by  a  thunderbolt,  or  comical,  and  mak- 
ing them  appear  superlatively  ridiculous. 

Before  the  close  of  the' year  1517,  Tetzel  sought 
to  elevate  himself  to  an  equality  with  Luther  by 
taking,  at  the  University  of  Frankfort  on  the  Oder, 
the  degree  of  doctor  of  divinity,  and,  on  that  occa- 
sion, he  brought  forward  and  defended  a  set  of 
theses  directed  against  those  of  Luther.  Not  only 
was  he  obliged  to  resort  to  Professor  Wimpina,  a 
distinguished  man,  formerly  of  Leipsic,  but  now  of 
Frankfort,  who  was  jealous  of  the  fame  of  the  Wit- 
tenberg theologians,  to  draw  up  those  theses  in 
tolerable  Latin,  but  he  had  the  mortification  to  be 
beaten  in  the  argument  by  a  young  student,  by  the 
name  of  Knipstrov.  Though  the  latter,  for  so 
daring  a  crime,  was  confined  in  a  monastic  prison, 
he  was  afterward  professor  of  theology  and  vice- 
chancellor  of  the  University  of  Greifswald. 

At  the  close  of  the  following  spring,  Tetzel  pub- 


204  LIFE  Or  LUTHER.  [1518. 

lished  a  reply  to  Luther's  sermon  on  Indulgences, 
pointing  out  in  it  twenty  alleged  heretical  doc- 
trines. Luther  did  not  let  this  ridiculous  cry  of 
heresy  and  menace  of  the  flames  pass  unanswered. 
He  said  it  would  be  more  in  keeping  with  the  cha- 
racter and  habits  of  Tetzel,  if,  instead  of  appealing 
to  "water  and  fire/'  he  had  appealed  to  "the  juice 
of  the  grape  and  the  flames  over  which  fowls  were 
roasted."  After  rebuking  the  levity  with  which  a 
man,  guilty  of  almost  every  crime  named  in  the 
Decalogue,  himself  not  fearing  the  fires  of  hell 
and  eternal  death,  attempted  to  frighten  Christian 
teachers,  as  though  they  were  children,  by  means 
of  fire  and  sword,  he  goes  on  to  say,  comically 
enough:  "Inasmuch  as  this  matter  doth  not  pertain 
to  faith  and  to  salvation,  nor  is  one  of  necessity  or 
of  command,  and  since  these  persons  are  so  very 
godly  and  abundant  in  charity  that  they  are  eager 
to  burn  Christians  for  things  indifferent  and  devoid 
of  heresy,  may  my  gracious  God  and  Father  forgive 
me,  that,  setting  aside  all  honour,  as  a  thing  alien 
from  you,  I  should  bid  defiance  to  my  Baalites. 
Here  am  I  at  Wittenberg,  Dr.  Martin  Luther,  and 
if  there  be  any  inquisitor  who  thinketh  he  can  eat 
iron  and  rend  rocks,  I  hereby  give  him  to  under- 
stand that  he  shall  have  safe  conduct,  open  doors, 
free  lodgings  and  living  to  boot,  at  the  expense  of 
our  excellent  prince,  Duke  Frederic,  the  Elector  of 
Saxony." 

Silvester  Prierias,  a  monk  of  the  same  order  with 
Tetzel,  and  master  of  the  sacred  palace  or  chief 
censor  of  books  at  Rome,  replied  to  Luther's  theses 
as  early  as  January,  1518,  and  consequently  was 
the  first  writer  who  published  a  work  against  the 
doctrines  of  Luther.  It  was  a  dialogue,  in  which  the 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  205 

positions  of  Luther  constituted  one  part,  and  the 
replies  of  Prierias  the  other.  The  sole  aim  of  this 
weak  and  supercilious  production  was  to  exalt  the 
church  of  Rome,  and  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of 
the  pope. 

The  discussion  which  Luther  had  with  the  theo- 
logians, at  the  general  meeting  of  his  order  at  Hei- 
delberg, in  which  he  developed  his  views  on  the  great 
questions  of  the  day,  was  attended  with  the  happiest 
consequences.  While  his  arguments  were  such  that 
the  aged  men,  who  disliked  them,  could  not  answer 
them,  he  made  converts  to  his  doctrine  among  young 
men  of  the  highest  promise.  To  these  belonged 
Bucer,  afterward  the  Reformer  in  Strassburg  and 
in  England,  Brentz  and  Schnepf,  the  reformers  of 
Suabia. 

With  Eck  also,  with  whom  he  had  lived  on  terms 
of  friendship,  he  was  led  into  a  controversy  which 
ended  in  the  Leipsic  disputation.  And,  finally,  he 
was  obliged  to  defend  himself  against  the  Bishop  of 
Rome.  These  remarks  will  enable  the  reader  to  un- 
derstand without  difficulty  most  of  the  letters  of 
Luther,  written  during  the  period  immediately  fol- 
lowing the  publication  of  the  theses. 

To  Spalatin  he  writes  this  hasty  note,  under  date 
of  January  7,  1518  :  "  The  schedule,  which  you 
demand,  my  dear  Spalatin,  is  not  with  me.  I  will 
see  whether  it  be  in  Wittenberg  or  no,  and,  if  it  be, 
will  send  it  unto  you.  But  I  send  you  the  late 
phantoms  of  Silvester  [Prierias]  from  the  city  [of 
Rome,]  which  have  just  come  to  hand  through 
Nuremberg.  When  you  shall  have  read  them,  do 
your  diligence  to  send  them  back  to  Wittenberg, 
that  I  may  commune  with  my  friends  whether  to 

18 


206  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1518. 

answer  them,  or  let  them  go  unanswered.  I  have 
no  other  but  this  one  copy."  On  the  14th  of  the 
same  month,  he  wrote  to  him  another  long  letter, 
from  which  we  take  the  following  :  "  Do  not  think 
it  strange,  my  dear  Spalatin,  that  certain  persons 
should  declare  that  I  was  overcome  while  at  a  sup- 
per in  Dresden.  They  say,  and  have  long  been  used 
to  say,  whatsoever  they  please.  I  was  verily  at  the 
house  of  Jerome  Emser  with  Lange  and  the  Dres- 
den prior,  having  been  not  so  much  invited  as  forced 
to  a  supper.  Though  I  thought  myself  among 
friends,  speedily  I  found  a  snare  was  laid  for  me. 
There  was  a  paltry  master  there,  who  had  dipped  a 
little  into  Aquinas,  and  thought  himself  wondrous 
wise.  He,  burning  with  anger  at  me,  first  entreated 
me  kindly,  but  when  a  discussion  arose,  he  inveighed 
against  me  bitterly  and  clamorously.  In  the  mean 
season  there  was  standing  without  the  door  a  cer- 
tain mendicant  friar,  who  listened  unto  all  I  said, 
(as  I  afterward  learned,)  and  who  declared  he  was 
in  anguish  of  spirit,  and  could  hardly  keep  from 
coming  forth  and  spitting  in  my  face,  and  calling 
me  by  every  evil  name ;  so  vexing  was  it  to  the 
poor  man  that  I  should  confute  that  little  master, 
the  Thomist.  This  is  the  man  that  everywhere 
boasteth,  even  until  now,  that  I  was  so  beaten  that  I 
could  not  say  a  word  either  in  Latin  or  in  German. 
Because  we  spoke  in  Latin  and  German  commingled, 
he  gave  out  that  I  did  not  know  a  word  of  Latin." 

In  another  letter  to  the  same,  he  gives  his  friend 
advice  and  instruction,  as  to  the  best  way  of  prose- 
cuting the  study  of  the  Bible ;  and  in  a  third,  dated 
February  15, 1518,  he  replies  to  inquiries  in  respect 
to  good  works  and  indulgences.  "As  touching  in- 
dulgences," he  remarks,  "  the  matter  is  still  in  dis- 


IE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  207 

pute,  and  my  propositions  are  drifting  along  in  the 
waves  of  calumny.  Two  things,  however,  I  dare 
say ;  the  first  unto  you  alone  and  my  other  friends, 
until  the  matter  shall  be  known  and  come  to  the 
light,  namely,  that  indulgences  look  to  me  to  be  no- 
thing but  a  delusion,  and  of  no  profit,  save  to  such 
as  are  drowsy  and  sluggish  in  the  way  of  Christ. 
Albeit  Carlstadt  doth  not  hold  the  same  opinion,  I 
make  no  doubt  he  esteemeth  them  lightly.  To  pluck 
away  this  delusion,  I,  for  the  love  of  the  truth,  have 
cast  myself  into  a  dangerous  labyrinth  of  disputa- 
tion, and  have  stirred  up  against  me  a  thousand 
centaurs.  Secondly,  ....  I  counsel  you  to  buy 
no  indulgences,  till  you  can  no  longer  find  a  poor 
neighbour  to  give  the  money  to.  I  doubt  he 
will  bring  upon  himself  wrath,  who  neglecteth  the 
poor  and  buyeth  indulgences.  But,  God  willing,  you 
shall  see  more  on  this  matter  when  the  Proofs  of  my 
Propositions  come  out.  To  this  measure  am  I  forced 
by  men  more  ferocious  than  ferocity  itself,  who,  in 
all  their  discourses,  pronounce  me  a  heretic;  and 
their  wrath  goeth  to  such  a  length  that,  for  my  sake, 
they  arraign  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  and  stig- 
matize it  as  heretical.  They  are  so  ignorant  of 
things,  both  divine  and  human,  that  it  is  a  reproach 
to  have  a  controversy  with  them ;  and  yet  their  ig- 
norance giveth  them  incredible  audacity,  and  a  front 
of  more  than  brass.  .  .  .  They  clamorously  give 
out  that  what  I  have  in  hand  took  its  rise  with  our 
illustrious  prince,  out  of  enmity  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Magdeburg  (and  Mainz.)  I  pray  you,  therefore, 
to  consider  what  must  be  done,  whether  the  matter 
should  be  laid  before  the  prince  or  no,  I  cannot 
abide  that  he  should  be  brought  under  suspicion  for 
my  sake ;  and  I  shudder  with  fear  and  horror  at  the 


208  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1518. 

thought  of  being  the  cause  of  dissension  between 
such  princes." 

To  Dr.  Scheurl,  advocate  in  Nuremberg,  he  writes, 
March  5 :  "  I  have  received  from  you,  most  excel- 
lent and  learned  Christopher,  two  letters  at  the  same 
time,  one  in  Latin,  the  other  in  German,  together 
with  a  gift  from  the  famous  Albert  Diirer,  (the 
painter,)  and  also  my  theses  in  Latin  and  in  Ger- 
man. You  marvel  that  I  did  not  send  you  a  copy. 
I  make  answer,  that  it  was  not  my  purpose  nor 
will  that  they  should  be  published,  but  that  they 
should  be  examined  by  some  persons  in  our  own 
neighbourhood,  and  afterward,  according  to  their 
opinion,  be  condemned  and  abolished,  or  be  approved 
and  published.  But  they  have  been  printed  and 
spread  abroad  beyond  all  expectation,  so  that  I  re- 
pent of  having  sent  forth  this  foetus,  not  because  I 
am  unwilling  the  common  people  should  know  the 
truth,  for  that  is  what  I  most  desire,  but  the  manner 
and  form  of  it  is  ill  adapted  for  the  instruction  of 
the  people.  Some  things  therein  contained  are  to 
myself  doubtful ;  others  I  would  have  declared  after 
a  different  and  more  positive  sort,  or  left  out,  had  I 
seen  the  end  from  the  beginning.  Though,  from 
this  manner  and  degree  of  their  dispersion,  I  know 
what  men  think  in  respect  of  indulgences,  neverthe- 
less they  do  it  secretly,  for  '  fear  of  the  Jews.'  I 
am,  therefore,  constrained  to  prepare  proofs  and  ex- 
planations of  the  theses,  though  the  Bishop  of  Bran- 
denburg, with  whom  I  have  taken  counsel,  being 
much  troubled  in  this  matter,  hath  caused  me  so 
long  to  delay  the  publishing  of  them.  Nay,  if  the 
Lord  give  me  opportunity,  I  desire  to  bring  out  in 
German,  a  treatise  on  the  power  of  indulgences,  and 
thus  to  suppress  those  theses  which  are  so  dispersed." 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  209 

March  21,  1518,  he  writes  to  Lange,  in  Erfurt: 
"Wonderfully  do  the  indulgence-mongers  fulminate 
against  me  from  the  pulpit.  Not  content  with  the 
portentous  names  they  have  given  unto  me,  they 
add  threats,  some  prophesying  that  within  two 
weeks,  others  that  within  one  month,  I  shall  as- 
suredly be  burned  by  the  people:  Against  my 
theses  they  now  set  forth  others,  so  that  I  fear  they 
may  burst  for  the  greatness  and  vehemence  of  their 
anger.  Finally,  I  am  besought  by  everybody  not 
to  go  to  Heidelberg,  lest  I  be  despatched  by  fraud, 
if  I  cannot  be  by  violence.  But  I  shall  fulfil  my 
duty  of  obedience,  [as  a  monk  to  attend  the  general 
meeting,]  and  shall  journey  on  foot,  and  pass 
through  Erfurt,  if  Grod  permit.  Albeit  do  not 
tarry  for  me,  for  I  shall  not  set  out  till  the  13th  of 
April.  Our  prince,  moved  by  great  zeal  for  solid 
learning,  hath,  without  our  asking,  undertaken  earn- 
estly to  defend  me  and  Carlstadt,  and  will  not 
suffer  me  to  be  dragged  to  Rome,  which  torments 
my  enemies  here,  who  are  not  ignorant  of  his  will 
toward  me. 

"To  the  end  that  you  may  know  the  truth,  if 
the  report  of  the  burning  of  Tetzel's  theses  should 
come  to  your  ears,  and  that  nothing,  as  is  wont  to 
be  the  case,  may  be  added  to  the  tale,  I  will  cer- 
tify you  of  the  matter.  The  students,  holding  in 
odium  the  old  sophistical  studies,  and  being  inclined 
to  the  Scriptures,  and  perhaps  to  me,  when  they  had 
learned  that  a  man,  sent  by  Tetzel  the  author,  had 
come  hither,  went  forthwith  to  him  to  terrify  him 
for  having  the  audacity  to  bring  such  things  hither. 
Some  of  them  did  buy  a  few  copies,  but  others 
plucked  away  the  eight  hundred  which  remained 

18* 


210  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

and  burnt  them,  having  already  given  notice  that, 
if  any  desired  to  see  the  funeral  pile  of  Tetzel's 
theses  burned,  to  be  at  the  place  at  two  o'clock. 
This  was  done  without  the  knowledge  of  the  elector, 
of  the  academical  senate,  of  the  rector,  or  of  any 
of  us." 

In  a  letter  to  Egran,  preacher  at  Zwickau,  writ- 
ten March  24th,  he  says,  "Some  obelisks  have  of 
late  been  written  against  my  theses  by  a  man  of 
true  learning  and  of  excellent  parts,  and  what 
grieveth  me  more,  by  one  for  whom  I  had'  not  long 
ago  conceived  a  warm  friendship,  Dr.  John  Eck, 
vice-chancellor  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt,  al- 
ready a  noted  man  and  well  known  by  his  published 
works.  Did  I  not  know  the  devices  of  Satan,  I 
should  wonder  what  fury  influenced  him  to  break 
those  new  and  pleasant  bonds  of  friendship,  without 
giving  me  any  warning,  or  taking  leave  of  me.  .  .  . 
As  for  myself,  I  desired  to  swallow  patiently  this 
cake,  worthy  of  Cerberus.  But  my  friends  compel 
me  to  reply,  though  I  shall  do  it  privately.  Blessed 
be  the  Lord  Jesus!  to  him  alone  be  glory.  Confu- 
sion may  deservedly  cover  us.  Rejoice,  my  brother, 
rejoice,  and  be  not  terrified  by  those  flying  sheets, 
nor  cease  to  teach  as  you  have  begun,  but,  like  the 
palm  in  Cadiz,  rise  under  the  weight  that  is  laid 
upon  you.  The  more  they  rage,  the  more  I  go  on. 
I  leave  former  things  behind  for  them  to  bark  at, 
and  go  on  to  those  that  are  before,  that  they  may 
have  more  to  bark  at." 

On  the  31st  of  March,  he  writes  to  Staupitz : 
"Being  very  busy,  my  father  in  the  Lord,  I  can 
write  unto  you  but  little.  First,  I  firmly  believe 
that  with  many  my  name  is  in  ill  odour.  So  much 
do  the  good  men  lay  to  my  charge  because  I  have 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  211 

condemned  rosaries,  crowns,  psalteries,  and  other 
prayers,  and  indeed  all  good  works.  So  St.  Paul 
was  accused  of  saying  'Let  us  do  evil  that  good 
may  come.'  But  I  have  followed  the  theology  of 
Tauler  and  of  that  work  [the  German  Theology] 
which  you  have  lately  caused  to  be  printed  by 
Aurifaber,  and  teach  that  men  must  put  their  trust 
in  nothing  else  but  Jesus  Christ  alone,  neither  in 
their  prayers  and  merits,  nor  in  their  good  works. 
For,  not  by  our  running,  but  by  God  showing 
mercy,  are  we  saved.  From  such  teachings  do 
those  men  draw  forth  the  poison  which  you  see 
them  scatter  abroad.  But  as  I  did  not  begin,  so 
neither  will  I  give  over  either  for  glory  or  for  in- 
famy." 

Several  of  the  letters  next  succeeding  relate  to 
his  journey  to  Heidelberg,  where  the  monks  of  his 
order  were  to  meet  in  convention.  The  story  of  the 
incidents  connected  with  that  occasion  is  best  told 
by  himself.  From  Coburg,  nearly  two-thirds  of  the 
distance,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  April  15th:  "From 
Pfeffinger  I  suppose  you  have  learned  all  that  we 
talked  about,  when  I  met  him  at  the  village  of  Ju- 
denbach,  [a  few  miles  before  reaching  Coburg.] 
Among  other  things,  I  rejoiced  at  this,  that  an  op- 
portunity was  given  unto  me  to  make  that  rich  roan 
poorer  by  some  shillings.  For  he  paid  not  only  for 
my  dinner,  but  for  that  of  two  other  companions. 
And  now,  if  I  could,  I  would  make  our  prince's 
officer  here  at  Coburg  pay  for  us.  But  if  he  is  not 
willing,  still  we  shall  live  at  the  elector's  cost.  .  . 
All  things  go  well  with  us,  except  that  I  sinned,  I 
confess,  in  setting  out  on  my  journey  on  foot.  But 
for  this  sin,  as  the  contrition  is  perfect,  and  a  full 
penance  hath  been  imposed  and  borne,  there  is  no 


212  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1518. 

need  of  indulgence.  I  was  very  much  wearied,  [the 
distance  was  more  than  one  hundred  and  forty  miles,] 
and  could  not  get  conveyed,  and  so  there  was  abun- 
dance, enough  and  more  than  enough  of  contrition, 
penance  and  satisfaction.  I  was  unknown  to  all, 
except  as  the  presence  of  Pfeffinger  made  me  known. 
But  at  Weissenfels,  the  parish  priest,  though  a 
stranger  to  me,  knew  me  and  treated  me  with  great 
kindness.  He  was  a  Wittenberg  master." 

His  next  letter  to  the  same  is  dated  "Wurzburg, 
April  19.  "We  at  length  arrived  at  Wurzburg 
on  the  17th,  and,  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day, 
presented  our  letters  to  the  illustrious  prince  [Bibra, 
the  excellent  Bishop  of  Wurzburg.]  .  .  .  The 
reverend  bishop,  on  receiving  them,  called  for  me, 
communed  with  me,  and  desired  to  give  me  at  his 
own  charges  another  messenger  to  accompany  me 
all  the  way  to  Heidelberg.  But  as  I  found  here 
many  of  my  order,  and  especially  Lange,  the  Erfurt 
prior,  I  thanked  the  kind-hearted  prince,  saying  it 
was  not  necessary  to  provide  me  with  a  messenger. 
I  wished,  moreover,  to  ride  with  them,  being  ex- 
hausted with  fatigue.  Only  one  thing  did  I  ask  of 
him,  and  that  was  a  safe-conduct,  which  I  have  just 
received.  ...  If  something  more  can  be  paid  to 
my  messenger  Urban,  I  think  he  deserveth  it;  for 
he  was  delayed  in  the  journey  on  my  account.  I 
would  bring  this  to  pass  if  I  could  see  our  Hirsfeld. 
The  man  is  worthy  of  it  for  his  fidelity  and  honesty. 
Do  you  also  plead  his  cause.  I  am  poor,  as  I  am 
bound  to  be,  and  therefore  could  give  him  but 
little." 

On  his  return  to  Wittenberg  he  gave  an  account 
of  the  remainder  of  his  journey  to  Spalatin,  May 
18th  :  "  At  length,  by  the  favour  of  Christ,  I  have 


M.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  213 

returned  to  my  home,  dear  Spalatin,  and  arrived 
at  Wittenberg  the  Sabbath  after  Ascension-day. 
Though  I  went  on  foot,  I  returned  in  a  carriage. 
For  I  was  compelled  by  my  superiors  to  ride  with 
the  Niirembergers  to  Wurzburg;  thence  with  the 
Erfurt  brethren  .to  that  place ;  and  from  Erfurt 
with  the  brethren  from  Eisleben,  who,  at  their  own 
charges,  and  with  their  own  horses,  conveyed  me  to 
Wittenberg.  I  was  quite  well  all  the  way,  my  food 
agreeing  with  me  marvellously,  so  that  some  think 
I  have  grown  more  fat  and  corpulent. 

"The  Count  Palatine  (at  Heidelberg)  and  Simler, 
and  Hase,  masters  of  the  palace,  received  me  with 
great  honour.  The  count  invited  us,  that  is,  Stau- 
pitz,  Lange,  now  provincial  vicar,  and  myself,  to  his 
palace,  where  we  rejoiced  and  were  made  merry  in 
each  other's  company,  eating  and  drinking  and  see- 
ing all  the  adornments  and  weapons  of  war  which 
beautify  that  regal  and  truly  noble  castle.  Simler 
could  not  enough  extol  the  letter  of  our  prince  given 
for  me,  saying,  '  Those  are  most  precious  credentials 
which  you  have.'  Indeed,  nothing  of  humanity  was 
wanting. 

"The  learned  doctors  willingly  suffered  my  dis- 
putation, and  disputed  with  me  so  courteously  as  to 
make  themselves  very  dear  to  me.  Although  my  theo- 
logy seemed  strange  to  them,  they  argued  against  it 
honourably  and  acutely ;  save  one  young  doctor, 
who  made  the  whole  audience  shout  with  laughter 
when  he  said,  'If  the  peasantry  should  hear  that, 
they  would  stone  thee  to  death.' 

"To  the  Erfurt  doctors  my  theology  was  a  bitter 
pill,  especially  to  Jodocus  of  Eisenach.  ...  I  had 
a  conference  with  him,  and  made  him  to  understand 
at  least  as  much  as  this,  that  he  could  never  esta- 


214  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

Wish  his  own  positions,  nor  confute  mine.  .  .  With 
doctor  Usingen,  as  I  rode  with  him,  I  laboured 
more  than  with  all  the  rest,  in  order  to  convince 
him,  but  know  not  whether  it  had  any  effect.  I 
left  him  cogitating  and  wondering." 

These  two  men,  it  will  be  recollected,  were  Lu- 
ther's principal  teachers  at  the  university.  In  a  pre- 
vious letter  to  Lange,  he  sent  a  friendly  salutation  not 
only  to  father  Usingen,  but  to  father  Nathin,  his 
former  enemy,  and  the  chief  agent  in  producing  the 
misunderstanding  between  Luther  and  the  Univer- 
sity of  Erfurt.  This  magnanimity  and  love  of  bro- 
therly concord  are  noble  traits  in  the  character  of  the 
bold  and  stern  reformer. 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  cares  and  tumults,  Lu- 
ther was  active  in  raising  the  literary  character  of 
the  university.  He  at  first  introduced  the  study  of 
the  Bible;  next  he  endeavoured  to  banish  the  scho- 
lastic philosophy.  Now  he  was  active  in  introducing 
the  study  of  Hebrew  and  Greek,  and  promoting  the 
Latin.  He  looked  out  new  professors,  laid  new 
plans  of  study  before  the  elector  through  Spalatin, 
and  counteracted  the  parsimonious  views  of  Pfeffin- 
ger,  the  financial  minister  of  state.  Leipsic,  espous- 
ing warmly  the  cause  of  Tetzel  and  of  the  pope,  was 
more  than  ever  the  jealous  rival  of  Wittenberg. 
"Our  studies,"  says  Luther,  March  21,  "are  ad- 
vanced so  much  that  we  expect  soon  to  have  lectures 
in  both  languages,  [Latin  and  Greek,]  or  rather  in 
three,  [by  adding  the  Hebrew,]  in  Pliny,  in  mathe- 
matics, in  Quintilian  and  some  others  of  the  best 
sort,  giving  up  the  puerile  lectures  on  Peter  of 
Spain,  Tartaretus  [of  France]  and  Aristotle.  The 
elector  hath  already  signified  his  approval,  and  the 
council  have  the  subject  under  consideration." 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  215 

On  the  18th  of  May,  he  writes  to  Spalatin,  "I 
hope  and  pray  you  will  not  be  unmindful  of  our 
university,  that  is,  that  you  will  be  zealous  in  esta- 
blishing a  Greek  and  a  Hebrew  professorship.  I 
suppose  you  have  seen  the  programme  of  lectures  at 
Leipsic,  our  rival  as  ever.  Many  are  there  pomp- 
ously announced  which  I  do  not  believe  will  ever 
be  delivered."  The  measures  here  referred  to  led 
first  to  a  negotiation  with  Mosellanus,  and  then, 
that  failing,  to  the  appointment  of  young  Melanc- 
thon,  as  professor  of  Greek. 

On  the  30th  of  May,  1518,  Luther  wrote  two 
letters  of  great  historical  value,  the  one  to  Staupitz, 
the  other  to  Leo  X. ;  the  former  giving  an  account 
of  the  gradual  change  his  mind  underwent  on  the 
subject  of  indulgences;  the  other  stating  the  rise, 
character  and  progress  of  the  outward  controversy. 
In  the  letter  to  Staupitz,  he  says :  "I  remember, 
reverend  father,  that  among  those  most  delightful 
and  profitable  conversations  of  yours  wherewith  the 
Lord  Jesus  used  wonderfully  to  comfort  me,  men- 
tion once  happened  to  be  made  of  the  word  repent- 
ance. Being  distressed  for  the  consciences  of  many, 
by  reason  of  the  manner  wherein  those  murderers 
of  the  conscience  taught  the  duty  of  confession,  by 
countless  and  intolerable  precepts,  I  heard  from 
you,  as  if  by  a  voice  from  heaven,  the  declaration 
that  '  there  is  no  true  repentance,  save  that  which 
beginneth  with  the  love  of  righteousness  and  of  Godj 
that  what  these  men  make  the  end  and  completion 
of  repentance  is  rather  the  beginning  thereof.' 
Those  words  of  yours  stuck  to  me  like  a  sharp  arrow 
of  a  strong  archer.  I  afterward  compared  them 
with  those  passages  of  Scripture  which  teach  repent- 
ance, and  how  sweetly  did  they  all  play  in  and 


216  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1518. 

agree  with  this  opinion.  Formerly  there  was  in  all 
the  Bible  scarcely  a  word  more  bitter  to  me ;  now 
none  sounds  more  sweetly  or  agreeably  to  my  ears 
than  the  word  repentance.  At  a  later  time,  I  learned, 
by  the  help  of  those  scholars  who  made  us  acquainted 
with  G-reek  and  Hebrew,  that  the  Greek  word  for 
repentance,  signified  '  thinking  of  a  fault  after  it 
was  done,'  .  .  .  and,  as  I  proceeded  farther  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  tongue,  I  perceived  that  it 
also  signified  '  a  change  of  mind.'  .  .  .  Being  con- 
firmed in  these  opinions,  I  made  bold  to  consider  those 
as  false  teachers  who  imputed  so  much  of  repentance 
to  [outward]  works,  making  it  of  little  account  be- 
yond certain  satisfactions  and  scrupulous  confes- 
sions. .  .  .  When  my  mind  was  kindling  into  a  blaze 
with  these  meditations,  behold,  all  of  a  sudden, 
a  new  trumpet  of  indulgences  and  of  pardons  was 
sounded,  or  rather  rung  with  a  loud  clangour  in  our 
ears,  whereby  we  were  not  summoned  to  war, 
but  ....  these  heralds  proclaimed,  with  great  pomp 
and  in  a  manner  unheard  of  before,  not  repentance, 
nor  even  the  weakest  part  thereof,  satisfactions,  but 
the  remission  of  this  weakest  part.  Moreover  did 
they  teach  ungodly,  false  and  heretical  doctrines 
with  such  authority,  (I  should  say,  audacity,)  that 
if  any  one  muttered  a  word  against  it,  he  was 
straightway  a  heretic,  devoted  to  the  flames,  and 
worthy  of  eternal  malediction.  Not  able  to  sus- 
tain their  fury,  I  determined  to  dissent  from  them 
modestly,  and  to  call  into  doubt  their  opinions, 
standing  upon  the  doctrine  of  all  the  teachers 
of  the  whole  church,  viz.  that  it  is  better  that 
the  satisfactions  be  performed  than  that  they  be 
remitted,  that  is,  released  by  indulgence.  Nor 
did  any  one  ever  teach  otherwise.  Thus  I  took  up 


M.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  217 

the  disputation,  that  is,  stirred  up  against  my  un- 
lucky head  every  thing,  top,  bottom  and  midst,  so 
far  as  it  was  in  the  power  of  these  persons,  who  are 
so  zealous  for  money,  or  as  they  will  have  it,  for 
souls.  These  gentle  creatures,  resorting  to  base 
sleights,  inasmuch  as  they  could  not  dispute  what  I 
had  said,  set  up  the  pretence  that  the  power  of  the 
pope  was  impugned  in  my  disputations.  This,  re- 
verend father,  is  the  cause  of  my  now  coming  un- 
happily before  the  people.  I  always  wished  rather 
to  be  in  a  corner,  and  would  now  much  sooner  look 
at  the  august  spectacle  of  the  great  men  of  our  age 
than  become  myself  an  object  of  the  public  gaze. 
But  I  see  it  is  needful  for  the  chick-weed  to  be  with 
the  pot-herbs,  and  the  dark  colour  with  the  light, 
to  set  off  the  charm  by  contraries.  I  pray  you, 
therefore,  receive  these  trifles  of  mine,  and  send 
them  forward  as  speedily  as  may  be  to  Leo  X.,  that 
they  may  appear  there  as  my  defence  against  my  ma- 
lignant foes.  Not  that  I  wish  to  draw  you  into  my 
perils.  I  desire  that  the  perils  be  mine  alone.  Christ 
will  know  whether  these  things  which  I  have  said 
are  his  or  mine.  ...  As  to  those  threats,  I  have  no- 
thing to  reply  to  my  friends  but  the  words  of  Reuch- 
lin,  '  He  that  is  poor  hath  nothing  to  fear,  for  he  hatb 
nothing  to  lose.'  I  have  nothing,  and  I  desire  nothing. 
If  I  enjoyed  any  good  name  or  honour,  this  they  are 
now  fast  destroying.  But  one  thing  remains,  that  is, 
my  frail  body,  already  weak  and  decayed  by  constant 
sufferings.  If,  by  the  will  of  God,  they  should  destroy 
this  by  violence  or  fraud,  why,  they  will  only  make  me 
poorer  by  a  few  hours  of  my  life.  Enough  for  me 
is  my  sweet  Redeemer  and  Saviour,  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  and  his  praises  will  I  sing  as  long  as  I  live. 
If  any  one  will  not  sing  with  me,  what  is  that  to 

19 


218  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

me  ?  Let  him  bark,  if  he  please,  by  himself.  The 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  preserve  you  evermore,  my  dear- 
est father." 

The  letter  addressed  to  Leo,  at  the  same  time 
with  the  above,  accompanying  the  Proofs  and  Expla- 
nations of  the  Theses,  is  important  as  determining 
Luther's  views  of  the  papacy  and  of  Leo  at  this 
period,  views  which  he  soon  had  occasion  to  change. 
"I  have  heard,"  says  he,  "the  worst  account,  most 
blessed  father,  touching  myself,  namely,  that  cer- 
tain friends  have  made  my  name  most  odious  to  you 
and  yours,  as  of  one  who  was  labouring  to  diminish 
the  authority  and  power  of  the  keys  and  of  the 
supreme  pontiff;  and  that  I  am  called  a  heretic,  an 
apostate,  a  traitor,  and  a  thousand  other  ignominious 
names.  These  things  shock  and  amaze  me;  one 
thing  only  sustains  me,  a  sense  of  innocence.  But 
this  is  nothing  new.  Even  here  in  my  own  coun- 
try I  am  honoured  with  such  tokens  by  these  men 
of  honour  and  truth,  I  mean  these  conscience-smitten 
men,  who  strive  to  heap  their  monstrous  crimes  upon 
me,  and,  by  my  ignominy,  to  cover  their  own.  But, 
most  blessed  father,  condescend  to  hear  the  whole 
matter  from  me,  a  child  and  rude  though  I  be. 
The  jubilee  of  apostolic  indulgences  began  to  be 
proclaimed  here  not  long  ago,  and  was  carried  on 
in  such  a  sort,  that  the  preachers  thereof,  employing 
the  terror  of  your  name,  thought  there  were  no 
bounds  to  their  license,  and  presumed  to  teach 
openly  things  the  most  blasphemous  and  heretical, 
to  the  great  scandal  and  contempt  of  ecclesiastical 
authority,  as  if  the  decretals  touching  the  abuses 
practised  by  preachers  of  indulgences  had  nothing 
to  do  with  them.  Not  satisfied  with  scattering  their 
joison  by  their  licentious  tongues,  they  published 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  219 

tracts  and  dispersed  them  among  the .  people,  in 
which,  to  say  nothing  of  the  insatiable  and  unex- 
ampled avarice  flowing  forth  at  every  letter  and 
point,  they  repeated  those  blasphemous  and  here- 
tical declarations,  and  bound  the  confessors  with 
an  oath  to  enjoin  the  same  most  faithfully  and 
earnestly  upon  the  people.  I  speak  nothing  but  the 
pure  truth,  which  cannot  be  concealed  from  the 
light.  The  books  themselves  are  extant,  and  they 
cannot  deny  these  things.  They  have  carried  on 
their  business  with  great  effect,  and  with  their 
false  promises  they  have  drained  the  purses  of  the 
people,  and,  as  the  prophet  saith,  '  plucked  the  flesh 
from  their  bones/  themselves  the  meanwhile  faring 
most  sumptuously. 

"  To  stay  the  public  scandal,  they  have  resorted  to 
the  terror  of  your  name,  to  the  menace  of  the  flames, 
and  to  the  ignominy  of  heresy.  It  is  incredible 
how  bent  they  are  on  using  these  weapons,  where- 
soever their  opinions,  even  in  the  very  least  mat- 
ters, are  called  in  question.  This,  however,  is  not 
so  much  quenching  public  scandal  as  it  is  stirring 
up  schisms  and  seditions  by  deeds  of  tyranny.  At 
the  same  time,  tales  concerning  the  avarice  of  the 
priests,  and  detraction  in  respect  of  the  power  of 
the  keys  and  of  the  supreme  pontiff",  were  going 
from  mouth  to  mouth  in  the  taverns,  as  the  voice 
of  the  whole  land  giveth  witness.  I  burned,  I  con- 
fess, with  zeal  for  Christ,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  or  with 
youthful  heat,  if  any  one  please  j  but  perceived  that 
it  did  not  belong  to  me  to  do  or  decide  any  thing 
in  this  matter.  Accordingly,  I  admonished  pri- 
vately a  few  of  the  dignitaries  of  our  church.  Some 
received  what  I  said,  some  did  ridicule ;  some  one 
thing,  and  some  another ;  for  they  were  terrified  by 


220  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

the  use  made  of  your  name,  and  by  the  threat  of 
the  inquisition.  At  length,  when  I  saw  I  could  do 
nothing  else,  I  thought  it  best  to  arraign  them 
gently,  that  is,  to  make  their  dogmas  a  matter  of 
doubt  and  of  debate.  Therefore,  did  I  publish  a 
disputation,  inviting  only  the  learned  to  discuss  the 
subject  with  me,  if  they  chose.  This  my  enemies 
may  know,  as  it  standeth  in  the  prefatory  words  at  the 
head  of  the  propositions. 

"Behold,  this  is  the  conflagration  whereof  the 
whole  world  complain,  indignant,  perhaps,  that  I,  a 
master  of  theology  by  your  authority,  should,  after 
the  custom  of  all  the  universities  and  of  the  whole 
church,  have  the  right  to  dispute  in  a  public  school, 
not  only  on  indulgences,  but  ....  on  incompara- 
bly greater  things By  what  unlucky  chance 

it  is,  that  these  particular  propositions  of  mine,  more 
than  all  others,  either  of  my  own  or  of  any  teacher, 
should  go  forth  into  nearly  all  the  earth,  I  am  at  a 
loss  to  know.  They  were  set  forth  here  for  our 
use  alone,  and  how  they  should  come  to  everybody's 
knowledge  is  incredible  to  me.  They  are  not  doc- 
trines or  dogmas,  but  matters  of  debate,  stated, 
according  to  custom,  obscurely  and  enigmatically. 
Could  I  have  foreseen  the  result,  I  would  assuredly 
have  taken  care  to  make  them  more  plain  and  clear. 
But  what  shall  I  do  ?  Recall  them  I  cannot ;  and 
yet  I  see  that  their  notoriety  bringeth  upon  me 
great  odium.  ...  In  order,  then,  to  soften  my  ad- 
versaries, and  to  gratify  many  friends,  I  send  forth 
'these  trifles,  [Proofs,  &c.]  to  explain  my  theses. 
For  the  greater  safety,  I  let  them  go  forth,  most 
blessed  father,  under  your  name,  and  under  the 
shadow  of  your  protection.  Here,  all  who  will 
may  see  how  sincerely  I  honour  the  ecclesiastical 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  221 

power  and  reverence  the  keys ;  and  also  how  basely 
I  am  reproached  and  belied  by  my  enemies.  If  I 
were  such  as  they  would  make  me  to  be,  if  those 
things  were  not  all  proposed  for  the  sake  of  debate, 
it  would  be  impossible  that  the  illustrious  elector 
should  allow  such  a  pestilent  thing  in  his  univer- 
sity,— being,  as  he  is,  a  vehement  lover  of  the  catho- 
lic and  apostolical  doctrine, — or  that  I  should  be 
borne  with,  by  the  acute  and  zealous  teachers  in  our 
university.  But  I  speak  to  no  purpose ;  for  these 
gentle  spirits  do  not  stick  at  covering  with  the  like 
infamy  the  elector  and  the  university.  Wherefore, 
most  blessed  father,  I  cast  myself,  with  all  I  am  and 
have,  prostrate  at  your  feet.  Save  or  slay,  call  or 
recall,  approve  or  disapprove,  as  it  shall  best  please 
you;  I  will  acknowledge  your  voice  as  the  voice  of 
Christ  presiding  and  speaking  in  you.  If  I  am 
worthy  of  death,  I  refuse  not  to  die ;  for  the  earth 
is  the  Lord's,  and  the  fulness  thereof;  blessed  be  his 
name,  and  may  he  keep  you  evermore.  Amen." 

A  course  of  events  was  rapidly  hastening  on  which 
was  destined  to  shake  Luther's  confidence,  both  in 
the  bishop  and  in  the  church  of  Rome.  Eck  had 
circulated  extensively,  though  privately,  his  manu- 
script comments,  or  "Obelisks,"  on  Luther's  theses. 
The  latter  sent  his  "Asterisks,"  also  privately, 
as  a  reply.  Carlstadt,  in  the  mean  time,  made  a 
public  answer.  Eck  professed  to  regret  the  course 
things  were  taking,  and  Scheurl,  a  friend  of  both, 
undertook  to  mediate  between  him  and  Luther.  The 
following  is  Luther's  reply  :  "  What  you  desire  in 
behalf  of  our  Eck,  my  dearest  Christopher,  would 
not  have  needed  the  mediation  of  such  a  friend,  if 
the  matter  were  still  open,  and  he  had  been  before- 
hand with  you  in  writing  of  his  letters.  My  suspicion 

19* 


222  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1518. 

that  Eck's  heart  was  turned  away  from  me,  is  much 
increased  for  the  reason,  that,  after  all  the  opprobrious 
words  heaped  upon  me  by  him,  though  privately,  he 
never  communicated  with  me  on  the  subject,  either 
in  writing  or  by  word  of  mouth.  Now,  as  Carl- 
stadt's  Positions  are  already  published,  though  with- 
out my  consent  or  knowledge,  I  know  not  what  can 
be  done  by  either  of  them.  Sure  I  am,  that  I  hold 
the  man's  good  parts  in  great  esteem,  and  his  learn- 
ing in  admiration ;  and  what  has  taken  place,  I  tes- 
tify to  you,  moves  me  to  grief,  rather  than  to  anger. 
On  my  part,  I  have  written  him  the  kind  and 
friendly  letter  which  you  will  herewith  receive  and 
can  read.  Not  only  for  your  sake  am  I  reconciled, 
but  on  account  of  the  confession  made  by  him, 
though  not  to  me,  that  his  notes  have  been  sent 
forth  by  the  fraud  or  malice  of  others.  Therefore, 
both  you  and  he  have  me  in  your  power  in  this 
matter.  Only  see  that  he  do  not  answer  our  Carl- 
stadt  too  sharply.  Let  him  remember  that  it  was 
his  fault  that  these  evils  should  spring  up  among 
friends.  As  my  Asterisks  were  given  out  only  pri- 
vately, there  is  no  need  of  his  answering  them  if 
he  do  not  choose.  But  if  he  desires  to  rejoin,  I 
stand  ready  for  either  event,  though  I  should  choose 
peace." 

Before  advancing  to  the  correspondence  relating 
to  Luther's  citation  to  appear  for  trial  at  Rome,  and 
his  actual  appearance  at  Augsburg  for  that  purpose, 
it  will  be  convenient  to  advert  to  some  other  parti- 
culars connected  with  his  present  situation  and  oc- 
cupations, equally  illustrative  of  his  character  and 
of  his  feelings  at  the  present  juncture. 

June  4,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin  :  "  I  pray  you,  my 
dear  Spalatin,  to  take  it  patiently,  that  I  am  so 


M.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  223 

slack  and  negligent  in  writing  to  you.  I  am  not 
able  to  perform  half  the  business  which  is  unex- 
pectedly and  fast  increasing  upon  my  hands.  Peter 
Mosellanus  was  here  not  long  ago,  and  is  content  to 
accept  the  conditions  and  begin  his  duties  [at  Wit- 
tenberg] as  professor  of  Greek ;  and  he  desired 
me  to  write  unto  you  to  that  effect.  I  promised  to 
write,  which  I  now  do,  not  knowing  whether  there 
had  been  any  negotiating  between  you.  It  will  re- 
main for  you  to  do  in  this  matter  as  God  shall  give 
you  knowledge  and  ability.  .  .  .  John  Tetzel  hath 
written  against  my  German  discourse  a  treatise  in 
German,  a  singular  witness  and  herald  of  his  igno- 
rance. I  will  hold  the  light  to  it,  so  that  all  may 
see  what  it  is." 

For  reasons  not  known,  the  negotiations  with  Mo- 
sellanus were  broken  off,  and  Reuchlin  was  consulted, 
who  recommended  Melancthon  as  professor  of  Greek ; 
and  in  August  he  was  on  the  ground,  thencefor- 
ward the  second  great  pillar  of  the  Reformation. 

June  29,  he  writes  again  to  the  same  :  "  I  am  not 
angry,  most  excellent  Spalatin,  that  those  men  say 
the  worst  things  of  me,  or  that  they  give  out  that 
the  Proofs  and  Conclusions  owe  their  origin  to  the 
elector.  I  only  fear  that  this  will  be  the  occasion 
of  stirring  up  enmity  between  such  princes,  espe- 
cially, if  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  should  allow, 
by  way  of  requital,  any  thing  to  take  place  like 
unto  what  we  lately  heard  of  him. 

"  You  ask  me,  how  far  I  think  dialectics  useful 
to  a  theologian.  I  see  not  how  they  can  be  other- 
wise but  hurtful.  In  the  training  and  exercising  the 
minds  of  the  young,  they  may  have  their  use ;  but 
in  sacred  learning,  where  faith  and  heavenly  illumi- 
nation alone  are  sought  after,  they  ought  to  be  left 


224  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

behind,  as  Abraham,  about  to  offer  sacrifice,  left  the 
servants  and  asses  behind." 

To  his  most  intimate  friend,  Link,  now  in  Nurem- 
berg, who,  together  with  Scheurl,  kept  Luther  in- 
formed of  all  that  was  going  on  in  the  south  of 
Germany  for  or  against  the  Reformation,  Luther 
writes,  July  10  :  "I  should  have  sent  you,  reverend 
father,*  the  Proofs  of  my  Theses,  but  for  the  slack- 
ness of  our  printer,  who  himself  feels  ashamed  of 
it.  Eighteen  of  the  conclusions  [about  one  third  of 
the  book]  were  already  printed,  which  I  have  endea- 
voured to  have  sent  to  you  immediately.  .  .  .  Our 
vicar,  John  Lange,  [chosen  at  the  late  meeting  at 
Heidelberg,]  who  is  here  to-day,  saith,  he  hath  been 
warned  by  a  letter  from  Count  Albert  of  Mansfeld, 
to  suffer  me  by  no  means  to  go  from  Wittenberg, 
[to  Augsburg,]  because  some  nameless  persons  of 
power  are  lying  in  wait  to  hang  me  or  drown  me.  I 
am  plainly  that  man  of  contention  and  discord  men- 
tioned in  Jeremiah,  and  do  daily  vex  the  Pharisees 
with  new  doctrines,  as  they  are  called,  though  I 
am  conscious  of  teaching  nothing  but  the  purest 
theology.  I  have  all  along  known  that  I  should 
present  an  offence  to  the  sanctimonious  Jews,  and 
folly  to  the  most  wise  Greeks.  But  I  hope  that  I 
am  a  debtor  to  Jesus  Christ,  who  saith  to  me  also, 
I  will  show  him  how  great  things  he  must  suffer  for 
my  name's  sake.  For,  if  he  doth  not  say  this,-  why 
hath  he  made  me  invincible  in  the  ministry  of  this 
word  ?  Why  hath  he  not  taught  otherwise  than  I 
preach  ?  Such  was  his  holy  will.  The  more  men 
are  enraged,  the  more  confidence  will  I  have.  My 
wife  and  children  are  provided  for,  [he  was  then  un- 

*  Title  as  monk  and  theologian. 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  225 

married.]  My  lands,  houses,  and  goods  are  all  set 
in  order,  [he  was  still  a  monk,  and  owned  nothing.] 
My  reputation  and  name  are  already  torn  and  man- 
gled, and  only  a  frail  body  remaineth.  ...  I  know 
that  the  word  of  Christ  from  the  beginning  of  the 
world  hath  been  of  such  a  sort,  that  he  who  would 
maintain  it  must,  with  the  apostles,  forsake  and  re- 
nounce all  things,  and  stand  in- waiting  for  death 
every  hour.  If  it  were  not  so,  it  would  not  be  the 
word  of  Christ.  It  was  purchased  with  death ;  it 
was  promulgated  with  death;  it  hath  been  maintained 
with  death,  and  must  be  hereafter.  Thus,  our  en- 
listing was  to  us  an  enlisting  to  blood.  Pray  that 
the  Lord  Jesus  may  increase  and  preserve  this  spirit 
in  his  faithful  poor  sinner." 

"I  have  lately  preached  before  the  people  on  the 
power  of  excommunication,  wherein  I  have  taken 
occasion  to  chastise  the  tyranny  and  ignorance  of 
that  most  sordid  horde  of  officials,  commissaries  and 
vicars.  All  cry  out  with  wonder  that  they  never 
heard  such-like  things.  We  are  all  aware  what  ills 
this  will  bring  upon  me;  a  new  fire  will  be  kindled. 
But  so  the  word  of  truth  is  made  a  sign  everywhere 
spoken  against.  I  had  desired  to  debate  these  mat- 
ters in  a  public  disputation,  but  behold  public  rumour 
prevented,  and  stirred  up  so  many  of  the  great,  that 
my  Brandenburg  bishop  desired,  through  a  noted 
messenger,  that  I  would  put  off  the  disputation, 
which  1  have  done,  especially  as  my  friends  also  ad- 
vised it.  Behold,  what  a  monster  I  am,  whose  every 
endeavour  is  intolerable !  Doctor  Jodocus  of  Eise- 
nach hath  sent  me  a  letter,  running  over  with  the 
greatest  ^cal,  (for  so  must  I  mention  with  honour  the 
most  impassioned  passion  of  this  man,)  far  more  bitter 
than  that  which  you  heard  read  before  the  chapter. 


226  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

He  said  the  same  things  openly  to  me  in  Erfurt. 
It  excruciates  even  to  madness  these  men  that  they 
must  become  fools  in  Christ;  that  our  most  eminent 
masters  in  all  the  world  must  be  considered  as  hav- 
ing erred  for  so  long  a  time." 

On  the  7th  of  August,  1518,  Luther  received  a 
formal  citation  to  appear  within  sixty  days  at  Rome 
for  trial.  Prierias,  his  opponent  and  bitter  enemy, 
was  appointed  one  of  the  judges  by  whom  he  was  to 
be  tried.  All  Luther's  friends  readily  perceived  that 
this  was  but  a  Romish  trick  to  secure  his  destruc- 
tion. At  that  time  the  German  diet  was  in  session 
at  Augsburg;  the  one  at  which  Ulrich  von  Hutten 
published  his  attack  upon  Rome ;  the  last  which  the 
Emperor  Maximilian  ever  attended.  The  Elector 
Frederic,  with  his  secretary  and  counsellors,  was  there. 

On  the  following  day,  August  8th,  Luther  wrote 
thus,  to  Spalatin:  "Now,  my  dear  Spalatin,  I 
greatly  need  your  succour;  or,  rather,  the  honour 
of  almost  the  entire  university  requireth  it  with  me. 
What  is  wanted  is,  that  you  should  use  your  power 
with  the  illustrious  prince  (the  elector)  and  Pfeffin- 
ger,  that  he,  the  prince,  and  his  majesty  the  emperor, 
procure  a  release  for  me,  or  permission  to  have  my 
cause  tried  in  Germany,  as  I  have  written  to  the 
elector.  For  I  see  how  craftily  and  maliciously  those 
murderous  preachers  are  plotting  my  destruction.  I 
would  fain  have  written  to  Pfeffinger  that  he 
might,  by  his  good  offices  and  those  of  his  friends, 
seek  the  same  favour  for  me  from  the  emperor  and 
the  elector.  But  this  must  be  done  without  delay, 
for  only  a  short  time  is  allowed  me,  as  you  will  see 
in  this  monster  of  a  summons.  Read  it,  with  its 
hydra  heads  and  portents.  If  you  love  me  and  hate 
iniquity,  obtain  the  counsel  and  succour  of  the  elec- 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  227 

tor  as  speedily  as  possible ;  and  when  you  have  done 
so,  signify  it  to  me,  or  rather  to  our  reverend  father 
Staupitz,  who  is  either  already  with  you  at  Augs- 
burg, or  will  be  there  soon.  ...  I  beg  you  not  to 
be  anxious  or  cast  down  on  my  account.  The  Lord 
will,  with  the  temptation,  make  a  way  of  escape. 
To  the  dialogue  of  Silvester  [Prierias,]  which  is 
indeed  silvan  and  rustic,  I  am  now  making  a  reply. 
You  shall  have  it  entire,  as  soon  as  it  is  ready.  This 
same  sweet  creature,  my  adversary,  is  also  to  be  my 
judge;  as  you  will  see  in  the  summons." 

On  the  20th,  he  writes  again:  "The  messenger 
whom  I  sent  to  our  illustrious  Prince  Frederic  hath 
not  yet  returned.  I  am,  therefore,  still  waiting  to 
learn  what  the  Lord  intendeth  through  you  to  do  in 
my  case.  I  have  heard  that  the  reverend  Cardinal 
Cajetan  is  specially  charged  by  the  pope  to  use  his 
endeavours  to  imbitter  the  emperor  and  the  elector 
against  me.  [Happily  the  effort  did  not  succeed.]  So 
timid  is  the  conscience  of  great  pontiffs ;  or  rather  such 
is  the  insufferable  power  of  truth  over  deeds  done  in 
darkness.  And  yet  I,  as  you  know,  my  dear  Spalatin, 
have  no  fear  in  all  these  things.  Even  if  their  flatte- 
ries or  their  authority  should  have  the  effect  to  ren- 
der me  odious  unto  all,  I  have  this  left  in  my  heart  and 
conscience,  that  I  know  and  confess  that  whatsoever 
I  hold  and  they  impugn,  I  have  from  Grod,  to  whom 
I  cheerfully  refer  all  and  offer  all.  If  he  take  them 
away,  let  them  be  taken  away ;  if  he  preserve  them, 
let  them  be  preserved;  and  let  his  name  be  hallowed 
and  blessed  for  ever,  Amen.  I  do  not  yet  well  see  how 
lean  escape  that  ecclesiastical  censure  which  is  pur- 
posed, unless  the  prince  shall  come  to  my  aid.  And, 
on  the  other  hand,  I  would  much  rather  be  under 
perpetual  censure,  than  have  the  prince  suffer  in  his 


228  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

good  name  on  my  account.  As  I  have  before  offered 
myself,  so  believe  and  be  assured  I  still  hold  myself 
ready  for  any  thing  you  should  wish,  01  think  best. 
A  heretic  I  will  never  be ;  err  I  may  in  disputation. 
But  I  wish  to  decide  no  doctrine ;  only,  I  am  not 
willing  to  be  the  slave  of  the  opinions  of  men.  It 
seemeth  best  to  our  learned  and  prudent  friends 
here  that  I  should  ask  our  prince,  Frederic,  for  a 
safe-conduct  through  his  dominions,  and  that  he 
should  refuse  it,  as  I  know  he  would,  and  that  this 
should  be  urged  as  my  reason  and  excuse  for  my  not 
appearing  in  Home." 

It  was  in  the  very  midst  of  these  transactions,  and 
before  any  thing  was  agreed  upon  between  the  elec- 
tor, the  emperor,  the  cardinal  and  the  pope,  in  respect 
to  Luther's  trial,  that  the  latter  was  cheered  by  the 
accession  of  a  brilliant  young  man  to  the  university 
and  to  the  circle  of  his  particular  friends;  who,  from 
that  time,  enjoyed  his  confidence  and  supported 
him  in  his  great  work  more  than  any  other  individual. 
Nothing  could  have  been  more  advantageous  or  more 
opportune  than  this  event.  At  the  time  when  the 
timidity  of  Staupitz  was  beginning  to  cause  him  to 
withdraw  from  Luther,  and  when  the  mature  and 
learned  Carlstadt  began  to  betray  a  want  of  tact  in 
the  management  of  affairs,  Melancthon  was  sent  by 
Providence,  with  his  winning  and  amiable  character; 
with  his  varied,  elegant  and  profound  learning;  with 
his  clear,  philosophic  views,  his  sincere  piety  and 
warm  friendship,  to  take  his  stand  by  the  side  of 
Luther,  and  join  him  as  his  truest  and  ablest  associate 
in  fighting  out  the  battle  of  truth. 

When  the  negotiations  with  Mosellanus,  in  respect 
to  the  Greek  professorship,  were  broken  off,  in  July, 
1518,  the  elector  applied  to  Reuchlin,  then  residing 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  229 

at  Stuttgard,  to  recommend  two  professors,  one  for  the 
Greek  and  one  for  the  Hebrew  language.  Reuchlin  re- 
commended Melancthon  for  the  former,  and  CEcolam- 
padius  for  the  latter.  Melancthon  was  at  that  time 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  was  temporarily  occu- 
pying the  chair  of  rhetoric  at  the  University  of 
Tubingen,  but  a  few  miles  from  Reuchlin's  house. 
Being  the  grandson  of  Reuchlin's  sister,  the  young 
Melancthon  had  been  carefully  educated  under  his 
direction.  He  distinguished  himself  by  his  rapid 
acquisitions  in  the  Latin  school  of  Simler  at  Pforz- 
heim. At  Heidelberg,  where  he  entered  the  univer- 
sity at  the  age  of  twelve,  he  acquired  the  reputation 
of  being  the  best  Greek  scholar.  At  Tubingen,  to 
which,  at  the  end  of  two  years  after  having  taken 
his  first  degree,  he  resorted,  and  where  he  spent  six 
years  in  laborious  study,  he  made  such  extensive  and 
various  acquisitions  in  learning  as  to  stand  prominent 
above  all  the  youths  of  the  university.  Destined,  as 
he  was,  to  be  the  "  preceptor  of  Germany,"  it  was 
well  that  his  range  of  study  at  Tubingen  was  very 
wide.  Proceeding  from  the  Latin  and  Greek,  as 
from  a  common  centre,  he  extended  his  studies  to 
history,  rhetoric,  logic,  mathematics,  philosophy, 
theology,  law,  and  even  to  the  leading  medical  writers, 
and  attended  lectures  on  all  these  subjects.  He  not 
only  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  Reuchlin,  as  the 
representative  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  literature,  and 
its  persecuted  but  victorious  defender  against  the 
ignorant  Dominican  monks  of  Cologne,  but  he  made 
himself  familiar,  even  from  boyhood,  with  the  New 
Testament,  in  the  original — a  copy  of  which,  received 
as  a  present  from  Reuchlin,  he  always  carried  about 
his  person.  Reuchlin,  in  his  reply  to  the  elector, 
said  he  knew  of  no  German  who  was  Melancthon' a 
20 


230  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

superior,  except  it  be  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam.  July 
24, 1518,  Reuchlin  wrote  to  his  young  kinsman  :  "I 
have  received  a  letter  from  the  elector,  offering  you 
a  place  and  a  salary;  and  I  will  apply  to  you  the 
promise  of  God  made  to  Abraham :  '  Get  thee  out  of 
thy  country,  &c.;  and  I  will  make  thee  a  great  na- 
tion ;  and  I  will  bless  thee,  and  make  thee  a  great 
name,  and  thou  shalt  be  blessed.'  So  I  prophesy  of 
thee,  my  dear  Philip,  who  art  my  care  and  my 
comfort." 

He  went  by  way  of  Augsburg,  in  order  to  see  the 
elector  there  before  he  should  leave  the  diet,  then 
in  session.  On  leaving  Augsburg,  Melancthon  pro- 
ceeded to  Nuremberg,  where  he  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Pirkheimer  and  Scheurl,  and  then  pursued 
his  way  to  Leipsic,  where  he  saw  the  young  Greek  pro- 
fessor Mosellanus,  and  on  the  25th  of  August,  1518, 
reached  Wittenberg.  Luther's  joy,  on  learning  what 
an  acquisition  was  made  to  Wittenberg  in  this  re- 
markable young  man,  was  great;  and  never  had  he 
occasion  to  abate  his  admiration.  In  the  very  next 
letter  after  the  one  last  quoted  from  him,  under  date 
of  August  31,  he  writes  to  Spalatin,  still  in  Augs- 
burg with  the  elector:  "As  touching  our  Philip 
Melancthon,  be  assured  all  is  done,  or  shall  be,  which 
you  desire  in  your  letter.  He  pronounced  an  [in- 
augural] oration  on  the  fourth  day  after  his  arrival 
here,  [in  which  he  set  forth  the  new  method  of  study 
in  contrast  with  the  old  scholastic  method,]  full  of 
learning  and  force,  meeting  with  such  favour  and 
admiration  in  all,  that  you  may  now  leave  off  all 
anxiety  in  commending  him  unto  us.  We  soon  lost 
the  feeling  produced  by  his  [small]  stature  and  [his 
weak  bodily]  frame;  and  now  we  do  wonder  and  re- 
joice at  that  which  we  find  in  him,  and  thank  the 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES. 

illustrious  prince  and  yourself  for  what  you  have 
done.  You  have  need,  rather,  to  inquire  in  what  study 
he  may  render  himself  most  acceptable  to  our  prince. 
With  his  consent  and  approval,  I  would  choose  that 
Philip  be  made  Greek  professor.  I  only  have  fears 
that  his  feeble  health  will  not  abide  the  severity  of 
our  climate.  I  hear,  furthermore,  that  he  receiveth. 
too  small  a  stipend,  so  that  the  men  at  Leipsic  are 
hoping  to  get  him  away  from  us.  He  was  beset  by 
them  on  his  way  to  this  place." 

September  2,  he  writes  to  the  same,  informing 
him  that  the  students,  now  eagerly  pursuing  the  new 
studies  and  hearing,  by  way  of  preference,  lectures 
on  the  Bible  and  the  ancient  languages,  complain 
that,  before  receiving  their  degrees,  they  are  required 
to  attend  useless  courses  of  lectures  on  scholastic 
theology.  Luther  and  his  friends  desired  that  those 
studies  be  made  optional,  and  that  persons  be 
admitted  to  the  degrees  in  theology  on  passing  a 
regular  examination  on  the  new  branches  of  study 
introduced  by  him,  Melancthon  and  others.  He 
closes  by  saying,  "  I  commend  unto  you  heartily  the 
most  Attic,  the  most  erudite,  the  most  elegant  Me- 
lancthon. His  lecture-room  is  full,  and  more  than 
full.  He  inflameth  all  our  theologians,  highest, 
lowest  and  midst,  with  a  love  of  Greek." 

On  the  9th  of  the  same  month,  he  writes  to  Lange : 
"The  very  learned  and  most  Grecian  Philip  Melanc- 
thon is  professor  of  Greek  here,  a  mere  boy  or  strip- 
ling, if  you  regard  his  age,  but  one  of  us  if  you  con- 
sider the  abundance  of  his  learning  and  his  know- 
ledge of  almost  all  books.  He  is  not  only  skilled  in 
both  languages,  [Latin  and  Greek,  then  a  rare  thing,] 
but  is  learned  in  each.  Nor  is  he  wholly  ignorant 
of  Hebrew."  After  going  to  Augsburg,  whither  he 


232  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

resorted  for  reasons  soon  to  be  given,  he  wrote  to 
Melancthon  himself,  under  date  of  Oct.  11 :  "There 
is  nothing  new  or  strange  here,  saving  that  the 
whole  city  is  filled  with  the  rumour  of  my  name, 
and  everybody  is  eager  to  see  the  new  Herostratus 
that  has  kindled  such  a  conflagration.  Concerning 
yourself,  go  on  in  your  manly  course,  as  you  have 
begun.  Teach  the  youth  right  things.  I  give  my- 
self up  to  be  sacrificed  for  them  and  for  you,  if  it 
be  the  will  of  God.  I  will  sooner  perish,  and, 
what  is  most  grievous,  for  ever  lose  your  delightful 
converse,  than  recall  what  hath  been  rightly  said,  and 
become  the  occasion  of  extinguishing  good  learning. 
Italy  is  covered  with  Egyptian  darkness,  together 
with  those  sottish  and  yet  savage  enemies  of  letters 
and  of  study.  They  neither  know  Christ  nor  the 
things  of  Christ;  and  yet  they  are  our  lords  and 
masters  both  in  matters  of  faith  and  of  morals." 

WE  must  now  resume  our  narrative  in  respect  to 
Luther's  summons  and  trial.  So  far  was  Luther 
from  being  terrified  at  the  threatening  aspect  things 
were  beginning  to  wear  at  Rome,  that  he  published 
a  bold  reply  to  Prierias.  At  the  close,  he  says, 
"  Behold  the  answer  I  make  you,  hastily  and  within 
the  space  of  two  days,  because  what  you  have  brought 
forward  against  me  appeared  so  trifling.  ...  If  you 
wish  to  rejoin,  see  that  you  bring  your  Thomas  upon 
the  arena  a  little  better  equipped;  otherwise  you 
will  not  get  off  so  easy  as  you  have  this  time.  I 
have  put  myself  in  check,  lest  I  should  render  evil 
for  evil."  Such  language  did  he  venture  to  hold  to 
an  adversary  now  his  judge !  The  nature  and  ex- 
tent of  his  Christian  courage  are  well  portrayed  in  a 
letter  to  Staupitz,  Sept.  1.  "Do  not  doubt,"  he 
writes,  "  my  reverend  father,  that  I  shall  maintain 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES. 

my  freedom  in  examining  and  expounding  the 
Scriptures.  Neither  the  summons  nor  the  threats 
given  out  shall  move  me.  I  suffer,  as  you  know, 
incomparably  worse  things,  [spiritual  conflicts,]  which 
make  me  regard  those  temporal  and  momentary 
thunderings  as  trifles.  Still,  I  sincerely  regard  ec- 
clesiastical authority.  .  .  .  If  Silvester  [Prierias,]  that 
silvan  sophist,  shall  go  on,  and  provoke  me  fur- 
ther with  his  scribblings,  I  shall  not  play  with  him 
again,  but  giving  loose  reins  to  my  mind  and  pen, 
will  show  him  that  there  are  in  Germany  men  who 
understand  his  Koman  arts.  ...  I  see  that  attempts 
are  made  at  Rome  that  the  kingdom  of  truth,  i.  e. 
of  Christ,  be  no  longer  the  kingdom  of  truth.  They 
continually  ply  their  rage  to  hinder  truth  from  being 
heard  and  entertained  in  its  own  proper  kingdom. 
But  I  desire  to  belong  to  this  kingdom,  if  not  truly, 
as  I  should,  in  life,  truly  at  least  with  my  tongue 
and  heart,  renewed,  albeit,  and  making  true  con- 
fession. I  learn  from  experience  that  the  people 
are  sighing  for  the  voice  of  their  Shepherd,  Christ, 
and  the  youth  are  burning  with  wonderful  zeal  for 
the  sacred  oracles.  A  beginning  is  made  with  us 
in  reading  of  Greek.  We  are  all  giving  ourselves 
to  the  Greek  for  the  better  understanding  of  the 
Bible.  We  are  expecting  a  Hebrew  teacher,  aud  the 
elector  hath  the  business  in  hand." 

Meanwhile  the  elector,  still  at  Augsburg,  was 
using  his  influence  with  the  emperor  and  with  the 
papal  legate,  that  Luther  might  receive  his  trial  iu 
Germany.  Sept.  9,  Luther  writes  to  Lange :  "  The 
illustrious  prince  hath  written  unto  me,  that  he  hath 
persuaded  the  legate,  Cajetan,  to  write  to  Rome,  ask- 
ing that  my  cause  may  be  tried  within  the  country; 
and  that  I  must  wait  for  the  answer.  I  have  hopes. 

20» 


234  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

therefore,  that  the  ecclesiastical  censure  will  be  with- 
holden.  But  I  am  offensive  to  many,  more,  most." 
Nevertheless  the  cardinal,  without  waiting  for  any 
new  instructions  from  Rome,  agreed  that  Luther 
should  appear  before  him  at  Augsburg,  at  the  close 
of  the  diet.  Of  the  character  and  conditions  of  that 
trial,  however,  nothing  was  decided.  The  elector 
and  many  other  members  of  the  diet  had  left  the 
place  before  Luther's  arrival.  The  latter,  happy  to 
learn  that  he  was  released  from  the  obligation  to 
appear  at  Rome,  readily  complied  with  the  request 
to  present  himself  before  the  papal  legate  at  Augs- 
burg. He  set  out  on  foot,  availing  himself  of  the 
hospitality  of  the  cloisters  that  lay  in  his  route. 
He  reached  Weimar,  Sept.  28,  and  on  the  following 
day,  which  was  a  great  festival,  he  preached  in  the 
chapel  attached  to  the  palace,  and  touched  upon  the 
character  of  the  bishops,  who,  instead  of  appearing 
in  the  form  of  servants  of  the  church,  acted  the  part 
of  lords  and  tyrants.  The  treasurer  of  the  monks 
at  Weimar,  by  the  name  of  John  Kestner,  ap- 
proached Luther,  and  expressed  great  solicitude  in 
respect  to  the  result  of  the  step  he  was  about  to 
take.  "  Oh,  my  dear  doctor,"  said  he,  "  the  Italians 
are  very  learned  people.  I  fear  you  will  not  be  able 
to  gain  your  cause  with  them,  and  they  will  put  you 
to  the  flames."  Luther  replied,  "  With  nettles  I 
could  bear ;  but  with  fire  it  would  be  rather  too  hot. 
Dear  friend,  pray  to  our  Lord  God  in  heaven  with 
a  paternoster  for  me  and  for  his  dear  Son,  whose  is 
my  cause,  that  he  would  show  mercy.  If  he  will 
maintain  my  cause,  let  it  be  maintained ;  if  he  has 
not  a  mind  to  maintain  it,  then  I  will  not  maintain 
it ;  I  will  let  him  see  to  that."  From  this  place  he 
was  sent  forward  by  the  elector,  who  furnished  him 


SL.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  235 

with  many  important  letters  to  those  who  were  to 
be  his  counsellors  and  protectors  at  Augsburg.  A 
few  miles  before  reaching  the  place,  he  was  so  ex- 
hausted that  he  was  obliged  to  take  a  carriage.  He 
had  also  borrowed  a  robe  of  his  Nuremberg  friend 
Link,  that  he  might  appear  the  more  respectably 
before  the  great  men  at  Augsburg. 

Three  days  after  his  arrival,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin : 
"I  arrived,  my  dear  Spalatin,  at  Augsburg  on  St. 
Mark's  day,  Oct.  7.  We  were  very  much  wearied ;  I 
especially  was  almost  consumed  by  the  journey,  being 
exhausted  from  a  disordered  stomach.  But  I  have  re- 
covered. This  is  the  third  day  since  my  arrival,  and 
I  have  not  yet  seen  the  most  reverend  legate.  I  sent 
to  him,  on  the  first  day,  Doctor  Link  and  another  to 
announce  my  arrival.  In  the  mean  while,  my  good 
friends  here  have  been  diligent  in  procuring  for  me 
a  safe-conduct  from  the  emperor  and  the  senate  [of 
Augsburg.]  By  the  authority  of  our  illustrious 
prince,  they  are  all  very  kind  unto  me  and  careful 
of  my  wants.  Although  the  reverend  cardinal 
legate  promiseth  to  use  all  lenity,  [he  had  made 
such  a  promise  to  the  elector,]  yet  my  friends  are 
not  willing  that  I  should  put  any  trust  in  him. 
They  take  upon  themselves  to  exercise  their  own 
prudence  and  diligence  in  this  matter.  For  they 
know  that,  whatsoever  he  pretendeth  outwardly,  he 
is  inwardly  very  bitter  against  me.  I  have  had  the 
same  thing  hinted,  in  no  obscure  manner,  from  other 
quarters.  To-day  I  shall  go  unto  him,  and  seek  my 
first  audience,  and  see  him  face  to  face.  What  will 
be  the  issue,  I  know  not.  Some  think  it  a  good 
omen  for  my  cause  that  the  Cardinal  Gurk  is  absent ; 
others,  that  the  emperor  himself  is  absent,  though 
the  latter  is  not  far  away,  [engaged  in  the  chase,] 


236  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

and  his  return  is  daily  expected.  The  Bishop  of 
Augsburg  is  also  absent  from  the  city.  Yesterday 
I  dined  with  Dr.  Conrad  Peutinger,  and  a  better 
citizen  and  man  I  have  never  seen.  He  is  most 
of  all  engaged  in  my  interest,  and  other  senators  are 
scarcely  less  so.  Whether  the  reverend  legate  is 
afraid  of  me,  or  is  cherishing  a  monster,*  I  do  not 
know.  Yesterday  he  sent  unto  me  the  orator  of 
Montferrat,  who  told  me  not  to  visit  the  legate  with- 
out first  having  a  conference  with  himself.  It  is 
thought  by  all,  that  he  came  by  the  legate's  order. 
With  many  words,  and,  as  he  saith,  'judicious  coun- 
sels/ he  endeavoured  to  persuade  me  to  submit  forth- 
with to  the  legate,  and  to  return  to  the  church  by 
recanting  my  hard  speeches,  at  the  same  time  pro- 
posing to  me  the  example  of  Joachim,  Abbot  of 
Florence,  who,  by  such  means,  though  he  had  said 
heretical  things,  escaped  from  being  a  heretic.  Then 
the  sweet  creature  wished  me  to  abstain  from  giving 
the  reasons  for  what  I  had  said.  '  Dost  thou  wish 
to  break  a  lance  ?'  said  he.  To  be  short,  he  is  an 
Italian,  and  will  always  be  an  Italian.  .  .  .  He  went 
on  to  make  the  most  absurd  declarations,  and  ac- 
knowledged openly  that  it  was  right  to  preach  what 
was  false  for  the  sake  of  a  good  profit,  as  he  called 
it,  and  filling  the  purse.  .  .  .  But  I  dismissed  this 
Sinon,  [who  deceived  the  Trojans  in  regard  to  the 
wooden  horse,]  who  had  so  little  of  the  Grecian 
cunning,  and  he  went  his  ways.  Thus  I  am  in  sus- 
pense between  hope  and  fear;  for  this  unapt  medi- 
ator hath  inspired  me  with  no  little  confidence." 

Luther  goes  on  to  mention  that  he  had  engaged 
Rossenstein,  of  Ingolstadt,  as  professor  of  Hebrew, 

*  Secretly  favouring  a  bad  cause. 


M.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  237 

and  provided  for  his  travelling  expenses  to  Witten- 
berg ;  that  Staupitz  had  written  that  he  would  be 
at  Augsburg  as  soon  as  he  should  know  that  Luther 
was  there ;  that  the  orator  of  France  had  left  Augs- 
burg, but  not  without  leaving  a  signal  proof  of  his 
regard  for  him ;  that  the  golden  rose  was  sent  to 
the  elector  by  the  pope,  and  "  salutes  all  his  Wit- 
tenberg friends,  and  wishes  them  prosperity,  whether 
he  returns  to  them  or  not."  The  letter  to  Melanc- 
thon,  written  about  the  same  time,  has  been  already 
given  above. 

October  15,  he  wrote  again  to  Spalatin:  "I  am 
not  minded,  my  dear  Spalatin,  to  write  to  our  illus- 
trious prince.  You,  therefore,  who  are  familiar  with 
him,  receive  my  communication,  and  signify  it  to 
him.  The  legate  hath  treated  with  me,  or  rather 
against  me,  now  for  the  space  of  four  days ;  having 
before  promised  our  illustrious  prince  that  he  would 
act  a  kind  and  fatherly  part,  but,  in  truth,  doing 
every  thing  by  inflexible  power  alone.  He  was 
loth  to  have  me  debate  the  matters  in  dispute  with 
him  publicly;  nor  was  he  willing  to  discuss  them 
with  me  privately.  His  replies  were  all  of  this  one 
tenor:  'Recant;  acknowledge  your  error ;  the  pope 
will  have  it  so,  and  not  otherwise,  whether  you  will 
or  not,'  and  such  like.  ...  At  length,  overcome  by 
the  entreaties  of  many,  he  consented  that  I  should 
give  my  reasons  in  writing ;  which  I  have  done  this 
day,  in  the  presence  of  the  elector's  minister,  Fe- 
litzsch,  who  brought  to  mind  the-  prince's  request. 
At  length  the  paper  was  rejected  with  disdain,  and 
my  revocation  loudly  demanded ;  and  with  a  long 
rehearsal  from  the  fables  of  Aquinas,  he  seemed  to 
conquer  and  silence  me.  I  essayed  a  dozen  times  to 
say  a  word,  and  he  chopped  in  upon  me  as  many 


LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

times  with  thundering  tones,  and  reigned  alone." 
Luther  finally  said  to  him,  "  If  you  will  prove  your 
point  even  from  those  papal  decrees  you  have  been 
reading,  I  will  revoke  as  you  desire."  "And  now 
such  airs  and  such  laughter !  He  suddenly  seized 
the  book,  read  eagerly  and  out  of  breath/'  till  he 
came  to  a  certain  passage,  when  Luther  stopped  him, 
and  said,  "This  expression  teacheth  just  the  contrary 
of  what  you  assert.  My  conclusion  is,  therefore, 
right."  "  He  being  confused,  and  yet  not  wishing  to 
appear  so,  prudently  dashed  off  upon  another  matter. 
But  I  eagerly  and  not  very  reverently  interrupted 
him,  and  said :  '  Let  not  your  reverence  suppose 
that  the  Germans  are  ignorant  of  grammar,  too.' 
.  .  .  His  confidence  deserted  him ;  and  as  he  cried 
out,  '  Recant/  I  left  him,  he  meanwhile  saying  /  Go, 
and  return  not  to  me,  till  thou  art  willing  to  recant.' " 
What  is  here  thrown  together  took  place  at  differ- 
ent times,  as  will  appear  from  the  following. 

Luther  had  received  the  imperial  safe-conduct  on 
Monday,  the  llth  of  October.  On  Tuesday,  in  com- 
pany with  Frosch,  prior  of  the  Carmelite  convent, 
with  whom  he  lodged,  two  other  brethren  of  the 
same  order,  and  Link,  and  another  Augustinian  monk, 
he  had  proceeded  to  the  legate,  with  whom  he  found 
the  apostolical  nuncio  and  the  orator  Urban,  above 
mentioned.  According  to  instructions  previously 
received,  Luther  prostrated  himself  upon  his  face 
before  the  legate.  When  the  latter  bade  him  rise, 
he  rose  first  upon  his  knees,  and  afterward  upon  his 
feet.  Meanwhile,  a  throng  of  curious  Italians  had 
crowded  into  the  room,  in  order  to  see  the  fearless 
monk.  After  acknowledging  that  he  was  the  author 
of  the  theses,  and  saying,  that  he  was  willing  to  be 
instructed  if  he  had  erred,  the  legate  required  him 


&.  34.]  INDULGENCES. 

to  confess  his  errors,  and  promise  to  drop  them,  and 
no  more  trouble  the  church.  The  errors  were  chiefly 
two,  the  denial  that  the  merits  and  sufferings  of 
Christ  are  the  treasure  of  the  church,  and  the  asser- 
tion that  faith  was  necessary  in  order  to  partake  of 
the  holy  communion.  Here  ensued  the  discussion 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  letter.  On  returning  to 
his  lodgings  at  night,  he  found  Staupitz  there,  hav- 
ing just  arrived  from  Salzburg,  his  present  residence. 
On  Wednesday,  Luther  proceeded  again  to  the  car- 
dinal's house,  accompanied  by  Staupitz,  the  three 
imperial  counsellors,  Auerbach,  Peutinger  and  Lan- 
genmantel,  and  by  Felitzsch,  and  desired  permis- 
sion to  reply,  in  writing,  to  any  errors  which  might 
be  imputed  to  him ;  and  this,  after  a  long  discus- 
sion, in  which  Staupitz  took  part,  was  granted.  On 
Thursday,  he  came  again  with  Felitzsch,  the  elec- 
tor's minister,  and  Dr.  Riihel,  and  presented  a  full 
reply  in  writing,  in  which  he  resolutely  maintained 
the  two  positions  complained  of,  and  showed  the 
heresy  of  the  contrary  view.  This  was  the  paper 
which  the  legate  threw  aside  in  contempt ;  and  then 
it  was  that  he  was  reduced  to  silence  by  Luther,  who 
turned  against  him  the  very  passage  the  legate  was 
reading  to  prove  his  point.  In  the  afternoon,  the 
legate  sent  for  Staupitz,  and  requested  him  to  under- 
take the  work  of  persuading  Luther  to  renounce  his 
heresy.  But  Staupitz  replied,  that  he  could  not  do 
it,  as  Luther  was  too  strong  for  him  in  the  Scrip- 
tures. He  finally  made  the  attempt,  but  when  Lu- 
ther brought  forward  his  passages  of  Scripture,  and 
asked  Staupitz  to  give  any  other  interpretation  of 
them,  he  confessed  he  could  not,  and  concluded  by 
saying  to  Luther :  "  Remember,  dear  brother,  that 
thou  hast  taken  this  matter  up  in  the  name  of 


240  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1518. 

Jesus."  The  cardinal  then  agreed  with  Staupitz 
that  he  would  point  out  the  particular  articles  which 
Luther  should  retract.  But  the  articles  did  not 
come,  and  Luther  sent  his  friend  Link  to  request 
that  the  points  in  dispute  might  be  adjusted.  The 
legate  appeared  friendly,  said  he  did  not  regard  Lu- 
ther as  a  heretic,  and  that  he  would  not  excommu- 
nicate him,  unless  he  should  receive  further  com- 
mand so  to  do  from  Rome,  whither  he  had  just  sent 
a  special  messenger  with  Luther's  reply.  If  Luther 
would  but  admit  the  single  article  on  indulgences, 
he  continued,  the  case  might  easily  be  disposed  of, 
for  the  article  on  faith  might  admit  of  some  expla- 
nation. "A.  clear  proof  this,"  said  Staupitz,  on 
hearing  it,  "  that  Rome  hath  more  care  for  money 
than  for  faith  and  salvation." 

It  was  the  opinion  of  the  various  friends  of  Lu- 
ther, that  Staupitz  and  Link  should  leave  Augs- 
burg, and  put  no  further  confidence  in  these  wily 
Italians ;  and  consequently  they  both  went,  though 
by  different  routes,  to  Nuremberg  the  same  day. 
Luther  remained  all  day,  Saturday,  without  hearing 
from  the  legate;  also  the  following  Sunday,  when 
he  sent  a  very  humble  communication  to  Cajetan, 
saying,  he  had,  in  his  excitement,  been  too  violent 
and  disrespectful  toward  the  pope ;  that  it  would 
have  been  better  to  have  been  more  temperate,  and 
not  to  have  answered  a  fool  according  to  his  folly; 
that  he  would  be  silent  in  respect  to  indulgences, 
if  the  other  party  should  be  made  to  do  the  same. 
He  would  furthermore  gladly  renounce  whatever  his 
conscience  would  allow;  but  at  no  one's  command, 
nor  to  please  any  one,  could  he  violate  his  conscience. 
Having  received  no  word  in  reply,  he  wrote  again 
on  Monday,  saying,  he  was  not  conscious  of  neglect- 


JE.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  241 

ing  any  thing  which  belonged  to  him  as  a  faithful 
son  of  the  church ;  he  could  not  waste  his  time,  nor 
be  longer  burdensome  to  the  Carmelite  monastery. 
Besides,  the  legate  had  forbidden  him  to  appear 
again  without  a  revocation.  His  friends  had  advised 
him  to  appeal  from  the  pope  misinformed  to  the 
pope  better  to  be  informed.  Ecclesiastical  censure 
he  had  not  deserved ;  neither  did  he  stand  in  fear 
of  it.  By  the  grace  of  God  he  had  reached  to  that 
point,  that  he  feared  excommunication  less  than  he 
feared  error.  The  legate,  he  hoped,  would,  before 
the  pope,  put  a  kind  construction  upon  his  depart- 
ure and  upon  his  appeal.  Luther  remained  Mon- 
day and  Tuesday,  and,  as  he  heard  nothing  from 
the  cardinal,  his  friends  thought  such  silence  no 
good  omen,  and,  according  to  their  advice,  Luther 
left  Augsburg,  Wednesday,  the  20th,  on  a  horse 
which  Staupitz  had  provided  for  him,  and  with  a 
guide  furnished  him  by  the  council.  Langenmantel 
let  him  out  of  the  city  by  a  small  gate  by  night. 
Luther,  without  suitable  garments,  that  is,  in  a 
monk's  robe,  without  boots,  rode  about  forty  miles 
the  first  day,  and  when  he  alighted  from  his  horse 
at  the  stable  at  night,  he  was  unable  to  stand,  and 
fell  down  on  the  straw.  In  Grafenthal,  half-way 
between  Coburg  and  Jena,  Count  Albert  of  Mans- 
feld  found  him,  and  laughed  heartily  at  the  bare- 
footed and  bare-legged  rider,  and  made  him  his 
guest. 

Luther  felt  thankful  for  his  safe  return,  respecting 
which  he  had  been  apprehensive.  To  Carlstadt  he 
had  written :  "  But  whether  I  come  back  to  you 
without  injury  or  separation,  or  be  banished  to  some 
other  place,  may  you  prosper  and  adhere  to  Christ, 
and  exalt  him  without  dismay  or  discouragement." 


242  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

Still,  with  a  single  word,  (revoco,  I  revoke,)  he 
might,  he  assures  us,  have  rendered  himself  most 
acceptable  and  beloved.  "But,"  says  he,  "sooner 
than  renounce  that  doctrine  which  has  made  me 
a  Christian,  will  I  die,  be  burned,  banished  and 
cursed." 

The  very  day  he  reached  Wittenberg,  Oct.  31,  pre- 
cisely twelve  months  from  the  time  he  came  out  with 
his  theses,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin :  "  To-day,  my  dear 
Spalatin,  have  I  come,  by  the  grace  of  God,  safely 
to  Wittenberg,  not  knowing,  however,  how  long  I 
shall  abide  here,  for  I  am  in  a  state  of  uncertainty 
between  hope  and  fear."  After  saying  that  if  his 
first  appeal  is  without  effect,  he  will  make  another  to 
a  general  council,  he  adds,  "  I  am  full  of  joy  and  peace, 
so  much  so  as  to  marvel  that  this  my  trial  should 
appear  a  great  matter  to  many  notable  men."  At 
Nuremberg,  on  his  way  home,  he  saw,  for  the  first 
time,  the  papal  brief  and  other  instructions  given  to 
Cajetan,  by  which  it  appeared  he  was  already  con- 
demned, unless  he  renounced  his  errors.  He  was 
greatly  incensed  at  this  "apostolical,  or  rather  dia- 
bolical brief."  "It  is  incredible  that  a  thing  so 
monstrous  should  come  from  the  chief  pontiff,  espe- 
cially from  Leo  X.  ...  If,  in  truth,  it  did  come 
forth  from  the  Roman  court,"  he  continues,  "then 
I  will  show  them  their  most  licentious  temerity  and 
their  most  ungodly  ignorance."  He  did,  indeed, 
afterward  publish  that  brief,  with  a  cutting  running 
commentary,  in  which,  among  other  things,  he  says, 
"  The  best  of  all  is,  that  the  brief  is  dated  August 
23,  and  my  citation  was  given  August  7,  leaving  a 

space  of  but  sixteen  days What,  then, 

becometh  of  the  sixty  days  spoken  of  in  my  sum- 
mons ? — [within  which  he  was  to  appear  for  trial.] 


M.  34.]  INDULGENCES.  243 

Is  this  the  fashion  and  custom  of  the  Roman  court, 
to  cite,  warn,  accuse,  judge,  condemn  and  give  sen- 
tence all  on  one  and  the  same  day;  and  that,  too, 
when  the  person  indicted  is  so  far  from  Rome  as  to 
know  nothing  thereof?  What  answer  will  they 
make  to  this?  Peradventure  they  forgot  to  clear 
their  brain  with  hellebore  before  entering  upon  these 
acts  of  deception  and  fraud." 

In  the  same  letter,  quoted  from  above,  Luther 
mentions  that  Frosch,  prior  of  the  Carmelite  monas- 
tery at  Augsburg,  who  had  treated  him  "with  in- 
credible liberality  and  kindness"  during  his  stay 
there,  was  about  to  apply  for  the  degree  of  doctor 
of  divinity  at  Wittenberg.  "  He  is  worthy  on  sun- 
dry accounts,"  says  Luther,  "to  be  requited  with  a 
favour  from  us.  By  promise  of  the  elector,  as  he 
saith,  he  expecteth  a  public  dinner  to  be  given  unto 
him  on  occasion  of  that  solemnity.  I  may  rest  well 
assured  it  will  be  so,  if  the  elector  hath  promised  it. 
All  needful  preparations  will,  without  doubt,  be 
made.  See  to  it,  then,  that  his  expectation  be  ful- 
filled on  our  part  with  due  honour."  The  elector 
seems  either  not  to  have  had  a  distinct  recollection 
of  the  promise,  or  to  have  found  some  difficulty  in 
fulfilling  it.  Luther  observes,  not  without  chagrin, 
in  a  subsequent  letter :  "  Lest  a  man  so  worthy  of 
being  honoured  be  dismissed  without  honour,  we 
have  had  recourse  to  our  own  monastery,  and  shall 
provide  the  dinner  at  our  own  trouble.  .  .  .  But 
we  are  very  poor,  and  there  is  already  a  multitude 
of  us,  so  that  we  cannot,  without  difficulty,  be  at  that 
expense.  I  pray  you,  therefore,  to  see  that  the 
prince  furnish  us  with  the  wild  fowl  and  venison." 
On  the  18th  of  November,  Luther,  as  dean  of  the 
theological  faculty,  conferred  the  degree.  But  Me- 


244  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  '  [1518. 

lancthon,  the  young  Greek  professor,  whom  the 
heroic  reformer  had  as  yet  seen  but  a  few  times,  did 
not  come  to  the  dinner.  Luther  wrote  him  the  same 
day  the  following  facetious  note,  inviting  him  to  sup- 
per: "  To-day,  you  have  despised  me  and  the  new 
doctor,  which  may  the  muses  and  Apollo  forgive 
you.  And  I,  though  the  affair  was  not  altogether 
mine,  myself  forgive  you.  But  unless  you  appear 
this  time  to  meet  Dr.  Carlstadt,  licentiate  Amsdorf, 
and  especially  the  rector,  neither  your  Greek  learn- 
ing, nor  little  brother  Martin,  as  Cajetan  calleth  me, 
will  excuse  you.  The  new  doctor  jocoselysaithhe 
supposeth  he,  as  a  barbarian,  is  lightly  esteemed  by 
the  Greek.  Be  careful  what  you  do,  for  I  have  pro- 
mised that  you  will  assuredly  be  present  this  time." 
As  early  as  the  25th  of  October,  Cajetan  wrote  to 
the  Elector  Frederic,  complaining  of  Luther,  and 
affirming  that  his  teachings  were  contrary  to  those 
of  the  Roman  see,  and  deserving  to  be  condemned. 
11  Your  grace,"  he  continues,  "  may  believe  me,  for 
I  speak  the  truth,  from  what  I  certainly  know,  and 
not  from  mere  opinion."  He  then  begs  and  exhorts 
the  elector  either  to  send  Luther  to  Rome,  or  to 
banish  him  from  the  country.  This  letter  was  put 
into  the  hands  of  Luther,  with  the  request  that  he 
would  indicate  what  reply  ought  to  be  given.  Luther 
took  this  opportunity  to  rehearse  the  whole  course  of 
the  transactions  with  Cajetan ;  to  expose  the  unfair- 
ness of  them,  and  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  prince 
more  fully  in  respect  to  the  chicanery  practised  by 
the  Roman  court.  In  this  letter  he  says  to  the  elec- 
tor :  "  In  order  that  no  evil  may  accrue  to  your 
grace  on  my  account,  a  thing  which  .1  least  of  all 
desire,  I  purpose  to  forsake  your  dominions,  and  go 
wheresoever  my  gracious  God  will  have  me,  and  sub- 


M.  86.]  INDULGENCES.  245 

mit  myself  to  his  divine  will,  whatsoever  may  come." 
He  wrote  to  Spalatin  that  he  should  regret  to  be  ar- 
rested in  his  course  at  Wittenberg,  not  so  much  on 
his  own  account  as  on  that  of  the  university  and  the 
many  excellent  young  men  who  were  there,  burning 
with  zeal  for  a  knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
If  he  should  be  silenced,  the  turn  would  next  come 
to  Carlstadt  and  to  the  whole  theological  faculty. 
The  university  wrote  to  the  elector,  entreating  him 
to  interest  himself  especially  in  the  cause  of  Luther. 
To  his  congregation  Luther  said,  "  I  am,  in  these 
times,  as  you  well  know,  an  irregular  preacher,  hav- 
ing often  gone  away  without  taking  leave  of  you. 
Should  that  ever  take  place  again,  I  will  now  say 
farewell,  in  case  I  should  not  return." 

As  Frederic  was  very  reserved  in  regard  to  his 
opinion  of  Luther's  course,  and  as  the  latter  was 
desirous  not  only  not  to  involve  his  prince  in  the 
controversy,  but  to  enjoy  more  freedom  for  discussion 
than  he  supposed  could  be  allowed  him  in  Saxony, 
he  seriously  purposed  retiring  from  his  post,  and 
seeking  some  other  place  of  abode.  Paris  seemed  to 
be  the  place  of  his  choice,  as  he  vainly  imagined 
the  defenders  of  the  liberties  of  the  Gallican  church 
would  sympathize  with  him.  There  was  much  con- 
sultation with  Spalatin  and  other  friends  about  the 
place  and  manner  of  retirement,  and  all  things  were 
arranged  by  Luther  for  a  speedy  departure,  when 
suddenly,  on  the  1st  of  December,  a  letter  came  to 
him  from  the  secretary  Spalatin,  which  prevented 
the  execution  of  the  plan. 

December  2,  he  writes :   "  Had  your  letter  not 

been  received  yesterday,  my  dear  Spalatin,  I  had 

taken  measures  for  my  departure,  and  I  still  hold 

myself  ready  either  to  go  or  to  remain.     The  con- 

21* 


246  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

cern  my  friends  feel  for  me  maketh  me  marvel,  and 
is  more  than  I  can  endure.  Some  have  urged  with 
great  earnestness  that  I  should  give  myself  up  as  a 
captive  to  the  elector,  in  order  that  he  might  take 
possession  of  me  and  keep  me  in  custody,  and  then 
write  to  the  legate  that  I  was  detained  in  safe  keep- 
ing until  I  should  render  an  account  of  my  doings. 
What  opinion  ought  to  be  entertained  of  this  ad- 
vice, I  leave  to  be  decided  by  your  wisdom.  I  am 
in  the  hands  of  God  and  of  my  friends. 

"It  is  certain  that  the  elector  is  believed  to  be  on 
my  side.  This  I  learn  from  a  man  who  would  as- 
suredly not  deceive  me.  At  the  court  of  the  Bishop 
of  Brandenburg,  the  question  was  lately  moved  what 
my  confidence  was,  in  whose  support  I  trusted.  One 
replied,  'In  Erasmus,  Capito,  and  other  learned 
men.'  'No/  said  the  bishop,  'these  would  have 
no  weight  with  the  pope.  It  is  the  University  of 
Wittenberg  and  the  Duke  of  Saxony  that  uphold 
him.'  Thus  I  clearly  see  that  the  elector  is  thought 
to  be  with  me,  and  this  displeaseth  me.  The  sus- 
picion he  stands  in  as  being  joined  with  me  will 
constrain  me  to  withdraw,  if  any  thing  can  have 
that  effect,  although  the  elector  might  say  in  his 
reply,  that  he  is  a  layman,  and  doth  not  take  upon 
him  to  judge  in  such  matters ;  and  the  more  so, 
because  he  seeth  that  the  university,  which  hath 
the  approval  of  the  church,  is  not  against  me.  But 
you  have  no  need  of  these  my  cogitations.  If  I 
remain  here,  I  shall  be  hindered  from  saying  and 
writing  many  things;  if  I  go  away,  I  shall  open  my 
whole  mind,  and  offer  up  my  life  unto  Christ." 

The  pope  resorted  to  another  expedient  in  order 
to  accomplish  his  purpose  in  respect  to  Luther. 
He  appointed  Miltitz,  a  Saxon  by  birth,  now  agent 


M.  35.]  INDULGENCES.  247 

of  the  elector  at  Home,  as  a  nuncio  to  Germany, 
and  fitted  him  out  with  a  golden  rose,  a  token  of 
friendship  given  only  to  princes  who  were  the  pope's 
favourites.  Miltitz  was  to  unite  with  this  flattering 
office  that  of  making  good  what  had  been  lost  by 
Cajetan  toward  effecting  a  reconciliation.  This 
undertaking  of  Miltitz,  which  from  various  causes 
was  an  entire  failure,  was  a  sort  of  interlude.  The 
nuncio  acted  a  shrewd  part,  and,  but  for  Eck  and 
other  zealots,  would  probably  have  been  successful. 
He  avoided  connection  with  Cajetan,  who  had  be- 
come generally  odious  by  his  arrogance,  and  asso- 
ciated himself  closely  with  Pfeffinger,  the  elector's 
minister.  He  demeaned  himself  as  a  subject  of 
Frederic,  admitted  the  justness  of  Luther's  com- 
plaints against  indulgences,  and  treated  Luther  with 
great  consideration  and  tenderness.  For  a  long  time, 
he  was  received  and  treated  with  suspicion.  Luther 
did  not  trust  him.  Still  he  induced  Luther  to  make 
many  important  concessions,  all  that  could  possibly 
be  made  by  him  with  a  good  conscience.  When,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1519,  the  imperial  throne 
became  vacant,  the  pontiff  was  interested  to  exclude 
the  house  of  Austria,  already  too  powerful,  from  the 
succession,  and  secure  the  election  of  the  King  of 
France.  Frederic's  position,  as  one  of  the  most  in- 
fluential of  the  electors  and  as  vicar  of  the  empire, 
now  rendered  it  necessary  for  the  Roman  see  to 
change  its  haughty  tone  toward  him,  and  conse-* 
quently  Luther  was  left  for  several  months  com- 
paratively free. 

On  the  9th  of  December,  1518,  Luther  wrote  two 
letters  to  Spalatin,  one  in  which  he  proposes  a  mode- 
rate reform  in  the  university,  by  dropping  one  or  two 
courses  of  lectures  in  the  scholastic  philosophy;  the 


248  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1518. 

other  in  which  he  speaks  thus  :  "  That  which  you, 
my  dear  Spalatin,  direct  me  not  to  do  [the  publish- 
ing of  his  account  of  the  interview  with  Cajetan  at 
Augsburg]  hath  been  already  done.  My  rehearsal 
of  those  doings  have  been  published,  and  I  have 
used  great  liberty  therein,  and  yet  have  come  short 
of  the  whole  truth.  Herein,  as  well  as  in  all  other 
matters,  I  perceive  that  I  must  act  without  any 
delay.  Yesterday  I  was  given  to  understand  from 
Nuremberg  that  Charles  von  Miltitz  was  on  his  way 
hither  with  three  papal  briefs,  as  it  is  on  good  au- 
thority said,  for  apprehending  me  and  delivering  me 
up  to  the  pope.  The  Eisleben  doctor,  who,  with 
Felitzsch,  was  present  when  I  stood  before  the  legate, 
hath  given  me  warning  through  our  prior  to  be  on 
my  guard.  ...  I  have  heard  many  such-like  things 
which,  whether  they  be  true,  or  only  given  out  in 
order  to  terrify  me,  must  not,  I  think,  go  unheeded. 
Therefore,  to  the  end  they  may  not  come  upon  me 
unawares  and  despatch  me,  nor,  on  the  other  hand, 
cast  me  down  and  overcome  me  by  means  of  judg- 
ments passed  against  me,  I  hold  myself  in  readiness 
for  any  event,  and  so  await  the  will  of  God.  I  have 
made  my  appeal  to  a  future  council.  The  more 
they  rage  and  have  recourse  to  violence,  so  much 
the  less  am  I  terrified.  I  will  one  day  be  yet  more 
bold  against  those  Roman  hydras.  That  which  you 
have  heard,  namely,  that  I  have  taken  leave  of  the 
people  of  Wittenberg,  is  not  so.  I  only  said,  .  .  . 
'  If  I  should  ever  again  suddenly  leave  you,  I  wish 
now  to  say  farewell,  in  case  I  should  not  return/  " 

On  the  llth  of  the  same  month,  he  wrote  to  his 
friend  Link  in  Nuremberg:  "The  report  touching 
the  three  apostolical  briefs,  given  unto  Miltitz  against 
me,  hath  come  to  my  ears.  Casper,  [Aquila,]  who 


M.  35.]  INDULGENCES. 

had  learned  this  from  your  letter,  informed  me  of 
the  same  by  a  special  messenger,  in  his  over-anxiety 
for  me.  I  send  you  my  Transactions,  written  with 
more  sharpness  than  the  legate  would  like  to  see 
published.  But  my  pen  is  already  producing  still 
weightier  things.  I  know  not  whence  these  cogita- 
tions arise.  This  matter  hath  in  my  esteem  hardly 
a  beginning  yet,  so  far  is  it  from  the  end,  which  the 
great  ones  of  Rome  are  looking  for.  I  will  send 
unto  you  my  trifles,  that  you  may  see  whether  I 
rightly  interpret  the  words  of  Paul  in  respect  of 
antichrist,  as  referring  to  the  court  of  Rome.  I 
think  I  can  plainly  show  that  the  Romans  are  even 
now  worse  than  the  Turks.  ...  I  live  in  expecta- 
tion of  the  attempts  of  my  murderers,  whether  from 
Rome  or  from  any  other  quarter.  I  marvel  that 
the  excommunication  tarries  so  long.  .  .  .  Our  stu- 
dies are  going  actively  on,  and  we  are  as  busy  as 
bees.  Farewell.  Greet  all  my  friends,  especially 
the  preacher  Sebaldinus,  and  the  other  master,  but 
most  of  all  Pirkheimer,  Albert  Diirer,  and  Christo- 
pher Scheurl,  [the  most  influential  men  in  Nurem- 
berg.] Eck  wnteth  that  he  is  not  altogether  pleased 
nor  altogether  displeased  with  my  reply  to  Prierias ; 
but  he  addeth  a  very  sagacious  and  true  clause, 
namely,  that  he  well  knoweth  his  opinion  will  not 
weigh  much  with  me." 

Two  days  later,  he  wrote  to  Staupitz  then  in 
Salzburg,  mentioning  his  safe  return  from  Augsburg, 
and  then  proceeding  to  say  :  "The  elector  dissuaded 
me  altogether  from  bringing  out  my  account  of  the 
Augsburg  Transactions;  but  at  length  he  hath  given 
his  consent,  and  they  are  now  in  course  of  printing. 
In  the  mean  season,  the  legate  wrote  [to  him,]  bit- 
terly accusing  me  and  you  and  my  associates,  as  ho 


250  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1518. 

calleth  them,  complaining  that  I  departed  secretly 
from  Augsburg,  and  that  it  was  done  in  guile.  He 
then  counselleth  the  elector  to  send  me  bound  to 
Rome,  or  to  banish  me  from  his  dominions,  in  order 
that  he  bring  not  a  foul  spot  upon  his  name  for  the 
sake  of  one  little  monk.  He  saith  the  cause  will  be 
sustained  and  prosecuted  at  Rome;  that  he  himself 
hath  written  to  the  city,  giving  an  account  of  my 
fraud,  and  that  he  hath  washed  his  hands  of  the 
fault.  The  elector  desired  me  to  reply  to  that 
letter,  in  order  that  he  might  put  my  answer  with 
his  own,  and  send  both  to  the  legate.  This  have  I 
done,  and,  as  I  think,  in  a  satisfactory  manner.  The 
elector  manifests  much  concern  for  me,  but  would 
choose  I  were  somewhere  else.  He  ordered  Spalatin 
to  call  me  to  Lichtenburg,  and  to  confer  fully  with 
me  on  the  matter  there.  1  told  him,  that  if  the  ex- 
communication should  come  I  would  not  continue 
here.  He  entreated  me  not  to  think  of  going  to 
France.  I  am  still  waiting  to  learn  his  final  deci- 
sion. As  for  you,  my  beloved  father,  farewell.  Com- 
mend to  Christ  my  soul  alone.  I  see  that  these  men 
have  determined  on  my  death;  but  Christ  deter- 
mineth  not  to  yield  in  me.  Let,  yea,  let  his  holy 
and  blessed  will  be  done.  Pray  for  me.  .  .  .  Our 
studies  prosper  well,  save  that  there  is  a  lack  of  time 
for  our  best  lectures." 

To  Reuchlin,  the  very  next  day,  December  14th, 
Luther  wrote  the  following  spirited  and  magnificent 
letter.  "  The  Lord  be  with  you,  most  courageous 
man :  I  rejoice  in  the  goodness  of  God  which  is 
manifested  in  yoXi,  most  erudite  and  most  excellent 
sir,  in  that  you  have  been  able  to  stop  the  mouths 
of  evil-speakers.  Surely  you  were  an  instrument  of 
the  Divine  will,  though  not  knowing  it  yourself,  yet 


JE.  35.]  INDULGENCES.  251 

longed  for  by  all  the  lovers  of  a  pure  theology. 
Quite  other  things  are  accomplished  by  God  than 
that  which  seemeth  outwardly  to  be  done  through 
you.  Of  those  who  desired  to  be  joined  with  you 
I  was  one;  but  I  had  no  opportunity.  Yet  was  I 
always  most  present  with  you  in  my  prayers  and 
wishes..  But  now,  that  which  was  denied  me  when 
I  would  fain  have  been  your  fellow-labourer,  is 
abundantly  granted  me  as  your  successor.  The 
teeth  of  that  behemoth  are  now  gnashing  upon  me, 
to  repair,  if  possible,  the  dishonour  received  through 
you.  I  meet  these  men  with  much  less  of  ability 
and  learning,  but  not  with  less  confidence  than  that 
wherewith  you  met  and  overcame  them.  They  ab- 
stain from  contending  with  me.  They  refuse  to 
reply  unto  me,  and  have  recourse  to  nothing  else 
but  force  and  violence.  But  Christ  liveth,  and  I 
can  lose  nothing,  because  I  possess  nothing.  By 
your  firmness  the  horns  of  those  bulls  are  not  a  little 
broken.  This  doth  the  Lord  accomplish  through 
you  to  the  end  that  the  sophistical  tyrants  may  learn 
to  be  a  little  more  tardy  and  moderate  in  resisting  the 
truth;  that  Germany  may  draw  breath  again,  and 
the  teaching  of  the  Scriptures  be  revived,  which, 
alas !  have  for  so  many  centuries  been  not  only  kept 
down,  but  extinguished."  He  excused  himself  for 
writing  so  familiarly,  by  saying  that  his  affection  for 
him,  and  his  knowledge  of  him  both  through  com- 
mon fame  and  through  his  books,  together  with 
Melancthon's  assurance  that  it  would  be  kindly  re- 
ceived, emboldened  him  thus  to  write.  Reuchlin's 
dispute  with  the  Dominican  monks  of  Cologne  was 
at  first  personal,  and  related  to  the  value  of  Hebrew 
and  Greek  literature ;  but  it  ended  in  dividing  Ger- 


252  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1518. 

many  into  two  great  parties,  henceforth  to  be  repre- 
sented by  Luther  and  his  opponents. 

In  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  December  20,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  elector's  letter  to  Cajetan,  Luther,  among 
other  things,  says :  "  I  have  seen  the  excellent  letter 
of  our  illustrious  prince  to  the  reverend  legate.  With 
what  joy  did  I  read  that  letter  over  and  over  again, 
which  so  aboundeth  in  Christian  confidence,  and  is 
yet  so  wonderfully  meek.  I  do  only  but  fear  that 
the  Italians  will  not  understand  how  much  is  meant 
under  that  humble  attitude  and  form.  They  are  a 
people,  whose  custom  and  use  it  is,  both  in  their 
doings  and  in  their  writings,  to  set  every  thing  forth 
with  great  ostentation  and  show.  But  they  will,  at 
least,  see  so  much  as  this,  that  nothing  which  they 
have  put  their  hands  to  seemeth  to  prosper.  It 
cannot  be  otherwise  but  that  they  will  be  greatly 
displeased.  Wherefore,  I  entreat  you  in  the  Lord, 
to  thank  the  prince  on  my  behalf,  and  show  unto 
him  how  joyful  and  grateful  I  am.  It  hath  all 
turned  out  well  that  he,  [Cajetan,]  who,  a  little 
while  before,  was  but  a  poor  monk  like  myself,  did 
not  fear  to  draw  near  to  great  potentates,  [such  as 
Frederic,]  without  showing  them  any  honour  or  re- 
verence, and  to  threaten  them,  to  command  them, 
and  to  treat  them  as  haughtily  as  he  pleased.  He 
may  now  know,  though  late,  that  the  civil  power  is 
of  Grod,  and  that  the  honours  thereof  may  not  be 
trodden  in  the  dust,  especially  by  one  who  hath  re- 
ceived his  own  authority  from  only  a  man,  [the 
pope.]  It  pleaseth  me  much,  that  in  this  matter 
the  prince  hath  shown  an  impatience  sopatient  and 
prudent.  The  Lord  own  and  acknowledge  all  this, 
whatsoever  it  be,  as  his." 

On  the  27th  of  December,  Miltitz  reached  Alten- 


JE.  35.]          INDULGENCES.  253 

burg,  his  head-quarters  while  in  Saxony.  Having 
learned  the  vile  practices  of  Tetzel,  and  especially 
his  squandering  habits,  he  wrote  to  Leipsic,  only 
twenty-seven  miles  distant,  where  that  monk  passed 
the  remaining  few  months  of  his  life,  ordering  him 
to  appear  at  Altenburg,  to  give  an  account  of  his  do- 
ings. We  have  the  reply  of  Tetzel,  preserved  in 
full.  Under  date  of  December  81,  1518,  he  begins 
his  letter  thus :  "  Your  excellency  hath  given  me 
notice,  that  I  am  required  to  come  to  Altenburg,  to 
hear  somewhat  in  particular  from  you.  Now,  I 
would  willingly  undertake  the  labour  of  such  jour- 
ney, if  I  could,  without  peril  of  life,  go  out  of  Leip- 
sic. For  the  Augustinian  monk,  Martin  Luther, 
hath  stirred  up  not  only  all  the  German  estates,  but 
even  the  kingdoms  of  Bohemia,  Hungary,  and  Po- 
land against  me,  so  that  I  am  nowhere  in  safety." 

He  complains  of  Luther's  hostility  and  false  accu- 
sations, particularly  as  made  in  the  account  which 
the  latter  had  recently  given  of  the  transactions  at 
Augsburg,  "in  which  all  the  blame  was  cast  upon 
Tetzel  and  his  abettors ;  and  closes  by  saying,  that 
he  has  already  suffered  very  much  for  his  fidelity  to 
the  pope,  but  will  nevertheless  continue  to  be  faith- 
ful until  death.  He  died  not  long  after,  in  such 
wretchedness  as  to  excite  Luther's  compassion,  and 
draw  forth  from  him  a  letter  of  Christian  consola- 
tion. His  death  occurred  during  the  Leipsic  dispu- 
tation, on  the  4th  of  July,  the  very  day  that  Luther, 
but  a  few  rods  distant  from  Tetzel' s  retreat,  began 
his  debate  with  Eck. 

Meanwhile,  Luther  had  an  interview  with  Miltitz,. 
at  Altenburg,  the  first  week  in  January,  1519.  On 
the  second  day,  he  writes  without  date  to  the  elector : 
"It  is  quite  too  much  that  your  electoral  and  princely 

22 


254  LIFE    OF   LUTHER.  [1519. 

grace  should  be  so  entangled  in  my  affairs  and  trou- 
bles ;  but  as  it  is  a  thing  of  necessity,  which  Grod 
hath  so  ordered,  I  pray  you  accept  it  graciously. 
Yesterday,  Charles  von  Miltitz  set  forth  very  earn- 
estly the  discredit  and  dishonour  done  through  me 
to  the  Roman  see,  and  I  promised  to  do,  with  all 
humility,  what  I  could  to  make  reparation.  .  .  . 
First,  I  agreed  to  drop  the  matter,  and  let  it  die  of 
itself,  on  condition  that  my  adversaries  do  the  same. 
For  I  think  if  they  had  let  my  writings  pass,  all 
should  have  been  still,  and  the  song  ended,  and  the 
people  weary  of  it  long  ago.  Furthermore,  I  fear, 
if  this  course  be  not  taken,  but  the  strife  go  on  either 
by  violence  or  by  disputation,  something  ill  will 
come  of  it,  and  the  play  will  turn  out  to  be  too 
much  in  earnest.  Therefore,  I  think  it  best  to  let 
the  matter  end  where  it  is.  Secondly,  I  have  pro- 
mised to  write  to  his  holiness  the  pope,  submitting 
myself  humbly  to  him,  and  acknowledging  that  I 
have  been  too  heated  and  violent,  though  I  did  not 
intend  thereby  to  harm  the  holy  Roman  church,  but 
rather,  as  a  true  son  of  the  church,  to  set  myself 
.against  blasphemous  preaching,  which  brought  the 
Roman  church  into  contempt  and  reproach  among 
•the  people.  Thirdly,  I  consented  to  put  forth  an 
address,  exhorting  all  to  follow,  obey  and  honour 
the  Roman  church,  and  to  interpret  my  writings,  not 
to  the  discredit,  but  to  the  honour  of  that  church ; 
and  I  promised  to  confess  in  the  same,  that  I  have 
been  too  warm,  and,  perchance,  out  of  season,  in  what 
I  have  said.  .  .  .  Fourthly,  Master  Spalatin,  at  the 
instance  of  Fabian,  proposed  to  lay  the  matter  in 
dispute  before  the  most  reverend  Archbishop  of 
Salzburg,  by  whose  decision,  to  be  made  after  con- 
sultation with  learned  men,  I  must  abide,  unless  I 


&.  35.]  INDULGENCES.  255 

may  choose  to  appeal  from  it  to  a  future  council. 
Perhaps,  the  jar  may  thus  be  stayed,  and  made 
quietly  to  pass  away.  But  I  fear  the  pope  will  not 
allow  a  judge,  [to  decide  between  him  and  me,]  and 
I  certainly  will  not  allow  the  pope's  authority.  If, 
therefore,  the  first  plan  doth  not  work  well,  the  play 
will  be,  that  the  pope  will  give  the  text,  and  I  make 
the  commentary.  But  that  is  not  a  thing  to  be 
wished.  I  have  conferred  with  Miltitz  thereon,  who 
doubteth  this  will  not  be  enough ;  and  yet  did  he 
not  demand  a  recantation  from  me,  but  will  take 
the  proposal  into  consideration.  If  your  grace 
thinketh  I  can  do  more,  condescend,  for  the  Lord's 
sake,  graciously  to  show  it  unto  me;  for  all  pains 
taken  to  draw  from  me  a  retractation  will  nothing 
avail." 

To  many  it  seems  difficult  to  interpret  these  con- 
cessions in  a  manner  that  shall  be  honourable  to 
Luther.  His  firmness  seems  almost  to  have  de- 
serted him.  But  we  must  remember  that  his  case, 
at  that  time,  appeared  almost  desperate.  He  was 
unwilling  to  stand  in  such  relations  of  dependence 
to  the  elector,  or  to  involve  him  in  the  controversy. 
The  result  was  very  uncertain.  The  papal  nuncio 
treated  him  with  great  kindness,  and  conceded  nearly 
all  that  he  had  asserted,  so  that  Luther  would 
come  off  quite  as  well  as  the  pope  would.  Besides, 
the  concessions  of  Luther  related  to  the  Roman 
church,  in  the  abstract,  apart  from  the  abuses  of 
unworthy  functionaries ;  and  for  this  church,  so 
viewed,  he  never  lost  his  reverence,  nor  did  he 
ever  adopt  the  theory  of  separation.  Luther  was 
always,  and  more  particularly  in  the  earlier  and  later 
parts  of  his  life,  a  churchman,  and  therefore  he 
could  take  the  ground  he  did  in  this  letter.  Finally, 


256  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

he  refused  to  retract,  and  would  confess  little,  except 
indiscretion  in  the  manner  he  had  written.  And, 
after  all,  what  if  Luther  was  human,  and  was  not 
always  equally  the  saint  or  the  hero  ?  What  if  the. 
transactions  with  the  nuncio  betrayed  a  weak  point  in 
the  reformer  in  an  hour  of  despondency  and  gloom  ? 
Luther  was  not  perfect,  was  not  always  consistent, 
nor  always  right  either  in  his  opinions  or  in  his  feel- 
ings. Far  from  it. 

The  interview  on  Luther's  part  was  somewhat  of 
a  diplomatic  character.  He  distrusted  the  Roman 
courtier,  though  a  Saxon  by  birth.  He  doubted 
whether  the  court  of  Rome  would  go  so  far  as  the 
nuncio  believed.  He  wished  to  have  it  appear,  in 
case  of  failure,  that  the  fault  was  not  his.  And, 
moreover,  he  all  the  while  entertained  views  and 
feelings  which  he  thought  it  not  best  to  betray  either 
to  the  nuncio  or  to  the  elector.  He  was  dealing  with 
men  of  the  court. 

In  the  freedom  of  confidential  correspondence, 
Luther,  in  letters  to  various  friends,  unbosoms  all 
his  feelings  and  transient  impressions.  But  with 
wonderful  variety  and  adaptation  to  character,  he 
imparts  to  his  several  correspondents  only  what 
their  peculiarities  would  enable  them  to  appreciate, 
and  what  would  meet  with  their  sympathy.  To  the 
elector  he  writes  with  reserve,  but  in  a  way  adapted 
to  win  his  confidence  and  affection,  and  speaks  of 
transactions  as  they  would  be  likely  to  affect  his 
policy.  To  Spalatin,  he  writes  as  to  a  friend  and  a 
"theologian  more  fully  and  freely,  but  with  the  evi- 
dent expectation  that  it  will,  indirectly  and  on  the 
most  fitting  occasions,  and  with  suitable  accompani- 
ments, reach  the  elector's  ear.  To  Scheurl,  he  writes 
as  to  an  intelligent  statesman  and  warm  friend, 


&.  35.]  INDULGENCES. 

whom  he  highly  respects,  and  whose  influence  in 
Nuremberg  is  of  great  importance  to  him.  Through 
him,  he  is  virtually  addressing  the  south  of  Ger- 
many, and  he  does  not  forget  that  in  the  tone  of  his 
letters.  To  Egran,  an  independent  and  bold  inno- 
vator or  reformer  in  Zwickau,  he  writes  as  to  a  kin- 
dred spirit,  and  speaks  right  out  without  reserve. 
To  Staupitz,  he  writes  with  affection  and  a  delicate 
regard  to  his  character  and  position,  as  a  timid 
friend,  whom  he  wishes  to  draw  forth  from  his  pa- 
pal connections  and  sympathies.  All  these  things 
must  be  taken  into  the  account,  if  we  would  rightly 
understand  his  letters. 

To  Scheurl  he  writes,  January  13,  1519  :  "  I 
have  stolen  from  myself  and  from  my  labours  this 
hour,  and  write,  at  last,  to  the  intent  that  I  may  not 
seem  unthankful  for  so  many  letters  from  you,  or 
unwilling  to  reply.  I,  in  all  sincerity,  thank  you 
for  the  pure  and  true  friendship  whereby  you  lend 
me  your  counsels  and  show  your  solicitude  for  me. 
Gladly  would  I  see  the  end  of  this  turbulence,  if  my 
enemies  were  of  the  same  mind.  But  they  purpose, 
as  I  see,  to  compass  their  work,  not  by  gentleness, 
but  by  power  and  violence.  Hence,  they  daily  stir 
up  against  themselves  the  more  oppositions,  and 
bring  nothing  to  pass.  That  the  upstir  can  never 
be  put  down  by  naked  force,  I  well  know.  The 
trifles  of  Silvester  [Prierias,]  if  they  are  indeed  his, 
seem  not  to  deserve  a  reply  from  me :  they  are  pue- 
rile and  womanly,  nothing  but  the  meanings  of  his 
grief.  With  Charles  [Miltitz,]  I  have  had  a  very 
friendly  meeting,  and  it  has  been  agreed,  first,  that 
utter  silence  on  this  subject  shall  be  observed  on 
both  parts ;  and,  secondly,  that  by  order  of  the  su- 
preme pontiff,  some  German  bishop  shall  point  out 

22* 


258  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1519. 

the  errors  which  I  shall  retract.  But,  except  God 
interpose,  nothing  will  be  brought  to  pass,  especially 
if  they  shall  take  in  hand  to  force  me  with  that  new 
decretal,  the  which  I  have  not  yet  seen.  I  have 
heard  that  it  asserts  the  plenitude  of  [the  papal] 
power,  without  bringing  forward  any  'support  either 
from  the  Scriptures  or  from  the  canons.  But  this  I 
would  never  grant  to  any  decretal,  even  the  most 
ancient.  Who  can  tell  what  God  intends  to  raise 
up  through  these  monsters  !  As  touching  myself,  I 
am  neither  terrified  nor  desirous  to  hush  the  matter. 
I  have  in  store  many  things,  which  could  touch  the 
Roman  hydra,  and  which  I  would  fain  bring  forth, 
if  suffered  to  do  so.  But  if  God  will  not  that  I 
should  have  the  liberty,  the  will  of  the  Lord  be 
done."  What,  in  the  dubious  state  of  things  then 
existing,  could  be  said  more  adapted  in  any  event 
to  secure  the  confidence  and  continued  respect  of  the 
friend  who  had  evidently  been  advising  him  to  a 
peaceful  course  ?  How  different  the  tone  of  his  letter 
to  Egran,  who  had  already  broken,  on  his  own  ac- 
count, with  the  Papists,  or  rather  with  the  monks 
who  had  assailed  Luther.  It  was  written  February  2, 
and  begins  thus:  " Accept  a  brief  notice,  my  dear 
Egran,  of  the  present  state  of  my  affairs.  Charles 
von  Miltitz  was  sent  unto  our  prince,  armed  with 
more  than  seventy  apostolical  briefs,  given  to  this 
end,  that  he  should  bring  me  alive  and  bound  to 
Rome,  that  murderous  Jerusalem.  But  being  laid 
prostrate  by  the  Lord  on  the  way,  that  is,  being  ter- 
rified by  the  multitude  of  those  who  favour  me,  after 
he  had  most  carefully  noted  the  estimation  in  which 
the  people  held  me,  he  turned  his  violence  into  friend- 
ship, which  was  nothing  but  a  pretence,  and  treated 
with  me  a  long  while  to  persuade  me,  for  the  honour 


JE.  85.]  INDULGENCES.  259 

of  the  church,  to  retract  what  I  had  said.  To  which 
I  replied  after  this  sort :  '  Let  the  manner  of  retracting 
be  determined,  and  the  grounds  of  the  error  pointed 
out  in  such  a  manner  that  they  would  appear  plain 
both  to  the  common  people  and  to  the  learned,  lest  a 
wrong  retractation  should  stir  up  still  greater  hatred 
against  Rome.'  It  was  at  length  agreed  by  us,  that 
the  Bishops  of  Salzburg  and  Treves  should  be  chosen, 
and  that  unto  one  of  them  the  case  should  be  re- 
ferred for  decision ;  and  thus  we  parted  as  friends 
with  a  [Judas]  kiss.  For  in  his  entreaties  he  shed 
tears.  I,  for  my  part,  feigned  not  to  understand 
those  crocodile  tears.  Thus  far  hath  the  matter 
proceeded.  What  is  now  doing  at  Rome,  I  know 
not.  Charles  [Miltitz]  said,  there  had  not  for  a 
century  been  a  cause  which  had  given  more  trou- 
ble to  that  most  odious  herd  of  cardinals,  and  of 
Romanizing  Romanists;  that  they  would  sooner 
give  ten  thousand  ducats,  than  allow  this  matter  to 
go  on  as  it  had  begun."  Here  we  perceive  clearly, 
that  Luther  had  no  confidence  in  the  nuncio's  sin- 
cerity, but  still  thought  it  best  to  treat  with  him 
without  appearing  to  comprehend  his  policy.  In 
this  way,  Luther  would  either  induce  him  to  effect 
a  relaxation  of  the  severity  of  the  pope,  or  make  it 
appear  to  all  the  world  that  he  himself  was  not  in 
fault  if  the  reconciliation  was  not  effected. 

The  following  letter  to  Staupitz,  written  February 
20th,  will  serve  not  only  to  illustrate  the  foregoing, 
but  to  throw  light  upon  Luther's  present  relations 
to  Staupitz,  and  upon  the  view  they  took  of  the 
course  of  events.  "Though  you  are  far  from  me, 
[at  Salzburg,  near  the  western  boundary  of  Aus- 
tria,] reverend  father,  and  keep  silence,  not  writing 
to  me  as  I  had  expected  and  desired,  I  nevertheless 


260  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

will  break  the  silence.  I  and  all  others  are  desirous 
to  see  you  here  in  these  regions.  I  suppose  you 
have  received  my  Transactions,  that  is,  the  ire  and 
indignation  of  Rome.  God  hurries  and  forces  me 
on  instead  of  leading  me.  I  am  not  master  of  my- 
self. While  I  desire  to  be  quiet,  I  am  driven  into 
the  midst  of  tumults.  Charles  Miltitz  has  seen  me 
at  Altenburg,  and  complained  that  I  had  drawn  all 
the  world  away  from  the  pope  unto  myself;  that  he 
had,  on  his  journey,  made  observation  and  found  that 
scarcely  two  or  three  out  of  five  held  with  the  Ro- 
man party.  He  was  armed  with  seventy  apostolical 
briefs  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  me  captive  to  that 
murderous  Jerusalem,  that  Babylon  in  purple,  as  I 
afterward  learned  from  the  court  of  the  elector. 
When  that  device  was  given  up  in  despair,  he  un- 
dertook to  persuade  me  to  retract,  and  thus  to  restore 
what  I  had  taken  away.  On  my  asking  to  be  in- 
structed as  to  what  I  should  retract,  it  was  agreed 
that  the  cause  should  be  carried  before  certain 
bishops.  I  made  mention  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Salzburg,  Treves,  and  Freisingen.  At  evening  I 
complied  with  an  invitation  to  sup  with  him,  and 
we  had  a  pleasant  season  together,  and  when  we 
parted,  he  kissed  me.  I  made  as  though  I  did  not 
understand  this  Italian  dissimulation.  He  also 
summoned  and  censured  Tetzel.  Afterward,  at 
Leipsic,  he  convicted  him  of  receiving  as  wages 
ninety  florins  a  month,  besides  three  horsemen  and 
a  carriage,  and  all  his  charges  to  boot.  Tetzel  him- 
self hath  now  disappeared,  no  one,  save  perhaps  the 
fathers  of  his  order,  knowing  whither  he  hath  gone. 
Eck,  a  man  of  guile,  draweth  me,  as  you  here  see 
[from  his  theses,]  into  new  disputes.  Thus  the  Lord 
taketh  care  that  I  be  not  idle.  But,  by  the  will  of 


INDULGENCES.  261 

Christ,  this  [Leipsic]  disputation  shall  turn  out  ill 
for  those  Roman  laws  and  customs  on  which  Eck 
leaneth  for  support.  .  .  .  The  Leipsic  professors 
have  given  their  consent  to  have  the  disputation  with 
Eck  held  in  their  university,  and  accuse  me  of  rash- 
ness in  saying  that  they  refused,  and  ask  me  to  take 
back  what  I  said.  But  I  learned  with  certainty 
from  Duke  George  that  they  had  refused  him ;  and 
I  have  twice  replied  that  their  dean  had  refused  me, 
as  in  truth  he  did,  when  I  requested  permission. 
Thus  craftily  do  these  men  strive  to  stifle  this  dis- 
putation, but  Duke  George  urgeth  it  forward." 

By  being  "  driven  on  and  kept  from  idleness,"  Lu- 
ther means  that  Eck's  propositions  and  challenges 
frustrated  the  plans  of  Miltitz  for  effecting  a  recon- 
ciliation. For  if  the  papal  party  should  renew  the 
discussion,  Luther  was,  by  the  terms  of  the  agree- 
ment, left  free  to  reply.  Tetzel  did  not  leave  Leipsic, 
as  was  supposed,  but  secluded  himself  there  after  his 
disgrace,  and  remained  in  the  cloister,  called  the 
Paulinum,  till  his  death,  a  few  months  after.  Luther 
expresses  his  feelings,  in  respect  to  that  humiliation 
and  disgrace,  in  another  letter  thus :  "  I  am  sorry 
that  Tetzel  is  reduced  to  such  necessity  in  respect 
to  his  safety,  and  that  his  doings  have  been  exposed 
to  the  light.  I  would  much  rather,  if  it  were  pos- 
sible, that,  by  a  reformation  on  his  part,  he  should 
escape  with  honour.  As  I  lost  nothing  by  his  glory, 
so  I  should  gain  nothing  by  his  ignominy.  I  cannot 
sufficiently  marvel  that  he  should  dare  to  take  such 
a  large  amount  of  money  from  poor  people  for  his 
own  use,  enough  to  support  a  bishop,  nay,  an 
apostle." 


262 


LIFE   OF   LUTHER. 


[1519. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    LEIPSIC    DISPUTATION. 

SECTION  I. — Preliminary  Correspondence. 

PUBLIC 

debate,  held 
from  June 
27  to  July 
8,  1519,  at 
Leipsic,  be- 
tween Eck  on 
the  one  hand, 
and  Carlstadt 
on  the  other, 
to  which  Lu- 
ther was,  with 
some  diffi- 
culty, finally 
admitted,  de- 
rives its  interest  partly  from  the  topics  discussed — 
chiefly  the  liberty  of  the  will,  the  power  of  the  pope 
and  indulgences,  and  partly  from  the  scene  of  the 
transactions,  and  the  peculiar  relations  of  Leipsic  to 
Wittenberg.  The  Duchy  of  Saxony,  with  Duke 
George  at  its  head,  Dresden  for  its  capital  and 
Leipsic  as  its  chief  seat  of  theological  learning,  was 
strongly  Papal,  and  continued  to  be  so  for  twenty 
years  from  this  time,  or  till  1539.  The  Electorate 
of  Saxony,  belonging  to  the  other  line  of  Saxon 


JE.  35.]  LEIPSIC  DISPUTATION.  263 

princes,  with  Frederic,  cousin  of  George,  for  ita 
reigning  sovereign,  and  Wittenberg  for  its  capital, 
and  its  centre  of  theological  influence,  was  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Reformation. 

Eck  chose  Leipsic  as  the  place  for  holding  the 
disputation,  both  for  the  favour  which  he  expected 
there  from  the  sympathies  of  the  people  and  of  the 
judges,  and  for  the  glory  he  hoped  to  acquire  from 
the  university  and  the  court  of  George,  by  .a  victory 
over  the  two  champions  of  reform.  Eck  was  perhaps 
the  most  learned,  certainly  the  most  celebrated  Catho- 
lic theologian  of  Germany.  He  was  then  Vice-chan- 
cellor of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt.  He  owed  his 
great  reputation  principally  to  his  shrewdness  and 
practised  art  as  a  debater.  It  was  neither  greatness 
of  mind,  nor  depth  and  solidity  of  learning,  but  varied 
knowledge,  self-possession,  and  skill  in  studying  the 
passions  and  prejudices  of  men  and  turning  them  ef- 
fectively to  his  account, — it  was  this  that  made  him  a 
formidable  antagonist.  And  in  this  he  succeeded  at 
Leipsic,  though  those  who  could  estimate  arguments 
by  their  intrinsic  worth  gave  the  victory  to  the  other 
party. 

Eck,  as  it  appears  in  the  accounts  already  given  of 
him,  had  been,  for  some  little  time,  an  acquaintance 
and  personal  friend  of  Luther,  having  been  intro- 
duced to  him  by  Scheurl  of  Augsburg.  A  little 
sparring  between  them  had  occurred  in  the  Obelisks, 
or  notes  of  the  former,  on  the  ninety-five  Theses,  and 
in  the  Asterisks,  or  reply  of  the  latter.  But  at  Augs- 
burg, in  1518,  they  had  met  on  friendly  terms;  and 
the  proposal  of  Luther  that  a  disputation  should  be 
held  between  Eck  and  Carlstadt  on  the  subjects 
embraced  in  certain  propositions  which  the  latter 
had  recently  published,  was  agreed  to,  and  Eck  was 


264  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1519. 

allowed  to  choose  between  Leipsic  and  Erfurt  as  the 
place  for  the  discussion.  But  when  Eck  came  to 
publish  his  counter-propositions,  setting  forth  the 
points  which  he  was  to  maintain,  he  not  only  put 
himself  in  opposition  to  Carlstadt's  propositions,  but 
also  to  Luther's  theses  and  other  writings,  thereby 
covejtly  drawing  Luther  also  into  the  debate.  It  was 
this  disingenuous  act  which  discharged  Luther  from 
the  obligations  he  had  entered  into  with  Miltitz, 
according  to  which  he  was  to  remain  silent,  provided 
his  opponents  should  do  the  same.  The  breach  of 
the  truce  came,  therefore,  from  the  papal  side  ;  and 
Eck's  intemperate  zeal  was  far  more  wounding  to 
the  feelings  of  Miltitz  than  to  those  of  Luther. 

In  the  letter  of  Feb.  2,  to  Egran,  quoted  above 
in  part,  is  the  following  paragraph  :  "  Our  Eck,  who 
was  besought  by  me,  when  at  Augsburg,  to  meet 
Carlstaldt  in  debate  at  Leipsic,  in  order  to  bring  the 
controversy  to  an  end,  hath  at  last  accepted  the  ad- 
vice. But  behold  the  character  of  the  man,  of  what 
sort  it  is.  He  hath  [in  his  Propositions]  fallen  upon 
my  theses,  and  vehemently  assailed  them,  and  hath 
passed  by  him  [Carlstadt]  with  whom  he  is  in  con- 
troversy. You  would  think  he  was  playing  pranks 
at  carnival.  Therefore,  in  order  to  defend  what  I 
have  said  on  indulgences,  I  am  forced  to  enter  the 
lists  with  him.  He  is  a  pitiable  animalcula  of  fame." 
In  a  letter  of  congratulation  to  Lange,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  his  receiving  the  degree  of  doctor  of  divinity, 
written  Feb.  3,  Luther  observes  :  "  Our  Eck  goeth 
about  to  stir  up  a  new  war  against  me;  and  the 
thing  which  I  have  long  meditated  will  now,  with 
the  favour  of  Christ,  be  put  in  execution ;  that  is, 
the  bringing  out  before  the  public  some  work  di- 
rected in  good  earnest  against  the  hydras  of  Home, 


M.  35.]  LEIPSIO  DISPUTATION.  265 

Hitherto  I  have  but  sported  and  played  in  the  case, 
though  my  adversaries  grieve  dolefully  as  over  a 
serious  and  insufferable  matter."  To  Spalatin  he 
writes,  under  date  of  Feb.  7th,  "Our  Eck,  an  in- 
sect of  fame,  hath  published  his  propositions  against 
Carlstadt,  to  be  debated  at  Leipsic,  after  Easter. 
This  perverse  man,  after  long  making  me  the  object 
of  his  hate,  hath  made  an  assault  both  upon  me  and 
my  writings.  While  he  nameth  one  antagonist,  he 
aimeth  his  arrows  at  another.  This  stupid  syco- 
phancy of  his  doth  ill  please  me,  and  therefore  have 
I  published  counter-propositions,  as  you  will  see  in 
the  accompanying  papers.  Eck  will,  peradventure, 
be  the  mean  of  turning  what  hath  been  but  play 
into  serious  work,  which  will  do  poor  service  to  the 
Rpman  tyranny." 

That  the  reader  may  understand  what  other  subjects 
were,  at  this  period,  occupying  Luther's  thoughts,  it 
may  here  be  stated,  by  the  way,  that  he  wrote,  ac- 
cording to  promise,  a  very  submissive  letter,  under 
date  of  March  3d,  to  Pope  Leo  X.,  in  which  he  made 
great  concessions, — greater  than  one  would  suppose 
possible  under  such  circumstances.  A  few  days  pre- 
viously, he  had  published  an  address  to  the  common 
people,  designed  to  conciliate  them  with  the  church 
of  Rome.  Referring  to  this  address,  in  a  letter  to 
Spalatin,  written  March  5th,  he  says :  "  Twice,  my 
dear  Spalatin,  have  you  requested  me  to  speak  of 
faith,  of  good  works,  and  of  obedience  to  the  Roman 
church,  in  my  Defence  which  was  to  appear  in  Ger- 
man. This  I  think  I  have  already  done;  but  it 
was  published  before  your  letter  was  written.  Never 
was  it  my  purpose  to  separate  from  the  apostolical  see 
of  Rome.  I  am  content  that  the  Roman  bishop 
should  bear  any  title,  even  that  of  lord,  if  he  please. 

23 


266  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1519. 

What  doth  that  concern  me,  who  know  that  the 
rule  of  the  very  Turks  is  to  be  honoured,  and  sub- 
mitted to,  because  it  is  an  existing  and  an  estab- 
lished power  ?  For  sure  I  am  that,  as  Peter  saith, 
there  is  no  power  but  by  the  will  of  God.  But  thus 
much  do  I  at  all  times  require,  on  the  ground  of  my 
faith  in  Christ,  namely,  that  they  wrest  not  at  their 
pleasure  and  corrupt  the  word  of  God.  Let  the 
Roman  decretals  but  leave  me  the  gospel  pure  and 
uncorrupt,  and  they  may  take  away  all  else ;  I  will 
not  move  a  hair.  What  more  than  this  should  I,  or 
can  I  do?  I,  then,  will,  on  my  part,  strive  for 
peace,  as  we  have  covenanted ;  and  will  go  about  no 
new  thing.  The  disputation  will,  I  hope,  be  nothing 
else  but  a  disputation,  and  be  listened  to  by  the 
learned  only  [being  held  in  Latin] ;  the  common 
people  may  employ  their  own  language."  These 
statements  serve  to  explain  why  Luther  went  so 
far — undoubtedly  too  far — in  his  concessions,  and 
to  confirm  what  is  otherwise  abundantly  proved, 
namely,  that  he  desired  a  reformation  which  should 
consist  in  spirit  rather  than  in  forms,  in  pious  feeling 
rather  than  in  social  privileges  and  immunities.  In 
respect  to  a  rupture  with  Rome,  there  is  an  apparent 
inconsistency  in  Luther  at  this  time,  which  finds  its 
explanation  in  the  fact,  that  he  was  in  reality  the 
subject  of  an  inward  struggle  between  two  contending 
forces,  drawing  him  alternately  in  opposite  directions. 
The  preliminaries  to  the  disputation  were  exceed- 
ingly complicated,  consisting  not  only  of  the  printed 
propositions  and  counter-propositions  already  men- 
tioned, but  of  Eck's  correspondence  with  Duke 
George  and  with  the  Leipsic  professors;  of  that  be- 
tween these  professors  and  Bishop  Adolphus  of 
Merseburg;  between  the  bishop  and  Duke  George  j 


JE.  35.]  LEIPSIC  DISPUTATION.  267 

between  the  latter  and  the  Elector  Frederic ;  between 
Frederic  and  Luther,  and  between  Luther  and  the 
Leipsic  professors. 

In  reply  to  a  letter  of  Frederic's  secretary,  in 
which  the  terms  of  reconciliation,  as  proposed  by 
Miltitz,  were  alluded  to,  Luther  wrote  to  the  elector 
himself,  on  the  13th  of  March,  the  following,  among 
other  things  :  "  God  knoweth  that  it  was  my  solemn 
purpose,  as  it  was  also  my  hope  and  joy,  that  this 
game,  so  far  as  in  me  lay,  should  be  played  no  far- 
ther ;  and  so  strict  was  I  in  keeping  the  agreement 
[made  with  Miltitz]  that  I  gave  no  heed  to  the 
answer  of  Prierias,  though  I  had  good  cause  to  reply. 
I  let  the  contempt  and  contumely  of  my  adversaries 
pass,  and,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  my  friends,  kept 
silence.  The  agreement  was,  as  Charles  [Miltitz] 
well  knoweth,  that  I  was  to  hold  my  peace,  if  my 
adversaries  should  do  the  same.  But  now  Dr.  Eck, 
without  giving  me  any  warning,  hath  made  such  an 
assault  upon  me,  that  it  is  plain  he  seeketh  to  bring 
both  me  and  the  whole  university  into  discredit  and 
disrepute ;  and  many  honest-minded  men  think  he 
hath  been  suborned  to  do  the  same.  I  looked  upon 
it  as  wrong  to  give  no  heed  to  an  assault  so  perfidious, 
and  to  allow  the  truth  to  be  forsaken  in  such  dis- 
honour." 

The  elector  consented  that  Luther  should  take 
part  in  the  disputation,  if  Eck  would  really  debate 
with  him,  and  not  with  Carlstadt  alone.  The  Leip- 
eic  professors  and  the  Bishop  of  Merseburg  made 
very  extraordinary  efforts  to  prevent  the  discussion. 
The  letter  of  the  former  to  Luther  on  the  subject 
is  still  extant,  and  serves  to  throw  a  clear  light  upon 
their  relation  to  the  parties.  It  is  dated  Leipsic, 
February  19, 1519,  and  runs  thus :  "  Not  many  days 


268  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1519. 

ago,  dear  doctor,  while  we  were  celebrating  Christ- 
inas, the  excellent  John  Eck,  doctor  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  wrote  to  his  illustrious  highness  Prince 
George,  to  this  university  and  to  the  doctors  of  divi- 
nity, appointing  the  theological  faculty  to  sit  in  judg- 
ment, and  to  decide  on  the  dispute  and  controversy 
which  is  to  ensue,  and  earnestly  requesting  that  we 
would  permit  him  to  debate  with  Carlstadt  in  our 
celebrated  university.  .  .  .  Because  it  seemeth  to 
you  that  he  hath  [in  his  Propositions]  made  an  as- 
sault upon  you,  and  you  are  not  minded  to  yield  unto 
him,  you  have,  in  a  printed  document,  challenged 
him  in  turn  to  a  disputation.  We  greatly  marvel 
that,  contrary  to  our  veritable  decision,  you  have 
publicly  said,  that  we  refused  his  request  in  respect 
to  the  disputation,  [they  having  granted  it  as  a  de- 
bate between  Eck  and  Carlstadt,  but  refused  it  if 
Luther  was  to  be  a  party.]  Contrariwise,  we  marvel 
that  you  have  given  out  that  such  a  disputation,  [in 
which  Luther  was  to  take  part,]  whereof  we  know 
nothing,  would  be  held  in  our  university,  you  hav- 
ing received  no  permission  [to  participate  in  the  de- 
bate] either  from  us,  or  from  our  illustrious  prince 
and  gracious  sovereign.  Therefore,  seeing  this  act 
of  yours  hath  the  appearance  of  lightness,  upon 
which  you  are  bound  to  look  with  abhorrence,  we 
earnestly  entreat  you  not  to  bring  us,  contrary  to 
our  will,  into  trouble,  [i.  e.  to  render  them  odious  to 
the  pope,  by  allowing  his  supremacy  to  be  made  a 
subject  bf  debate  in  the  university;]  but,  if  it  be 
agreeable  to  you,  either  to  renounce  your  doctrines, 
or  in  a  reply  to  us,  which  we  earnestly  desire,  to 
sound  a  retreat,  until  you  shall  obtain  leave  from 
us."  Duke  George  was  indignant  at  this  opposition 
to  a  disputation  to  which  he  had  given  his  consent. 


M.  35.]  LEIPSIC  DISPUTATION. 

The  professors  said  they  were  bound  to  the  pope, 
and  were  moreover  prohibited  by  their  superior,  the 
Bishop  of  Merseburg.  The  duke,  therefore,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  of  withering  reproach  to  the  bishop, 
which  has  been  preserved.  After  expressing  his 
"  surprise  that  the  bishop  should  set  up  an  opposi- 
tion to  the  custom  handed  down  from  the  Fathers, 
of  making  free  inquiry  after  the  truth  in  matters  of 
religion/'  and  saying,  that  "the  question  newly 
started  deserved  to  be  earnestly  considered,  and  the 
arguments  on  either  side  carefully  weighed  j  whether, 
for  example,  as  soon  as  the  price  dropped  into  the 
box,  the  souls  of  the  dead  were  released  from  purga- 
tory and  ascended  to  heaven,  by  which  imposition  the 
silly  people  were  robbed  of  their  money,"  he  adds, 
"  it  appears  as  though  the  bishop  wished  to  show  fa- 
vour to  useless,  bladder-puffed  persons,  who,  like  cow- 
ardly soldiers,  boast  of  their  courage  when  out  of  the 
conflict,  but  flee  as  soon  as  the  trumpet  is  blown."  If 
those  men,  who  glory  in  their  titles,  and  claim  the 
first  place  in  assemblies  and  feasts,  shall  show  them- 
selves unwilling  to  earn  their  titles  by  defending 
and  maintaining  the  truth,  as  their  office  requireth, 
"  it  would  be  cheaper  and  more  useful  to  maintain 
old  women  and  young  children,  who  would  do  more 
good,  and  be  more  obedient  than  such  theologians. 
Nay,  the  old  women  would  be  of  some  service  by 
their  spinning  and  sewing,  or  at  least  they  could 
give  pleasant  pastime  to  the  people  by  their  voices." 
He  closes  by  saying,  that  if  the  professors  still  per- 
sist in  their  refusal,  he  will  issue  a  proclamation, 
from  which  it  shall  be  known  before  God  and  all  the 
world,  that  he  desired  the  truth  to  be  brought  to 
light,  but  that  the  clergy,  in  their  lack  of  knowledge 
and  skill,  could  not  abide  a  discussion,  and  therefore 

23* 


270  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

opposed  it.  The  Leipsic  professors  wrote  also  to 
the  bishop,  saying,  that  the  duke  commanded  them 
to  permit  the  disputation  to  be  held,  and  that  the 
bishop's  opposition  would  be  of  no  avail.  The 
bishop  replied  to  them,  that  he  had  not  without, 
good  reason  prohibited  them  from  allowing  the  de- 
bate ;  but  that  he  would,  nevertheless,  submit  to  the 
will  of  the  duke. 

Eck  was  immediately  informed  both  by  the, duke 
and  by  the  university  of  the  result,  and  hastened  to 
write  to  Luther  the  following,  dated  Ingolstadt,  Feb- 
ruary 19  :  "  That  the  learned  men  of  the  community 
should  refuse  the  burden  of  hearing  our  debate,  was 
very  grievous  to  me,  and  I  hardly  knew  what  to  do. 
But  at  length,  the  most  gracious  prince,  Duke  George, 
at  my  instance,  hath  prevailed  on  the  university  to 
yield  their  assent,  as  I  this  day  learn  by  letters  from 
him,  from  the  university  and  the  [theological]  fa- 
culty. I  have,  therefore,  appointed  the  27th  day  of 
June  for  the  beginning  of  the  disputation.  We  shall, 
howbeit,  meet  the  theological  faculty  on  the  26th,  to 
determine  who  shall  speak  first  in  the  discussion. 
Since  that  Carlstadt  is  only  an  accessary  of  yours, 
and  you  the  principal,  through  whom  those  dogmas, 
which,  to  my  small  and  slender  judgment,  appear  he- 
retical and  false,  have  been  spread  through  Germany, 
it  is  meet  that  you  should  be  present,  and  stand  by  your 
positions  and  impugn  mine.  But  how  earnestly  do  I 
desire  you  to  change  your  mind,  and  show  yourself 
obedient  in  all  things  to  the  apostolical  see,  and  listen 
to  Leo  X.,  vicar  of  Christ,  not  seeking  for  singularity, 
but  descending  to  the  common  opinions  of  the  doctors 
of  the  church,  being  well  assured  that  Christ  hath  not 
as  you  vainly  imagine,  left  his  church  to  their  errors 
for  four  centuries.  You  will  see  from  my  schedule  of 


M.S5.]  LEIPSIC  DISPUTATION.  271 

articles  for  debate,  that  I  have  laid  down  proposi- 
tions, not  so  much  against  Carlstadt  as  against  your 
doctrines.  Farewell,  then,  my  Martin,  and  let  us 
pray  for  each  other  that  we  may  be  enlightened." 

Meanwhile,  Luther  was  active  as  a  negotiator, 
professor,  commentator,  student  of  Hebrew,  and  pop- 
ular'and  controversial  writer.  A  single  letter  of 
his,  addressed  to  Lange,  April  13,  is  all  that  can  be 
presented  on  these  various  topics  in  this  connection. 
In  this  we  see  the  living,  energetic  and  cheerful 
man,  whose  spirit  was  electrifying  the  whole  conti- 
nent of  Europe. 

"  I  rejoice  and  congratulate  you,  reverend  father, 
that  you  also  are  one  of  those  in  whom  the  cross  of 
Christ  worketh.  Be  of  good  courage ;  this  is  the 
way  in  which  one  goeth,  or  rather  is  carried  to  hea- 
ven. For  your  presents  I  give  you  my  thanks. 
But  the  reason  of  my  not  coming  to  your  public 
celebration,  [when  Lange  was  made  doctor  of  divi- 
nity,] you  already  know ;  my  silence  in  respect  to  it 
is  not  a  fault  of  mine  so  much  as  it  is  of  the  bad 
state  of  the  roads,  which  hindereth  persons  from 
going,  except  now  and  then,  to  your  place.  That 
Hebrew  teacher  whom  you  recommend,  I  pray  you 
send  hither  with  all  possible  haste ;  the  more  so, 
since  that  Bossenstein  of  ours,  professedly  a  Chris- 
tian, but  in  effect  nothing  else  but  a  Jew,  hath,  to 
the  reproach  of  our  university,  withdrawn  himself. 
I  add,  as  another  reason,  that  you  yourself  are  some- 
what indebted  to  our  studies.  We  will  see  that  he 
be  honourably  supported  in  Christ,  and  received  on 
proper  terms,  both  because  we  all  ought  to  encourage 
zealously  a  new  convert,  and  because  it  is  our  duty 
to  provide  a  suitable  support  for  each.  Eck  hath 
determined  upon  the  27th  of  June  for  our  future 


272  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

disputation.  It  will  be  between  him  and  me,  as  you 
will  see  from  this  document.  For  Carlstadt  will  not 
debate  those  matters  with  him,  partly  because  they 
were  asserted  by  me,  and  not  by  him,  and  partly  be- 
cause that  wily  sophist  [Eck]  hath,  with  the  design 
of  entrapping  him,  started  the  question  concerning 
the  power  of  the  pope,  which  a  prebendary*  cannot 
safely  debate ;  and  thus  would,  without  combat  or 
victory,  terrify  the  latter  into  silence.  .  .  .  All  are 
alarmed  for  me  that  I  shall  not  come  off  well  with 
my  twelfth  proposition,  [in  which  the  supremacy  of 
the  pope  is  declared  to  be  a  modern  doctrine,  founded 
on  the  miserable  decretals  of  the  popes  themselves.] 
But  though  I  do  not  expect  to  catch  that  slippery, 
clamorous  and  haughty  sophist,  I  will,  with  the  help 
of  Christ,  make  good  my  own  declarations.  They 
were  made  in  their  present  form,  in  order  to  give  me 
occasion  to  bring  out  before  the  public  the  trivial- 
ness  of  those  most  senseless  and  ungodly  decretals 
by  which  Christians  are  needlessly  terrified ;  for  they 
are  full  of  falsehoods,  supported  only  by  the  autho- 
rity of  the  church  of  Rome.  Christ  will  strip  off 
the  mask.  .  .  .  Meanwhile,  the  theologians  lacerate 
me,  especially  that  bull,  ox  [Professor  Oxenfurth,  of 
Leipsic]  and  ass,  who  knoweth  not  his  owner,  but 
eateth  the  straw.  They  cry  out  unto  the  people  of 
Leipsic,  not  to  join  the  new  heretics,  hoping  that  we 
may  be  avoided  on  account  of  the  hatred  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  from  fear  of  the  pope.  It  is  reported  that 
Tetzel  said,  when  he  learned  that  the  debate  was  to 
be  held,  'The  devil  is  in  it.'  .  .  .  Cardinal  Cajetan, 
who  formerly  wrote  silly  things  about  me  to  our 

*  Carlstadt  was  a  canon,  supported  by  the  funds  of 
the  collegiate  church  at  Wittenberg. 


JE.  35.]  LEIPSIC  DISPUTATION.  273 

illustrious  prince,  hath  now  written  like  a  madman. 
I  rejoice  to  see  this  Italian  stolidity  made  known  to 
our  laymen." 

"Frobenius,  [the  celebrated  printer  and  book- 
seller,] of  Bale,  hath  written  me,  highly  extolling  my 
freedom  of  speech,  and  saying,  his  Paris  friends  have 
written  to  him,  that  my  works  are  acceptable  to 
many  persons  there,  and  that  they  are  read  by  the 
doctors  of  the  Sorbonne.  Furthermore,  he  informeth 
me  that  the  copies  [printed  by  him]  are  all  distri- 
buted and  spread  throughout  Italy,  Spain,  England, 
France  and  the  Netherlands.  I  rejoice  that  the 
truth,  though  spoken  in  a  barbarous  and  unlearned 
manner,  findeth  such  favour.  I  send  you  'The 
Wagon'  by  Carlstadt,*  which  showeth  forth  the  folly 
of  the  theologians.  There  is  a  tumultuous  opposi- 
tion to  it  in  Leipsic.  One  preacher  tore  it  in  pieces 
with  his  hands  in  the  pulpit.  Another  examined 
the  young  people  when  they  came  to  the  confessional 
whether  they  indulged  in  laughter  at  the  'Wagon/ 
or  kept  about  them  any  of  Martin's  tracts.  If  they 
pleaded  guilty,  they  were  punished  with  severe  penal- 
ties. So  Andrew  Camitian  writeth  to  me.  Behold 
what  darkness,  what  madness !  These  are  theolo- 
gians !  I  think  you  have  already  received  the  be- 
ginning of  my  Commentary  on  the  Psalms.  I  send 
you  another  copy,  whereby  you  can  correct  yours. 
You  see  that  our  Emser  [Luther's  opponent  at 
Leipsic,  but  in  this  case  printer  or  proof-reader]  errs 
even  when  printing  the  truth.  I  send  you  the  [He- 
brew] Grammar  of  Kimchi,  until  you  can  obtain 


*  A  print  of  two  vehicles,  the  one  going  the  true  and 
straight  way  to  heaven,  the  other,  the  false  and  tortuous 
way  of  the  scholastic  theologians. 


274  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

another.  I  am  also  publishing  a  Commentary  on 
the  Galatians  at  Leipsic.  If  two  sermons  of  mine 
have  come  into  your  hands,  the  one  in  Latin,  on  a 
Two-fold  Kighteousness ;  the  other  in  German,  on 
Matrimony,  let  justice  be  done  me.  They  were 
taken  surreptitiously  and  published  without  my 
knowledge.  ...  I  also  send  you  the  Lord's  Prayer 
revised.  .  .  .  Have  you  seen  my  little  works  against 
Silvester  [Prierias,]  published  at  Bale  ? — that  in 
the  title-page  they  have,  rather  by  design  than  mis- 
take, called  him  magirum  Palatii  [cook  of  the 
Palace]  instead  of  magistrum  Palatii  [master  of  the 
Palace ;]  and  that  many  other  ludicrous  typographi- 
cal errors  are  made  in  the  margin  ?  It  is  reported 
that  Cardinal  Cajetan  is  put  in  prison  at  Mainz  by 
the  ministers  of  Charles  [V.]  of  Spain,  for  using  all 
his  authority  in  favour  of  the  faction  of  the  French 
king.  Philip  [Melancthon]  and  I  have  written  to 
Erasmus.  Here  you  have  every  thing  you  asked  for. 
The  reverend  vicar  [Staupitz]  hath  quite  forgotten 
me,  so  that  he  doth  not  write  at  all.  Kindly  salute 
Father  Usingen,  and  also  John  Nathin,  [formerly 
Luther's  bitter  enemy.]  Finally,  I  put  you  in  mind 
of  that  Hebrew  teacher,  that  we  may  help  those  ex- 
cellent young  men  who  are  prosperously  studying 
theology,  and  burning  with  a  love  of  good  learning. 
Farewell,  you  and  your  cross,  [some  trouble  of  which 
Lange  had  complained,]  if  it  be  the  will  of  Christ." 
As,  on  the  one  hand,  we  must  keep  in  mind  the 
buoyancy  of  Luther's  spirit,  which  gave  a  certain 
easy  play  to  his  great  and  varied  activity,  so,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  must  never  forget  the  gravity  and 
religious  earnestness  which  lay  beneath  all  this,  as 
the  deep  ocean  lies  beneath  the  play  of  its  waves; 
and  the  great  fears  and  anxieties  which  never  ceased 


JE.  35.]  LEIPSIC  DISPUTATION.  275 

to  agitate  the  minds  of  his  truest  and  firmest  friends. 
Like  every  heroic  man  in  the  crisis  of  his  affairs,  he 
was  left  alone,  to  sustain  his  courage  from  his  con- 
fidence in  God,  in  truth  and  the  right,  and  from 
his  willingness  to  perish,  if  need  be,  and  leave  be- 
hind him  a  martyr's  testimony  for  the  benefit  and 
instruction  of  coming  generations.  Nor  this  alone ; 
he  was  obliged  to  sustain  his  friends  and  supporters 
by  infusing  into  them  his  own  spirit. 

A  letter  of  his,  written  some  time  in  May  to  Spal- 
atin,  will  illustrate  these  remarks.  He  writes  thus : 
"  I  beseech  you,  my  dear  Spalatin,  yield  not  unduly  to 
fear,  nor  utterly  slay  your  heart  with  human  cogita- 
tions. Know  that  unless  Christ  moved  me  on  and  my 
affairs,  I  should  have  destroyed  myself  even  in  my 
first  Disputation  on  Indulgences:  then  in  my  ser- 
mon on  the  subject  in  the  vernacular  tongue;  later 
in  my  Proofs  and  Illustrations  and  in  my  Reply  to 
Silvester;  and  last  of  all,  in  my  Account  of  the 
Transactions  at  Augsburg,  and  especially  in  my 
journey  thither.  For  what  mortal  did  not  either 
fear  or  hope  that  any  one  of  these  perils  alone  would 
prove  my  ruin  ?  Finally,  Olsnitzer  hath  lately  writ- 
ten from  the  city  to  the  chancellor  of  our  Duke  of 
Pomerania  that  I  have  so  stirred  up  all  Rome  by  my 
Proofs  and  my  Dialogue  [Reply  to  Prierias]  that 
they  know  not  how  to  restore  quiet.  Yet  they  have 
determined  to  assail  me  not  by  the  way  of  the  law, 
but  by  Italian  practices,  (these  are  his  words.)  By 
that  I  understand  poisoning  or  assassinating. 

"  Many  things  which,  if  I  were  elsewhere,  I  should 
pour  forth  against  Rome,  or  rather  Babylon,  that 
devastator  of  the  Scriptures  and  of  the  church,  I 
repress  and  restrain,  for  the  sake  of  the  elector  and 
of  the  university.  The  truth  of  Holy  Writ  and  of 


276  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1519. 

the  church  cannot,  my  dear  Spalatin,  he  discussed 
without  offending  this  wild  beast.  You  must  not, 
therefore,  expect  me  to  be  unmolested  or  secure  un- 
less I  renounce  theology  altogether.  Let  my  friends 
then  think  I  am  beside  myself.  This  matter,  if  it  be 
of  God,  shall  not  have  an  end,  except  that,  as  the 
disciples  and  friends  of  Christ  forsook  him,  so  all  my 
friends  forsake  me ;  and  the  truth  too, — which  saves 
with  its  own  right  hand,  not  mine,  nor  yours,  nor 
that  of  any  other  man, — shall  be  left  to  itself  alone ; 
and  that  time  I  have  been  expecting  from  the  begin- 
ning. That  this  twelfth  proposition  was  extorted 
from  me  by  Eck,  and  that  the  pope  will  have  plenty 
of  patrons  in  the  approaching  disputation,  ought  not, 
I  think,  to  appear  so  evil,  especially  if  we  remember 
the  license  given  to  such  disputations.  In  fine,  if  1 
perish,  nothing  will  perish  with  me.  By  the  grace 
of  Grod,  the  Wittenbergers  have  made  such  proficiency 
that  they  do  not  need  me  any  longer.  But  what 
shall  I  say  ?  I  am  unhappy,  because  I  fear  I  am  not 
worthy  to  suffer  and  be  put  to  death  for  such  a  cause. 
That  felicity  will  be  reserved  for  better  men,  not  for 
such  a  vile  sinner  as  I  am.  I  have  told  you  that  I 
am  at  all  times  ready  to  withdraw,  if  my  tarrying 
here  seem  to  draw  the  illustrious  prince  into  any 
danger.  Death  will  certainly  come  at  some  time. 
Still,  in  the  Apology  already  published  in  Germany, 
I  have  sufficiently  flattered  the  Roman  church  and 
pontiff,  if  that  can  any  thing  avail." 

To  quiet  Spalatin,  he  was  obliged  to  lay  before  him 
the  plan  of  his  part  of  the  discussion,  and  specify  the 
particular  arguments  by  which  he  should  fortify  him- 
self in  respect  to  the  twelfth  proposition  on  the  s\i- 
premacy  of  the  pope.  "I  pray  you,"  he  says  some- 
what impatiently,  "permit  us  to  debate  the  matter, 


IE.  35.]  LEIPSIO  DISPUTATION.  277 

and  be  not  of  that  class  of  men  who,  not  understand- 
ing the  counsels  of  God,  immediately  despair  for 
that  they  do  not  see  by  their  own  counsels  how  a 
thing  can  be  accomplished.  .  .  .  Do  not  ask  that  I 
reveal  my  whole  plan,  which  would  be  but  destroying 
it,  but  rather  pray  that  Christ  may  make  us  seek  his 
glory." 

Before  this  disputation  came  on,  Luther  received, 
through  the  Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  a  condemnatory 
document,  drawn  up  by  the  Franciscan  monks  of 
Saxony,  at  their  late  meeting  in  Jiiterbok,  in  which 
they  pointed  out  fifteen  alleged  errors  of  Luther. 
These  Minorite  brethren  of  the  "  stricter  observance," 
as  they  were  called,  and  who  vowed  ignorance  as  one 
of  their  virtues,  Luther  exposed  in  his  brief  but  ter- 
rible reply,  as  having  poorly  observed  the  rules  of 
Christ  in  not  admonishing  a  brother  privately  before 
publicly  condemning  him,  but  as  having  given  good 
proof  that  they  had  sacredly  kept  the  vow  of  igno- 
rance. "But  not  to  return  evil  for  evil,"  he  adds, 
"  I  will  give  you  your  choice,  either  to  retract  your 
rash  declarations  and  restore  to  me  my  good  name, 
or  let  me  go  forward  and  publish  your  document  with 
notes,  setting  forth  your  ignorance,  which  will  not 
turn  out  for  the  honour  of  your  order."  After  re- 
futing their  slanderous  declarations,  he  closes  by 
saying,  "I  await  your  speedy  answer,  that  I  may 
know  whether  you  choose  to  incline  your  necks,  or 
to  hold  them  aloft  and  set  yourselves  against  the 
truth.  Be  assured  I  will  treat  you  nobly  and  show 
unto  all  men  your  wonderful  ignorance.  Fare  yo 
well,  and  the  Lord  give  you  to  be  wise  and  to  will 
what  is  right.  If  you  wish  to  be  friends,  I  will  be 
friendly;  but  if  not,  do  what  you  have  to  do,  and, 
believe  me,  I  will  not  be  lacking  to  my  name  and  to 
34 


278  LIFE  OF   LUTHER.  [1519. 

the  word  of  Christ."     The  Franciscans  wisely  pre- 
ferred peace,  and  kept  silence. 

On  the  16th  of  May,  Luther  writes  both  to  Spala- 
tin  and  to  Lange  respecting  Miltitz.  In  the  letter 
to  the  latter  he  says :  "  Charles  Miltitz  hath  cited 
me  to  Coblentz  to  appear  before  the  Archbishop  of 
Treves,  in  the  presence  of  the  legate  Cajetan.  Sweet 
creature !  He  confesseth  that  he  hath  not  yet  received 
any  authority  from  Rome,  and  thinketh  me  stupid 
enough  to  come,  though  cited  only  by  his  rashness. 
You  see  that  everywhere,  and  from  every  quarter, 
and  in  every  manner,  they  seek  my  life."  To  the 
former  he  says :  "  That  ridiculous  block  of  a  Miltitz 
[notice  the  prudence  with  which  he  always  speaks  to 
Spalatin]  confesseth  that  he  hath  not  yet  received 
any  command  from  Rome,  and  yet  he  citeth  me. 
He  citeth  me,  not  the  archbishop;  and  then  I  must 
appear  before  the  cardinal!  Are  not  the  men  in- 
sane?" In  this  last  letter  he  complains  of  the  in- 
justice and  duplicity  of  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  saying : 
"  Duke  George  hath  twice  replied  to  me,  and  will 
not  admit  me  to  the  disputation,  though  I  have  given 
him  assurance  that  Eck  compelleth  me,  both  in  his 
private  letters  and  in  his  published  propositions,  to 
reply  to  him.  Why  should  he  exact  so  much  of  me 
as  to  require  that  Eck  should  write  in  my  behalf,  when 
he  did  not  refuse  to  yield  to  Eck,  nor  require  any 
thing  of  Carlstadt  ?  How  monstrous !  I  send  you 
both  of  his  letters.  I  am  now  writing  to  him  a  third 
time.  Tell  me,  I  pray  you,  what  you  think  it  best 
to  do." 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  turmoil,  the  studies  of  the 
University  of  Wittenberg  were  moving  briskly  on, 
and  the  number  of  students  rapidly  increasing.  Lu- 
ther requests  Spalatin,  May  22d,  before  taking  his 


IE.  35.]  COURSE  OF  THE  DEBATE.  279 

journey  with  the  elector,  to  ascertain  the  views  of 
the  latter  in  respect  to  the  Hebrew  professorship. 
Cellarius,  professor  of  Hebrew  at  Heidelberg,  was  at 
Leipsic,  waiting  for  an  answer  from  Luther,  ready  to 
accept  the  place,  if  the  elector  would  give  him  a 
suitable  salary.  "A  great  number  of  students,"  he 
continues,  "  and  notable  ones,  too,  are  flowing  together 
here.  .  .  .  Our  town  will  scarcely  hold  them,  for 
lack  of  houses  to  serve  them." 

SECTION  II. — Course  of  the  Debate. 

AT  length  the  time  for  the  debate  drew  near.  The 
duke  ordered  his  palace,  called  the  Pleissenburg,  to 
be  prepared  for  the  accommodation  of  the  assembly. 
In  the  great  hall  he  caused  two  desks,  facing  each 
other,  to  be  erected  for  the  disputants,  the  one 
adorned  with  a  picture  of  St.  Martin,  the  other  with 
a  picture  of  St.  George.  Seats  for  the  audience  and 
tables  for  the  clerks  were  also  prepared  and  embel- 
lished with  tapestry.  Eck  arrived  on  the  22d  of 
June,  the  day  before  the  festival  of  Corpus  Christi, 
and  took  part  in  the  celebration,  joining  the  proces- 
sion, pompously  arrayed  in  a  mass  vestment  and 
chasuble.  Several  monks  and  theologians  from  In- 
golstadt  and  Erfurt  accompanied  him  to  Leipsic.  He 
was  treated  with  great  distinction  by  the  theological 
faculty  and  the  city  council,  with  whom  he  feasted 
lustily.  In  a  letter,  he  highly  commended  their 
hospitality,  as  well  as  the  beauty  of  the  Leipsic  ladies, 
for  whom  Charles  V.  said  he  had  too  great  a  fond- 
ness. On  Friday,  the  24th,  the  day  after  the  festival, 
the  Wittenbergers  arrived,  a  numerous  company.  In 
the  first  carriage  sat  Carlstadt,  as  the  chief  disputant; 
in  the  second,  Prince  Barnim  of  Pomerania,  then  a 


280  LIFE  OP   LUTHER.  [1519. 

student,  and  also,  according  to  ancient  usage,  rector 
of  the  university;  in  the  third,  Luther  and  Melanc- 
thon.  About  two  hundred  students  on  foot,  with 
spears  and  halberds,  according  to  Eck's  statement, 
accompanied  their  professors.  Lange,  Amsdorf,  and 
several  doctors  of  laws  and  masters,  were  in  the  com- 
pany. As  they  were  near  the  Grimma  gate  of  the 
city  of  Leipsic,  and  opposite  the  Paulinum,  where 
Tetzel  then  was,  Carlstadt  had  the  misfortune  to  have 
one  of  the  wheels  of  his  carriage  break,  and  to  be 
thrown  out,  which  some  interpreted  as  an  ill  omen. 
The  duke  from  Dresden,  and  Emser,  and  the  three 
commissaries  of  the  duke,  Pflug,  Riihel,  and  Wiede- 
bach,  were  present  as  early  as  Saturday.  Emser 
called  on  the  masters  in  the  university  and  urged 
them  to  stand  by  Eck,  and  escort  him  to  the  palace 
on  Sunday,  that  a  favourable  impression  might  be 
made  upon  the  duke.  Here  the  commissaries  and 
the  parties,  after  much  discussion,  came  to  an  under- 
standing in  respect  to  the  manner  of  procedure  in  the 
debate.  Each  of  the  parties  was  to  choose  a  secre- 
tary. Luther  chose  J.  Agricola  of  Eisleben;  Eck 
cho*se  J.  Poliander,  who,  by  the  way,  was  converted 
to  Luther's  views  by  the  debate,  and  went  directly 
to  Wittenberg.  More  than  thirty  others  also  took 
notes  of  the  discussion.  From  the  decision,  to  be 
made  by  certain  universities,  either  party  might  ap- 
peal to  a  general  council. 

On  Monday  morning,  (June  27th,)  the  time  set 
for  the  commencement  of  the  disputation,  a  civic 
guard  was  sent,  with  music  and  flags,  to  the  palace 
Pleissenburg  to  preserve  order.  At  seven  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  the  disputants  met  in  the  Princes' 
college,  where  an  address  was  made  by  Pistoris,  of 
the  law  faculty.  Thence  the  assembly  moved  in 


M.  35.]  COURSE  OP  THE   DEBATE.  281 

procession,  two  by  two,  a  Wittenberg  and  a  Leipsic 
master  together,  quite  across  the  city  from  north  to 
south  to  St.  Thomas's  church,  where  the  duke  and 
two  princes  were  awaiting  them.  Here  mass  was 
held,  and  the  assembly  proceeded  to  the  palace,  (a 
few  rods  to  the  east,)  where  Mosellanus,  the  pro- 
fessor of  Greek,  and  the  friend  of  Melancthon  and 
Luther,  delivered  an  oration  in  the  name  of  the  duke, 
admonishing  the  disputants  to  be  gentle  and  courte- 
ous, and  to  seek  for  truth  rather  than  victory.  After 
singing  the  Veni  Sancte  Spiritus,  (Come,  Holy 
Spirit,)  the  meeting  was  adjourned  for  dinner.  In 
the  afternoon,  after  both  parties  had  promised  to 
debate  with  sincerity  and  love, — Luther  meanwhile 
expressing  his  astonishment  that  of  the  Dominicans, 
with  whom  the  whole  affair  of  indulgences  arose, 
none  were  present  to  take  part, — Eck  and  Carlstadt 
commenced  the  debate  on  free-will,  which  lasted  a 
week,  or  till  July  4.  Never  was  there  a  more  un- 
equal match ;  Carlstadt,  learned,  modest,  slow,  con- 
fined to  notes,  and  opening  books  and  giving  hia 
authorities  with  exactness ;  Eck,  self-possessed,  quick 
of  memory,  imposing,  but  loose,  boisterous,  and  os- 
%tentatious.  The  former  accused  the  latter  of  quoting 
'falsely,  the  latter  laughed  at  the  poor  memory  and 
tediousness  of  the  former.  From  the  4th  of  July, 
the  day  of  Tetzel's  death,  to  the  8th,  Luther  debated 
with  Eck  on  the  supremacy  of  the  pope,  and  now 
the  discussion  grew  animated,  two  practised  debaters 
having  come  together,  each  of  whom  was  accus- 
tomed always  to  bear  off  the  palm.  Luther  pro- 
posed to  close  the  discussion  there,  but  the  duke 
urged  him  to  go  on  and  debate  on  the  subjects  of  in- 
dulgences, purgatory  and  the  power  of  the  keys,  in 
which  Eck  hardly  made  a  show  of  resistance.  He 

24* 


282  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

wished  to  return  to  his  first  antagonist,  and  conse- 
quently resumed  the  discussion  with  Carlstadt  on 
the  15th.  But  as  the  duke  needed  his  palace,  the 
disputation  was  closed,  on  the  16th,  by  an  oration 
from  a  Dr.  Lange,  of  Leipsic,  in  which  he  meted 
out  to  each  disputant  his  share  of  praise,  the  most 
to  Luther,  not  a  little  to  Eck,  and  to  Carlstadt  what 
was  his  due.  Eck  and  his  Leipsic  friends  claimed 
the  victory;  and  if  popular  favour  is  to  be  the 
standard  of  judgment,  the  claim  must  be  admitted. 
But  learned  men  decided  otherwise.  Let  us  now 
hear  Luther's  account  of  the  matter,  as  related  by 
him  in  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  dated  July  20,  1519. 

"  Concerning  that  famous  debate,  I  would  have 
written  you  a  long  time  ago,  had  I  been  able.  The 
matter  is  thus:  There  are  certain  men  at  Leipsic, 
not  over  candid  and  upright,  who  triumph  with  Eck ; 
and  have,  by  their  garrulity  and  vaunting,  got  a  cer- 
tain kind  of  glory.  But  the  facts  themselves  will, 
in  due  time,  speak  and  bring  all  things  to  light.  The 
selfsame  hour  that  we  arrived  in  Leipsic,  before  we 
had  alighted  from  our  carriages,  a  prohibition  of  the 
proceedings  by  the  Bishop  of  Merseburg  was  posted 
up,  on  the  doors  of  the  churches.  But,  by  order  of 
the  senate,  the  individual  who  posted  it  up  was  sent 
to  the  dungeon,  for  doing  it  without  their  knowledge. 
Accomplishing  nothing  in  this  way,  these  men  next 
resorted  to  another  sleight,  and,  at  Eck's  request, 
laboured  hard  with  Carlstadt  privately  to  induce 
him  to  consent  that  the  discussion  proceed  without 
any  secretaries  to  record  the  arguments.  For  he 
hoped  to  succeed,  as  he  had  long  been  accustomed  to 
do,  by  dint  of  voice  and  gesticulation.  But  Carlstadt 
would  not  consent.  As  that  condition  had  been 
agreed  upon,  he  said  he  should  hold  them  to  their 


2E.  35.]     COURSE  OF  THE  DEBATE.        283 

stipulation.  ...  At  length,  to  make  the  matter  sure, 
he  was  under  the  necessity  of  consenting  that  the 
records  be  not  published  until  the  judges  shall  have 
given  in  their  decision.  A  new  dispute  arose  concern- 
ing the  selection  of  the  judges ;  and  Carlstadt  found 
it  necessary  to  yield  so  far  as  to  allow  the  judges 
to  be  appointed  after  the  debate  should  be  ended. 
Otherwise  the  opposite  party  said  they  should  not 
proceed.  Thus  were  we  brought  into  a  dilemma, 
and  must  either  stop  the  proceedings  or  submit  to 
partial  judges.  So  you  see  the  paltry  practices 
whereby  they  wrested  from  us  the  promised  free- 
dom of  discussion.  For  we  know  full  well  that  the 
universities  and  the  Roman  pontiff  will  either  not 
determine  the  question  at  all,  or  else  they  will  de- 
cide it  against  us;  and  that  is  what  our  opponents 
desired. 

"  The  next  day  I  was  called  aside,  and  the  same 
thing  was  propounded  unto  me.  But  not  trusting  the 
pope,  and  being,  moreover,  dissuaded  by  my  friends, 
I  refused  all  these  conditions.  Then  they  proposed 
to  leave  out  the  pope,  and  named  other  universities.  I 
still  demanded  the  promised  freedom,  [in  respect  to 
the  disputation,]  and  since  they  would  not  allow  it, 
I  refused  to  take  part  in  the  discussion.  Now  it  was 
rumoured  abroad  that  I  was  afraid  to  debate,  and, 
what  was  yet  more  untrue,  that  I  would  not  consent 
to  have  any  judges.  These  things  were  odiously 
and  maliciously  repeated,  till  all  our  friends  were 
carried  away  with  the  rest,  and  our  university  was  in 
danger  of  being  brought  into  reproach.  I  finally 
yielded  to  the  advice  of  friends,  and  accepted,  though 
not  without  indignation,  the  proposals;  with  this 
condition,  however,  that  I  might  appeal  from  the  de- 
cision; that  my  cause  should  not  be  prejudged,  and 


284  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1519. 

that  the  court  of  Rome  should  not  be  included  among 
the  judges. 

"  At  first  the  disputation  was  begun  with  Carlstadt, 
and  continued  for  a  week,  on  the  subject  of  the 
freedom  of  the  will.  He  brought  forward  his  au- 
thorities, and,  with  God's  help,  he  stated  and  main- 
tained his  arguments  exceedingly  well  and  abun- 
dantly. When  it  came  his  turn  to  be  assailant,  Eck 
refused  [to  be  respondent,]  unless  Carlstadt  would 
promise  to  leave  his  books  at  home.  He  had  pro- 
duced them  in  order  to  prove  that  his  quotations 
from  the  Scriptures  and  from  the  Fathers  were  cor- 
rect, and  that  he  did  not  wrest  them,  as  Eck  was 
found  to  do.  Here  a  dispute  arose,  and  it  was  finally 
determined  that  the  books  should  be  left  at  home. 
But  who  doth  not  perceive,  that,  if  they  were  in 
quest  of  truth,  they  would  desire  rather  to  have  all 
the  books  at  hand  ?  Never-did  envy  and  ambition 
show  themselves  more  openly.  At  the  close,  the 
double-faced  man  conceded  every  thing,  though  at 
first  he  had  contended  earnestly  to  the  contrary.  He 
feigned  that  he  agreed  in  every  thing  perfectly, 
glorying  that  he  had  brought  Carlstadt  over  to  his 
side ! 

"The  second  week  he  disputed  with  me.  First  we 
closed  with  each  other  right  earnestly  concerning  the 
primacy  of  the  Roman  pontiff.  .  .  .  Then,  toward 
the  end,  great  stress  was  laid  by  Eck  upon  the 
Council  of  Constance,  which  condemned  the  opi- 
nion of  Huss,  namely,  that  the  papacy  was  the 
creature  of  the  emperor.  ..  .  .  He  also  alleged  that 
I  was  a  heretic,  and  an  abettor  of  the  Bohemian 
doctrines.  This  sophist  is  as  impudent  as  he  is  bold. 
With  that  accusation,  the  people  of  Leipsic  were 
marvellously  pleased,  more  than  with  the  disputa- 


JE.  35.]      COURSE  OF  THE  DEBATE.        285 

tion  itself.  On  my  part,  I  brought  forward  the 
case  of  the  Greek  church  for  a  period  of  a  thousand 
years,  and  of  the  early  Fathers,  none  of  whom  were 
ever  subject  to  the  Roman  pontiff.  I  did  not  deny, 
however,  that  he  was  first  in  honour.  I  declared 
openly,  and  proved  by  direct  and  clear  passages,  that 
several  articles,  taught  by  Augustine,  Paul,  and  by 
Christ  himself,  had  been  condemned.  .  .  . 

"The  third  week  we  disputed  touching  repentance, 
purgatory,  indulgences,  and  the  power  of  absolution 
by  the  priest.  For  he  was  not  minded  to  debate 
with  Carlstadt,  but  directed  his  aim  only  at  me. 
Indulgences  fell  to  the  ground  at  once,  as  Eck  gave 
up  almost  every  thing.  Though  they  were  to  have 
been  the  principal  subject  of  debate,  he  attempted 
to  maintain  them  only  by  way  of  sport  and  of  jest. 
It  is  reported  that  he  said,  if  I  had  not  denied  the 
power  of  the  pope,  he  could  easily  have  agreed  with 
me  in  every  thing.  .  .  .  He  maintained  one  opinion 
in  the  hall  and  gave  out  another  in  the  church; 
and,  when  he  was  questioned  by  Carlstadt,  why  he 
was  so  changeable  in  his  teachings,  he  replied  with- 
out shame,  that  what  is  here  discussed  ought  not  to 
be  taught  unto  the  people. 

"  When  I  was  through  with  him,  he  took  up  the 
debate  anew  with  Carlstadt  for  the  last  three  days, 
in  which  he  again  yielded  up  and  consented  to  every 
thing.  Thus,  in  the  whole  disputation,  nothing  hath 
been  worthily  discussed,  save  my  twelfth  proposi- 
tion. The  people  of  Leipsic  neither  saluted  us,  nor 
visited  us;  but  treated  us  as  enemies;  while  they 
thronged  about  Eck,  clung  fast  to  him,  feasted  with 
him,  invited  him  to  their  houses,  made  him  presents 
of  a  tunic  and  a  camlet  robe,  and  rode  out  with 
him.  To  be  short,  they  did  whatsoever  they  could 


286  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1519. 

to  injure  us.  ...  Those  who  were  friendly  to  us 
came  to  us  privately.  But  Auerbach,  a  man  of  ex- 
cellent genius,  and  the  younger  Pistoris,  invited  me 
to  their  houses.  Duke  George  himself  invited  all 
three  of  us  to  his  residence  together." 

It  is  here  interesting  to  perceive  that  Luther  was 
a  guest  with  that  very  Auerbach  whose  cellar  has 
become  so  celebrated  in  connection  with  the  name 
of  Faust. 

The  Leipsic  disputation  was  chiefly  useful  to  the 
cause  of  the  Reformation,  in  opening  the  eyes  of 
Luther  himself  on  the  whole  subject  of  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Roman  pontiff,  and  in  drawing  public 
attention  to  this  point.  It  led  to  the  overthrow  of 
another  pillar  of  the  papacy.  A  few  individuals  of 
the  papal  party  were  won  to  the  side  of  Luther ;  but 
most  of  the  people  of  Leipsic,  and  of  the  duke's 
dominions,  manifested,  from  this  time,  a  deadlier 
hatred  than  ever  to  Luther's  doctrines.  Many  of  the 
vexations  which  Luther  experienced  for  a  year  or 
two  to  come,  were  caused  by  men  who  were  under 
the  Leipsic  influence. 

Of  the  many  broils  and  disputes  which  grew  out 
of  this  debate,  as  they  were  mostly  of  a  personal 
character,  no  particular  account  can  be  given  in  a 
brief  biography.  They  are  described  in  most  of  the 
histories  of  the  Reformation,  and  to  them  the  reader 
is  referred.  These  disputes  were  with  Emser,  of 
the  court  of  Dresden,  with  Duke  George,  with  the 
Bishop  of  Meissen,  with  the  Franciscan  monk 
Alveld,  and  with  men  at  Cologne  and  at  Rome.  Lu- 
ther was  almost  everywhere  denounced  as  a  heretic. 
Even  at  the  court  of  the  elector,  there  was  much 
displeasure  with  him.  In  these  circumstances,  the 
Prince  of  Dessau,  and  afterward  the  Franconian 


JE.  35.]      WORKS  ON  PRACTICAL  RELIGION. 


287 


knight  Schaumburg,  and  Francis  von  Sickingen, 
through  Von  Hutten,  offered  him  protection,  and 
invited  him  to  their  courts  or  castles.  Luther  wrote 
conciliatory  letters  to  the  new  emperor,  Charles  V., 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  and  to  the  Bishop  of 
Merseburg.  In  Nuremberg,  Spengler,  a  member  of 
the  city  council,  took  up  the  defence  of  Luther.  (Eco- 
lampadius  wrote  an  anonymous  work  directed  against 
Eck  and  Emser,  which  did  admirable  execution. 
Feldkirch  and  Melancthon  joined  in  the  defence, 
and  all  together  prepared  the  way  for  Luther's  address 
to  the  German  nobility,  which  he  wrote  about  this 
time,  and  which  was  the  most  magnificent  and  effective 
appeal  which  he  ever  made  to  the  German  nation.  It 
united  to  his  own  religious  spirit  the  glowing  pa- 
triotism of  a  Hutten.  A  finer  specimen  of  popular 
eloquence  is  scarcely  to  be  found  in  the  language. 

SECTION  III. —  Various  Works  of  Luther  on  Practical  Reli- 
gion ;  and  his  Perilous  Situation  after  the  Disputation. 

IDST  storms 
of  controversy, 
where  the  pole- 
mic writer,  si- 
tuated as  Lu- 
ther was,  must 
use  that  adroit- 
ness, point  and 
wit  which  are 
likely  to  affect 
the  popular 
mind,  there  is 
danger  of  losing 
the  spirit  of  hu- 

Luther  was  not  always  supe- 
But  as  his  polemical  writ- 


mility  and  charity, 
rior  to  such  temptations. 


288  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1519. 

ings  were  but  occasional  productions,  and  his  works 
on  practical  religion,  commentaries,  sermons,  and 
catechetical  writings  were  very  numerous,  we  should 
be  liable  to  do  injustice  to  his  piety,  were  we  to  over- 
look the  latter  class  of  his  works,  and  judge  of  him 
exclusively  from  the  former  class.  Although  in  re- 
spect to  the  great  controversy,  his  heart,  as  he  often 
says,  was  full  of  the  matter,  and  he  was  only  to  open 
his  mouth,  and  it  would  stream  forth  spontaneous- 
ly; still  he  took  greater  satisfaction  in  writing  works 
purely  religious  for  the  spiritual  improvement  of  the 
people.  At  that  period  of  his  life  of  which  we  are 
now  treating,  he  was  very  active  in  this  kind  of  labour. 

The  study  of  the  Psalms  afforded  him  very  great  de- 
light. He  had  twice  delivered  a  course  of  lectures  on 
them  in  the  university,  and  had  now  recently  publish- 
ed, on  the  first  twenty-two  Psalms,  what  he  modestly 
called  Labours  on  the  Psalms,  not  presuming  to  pro- 
nounce it  a  commentary.  Labours  indeed  they  were. 
"  You  would  not  believe,"  he  writes  to  Spalatin,  "  how 
much  labour  a  single  verse  often  makes  me."  It  had 
been  reported  to  him  by  Spalatin  that  the  elector  once 
said  that  sermons  full  of  subtilty  and  human  opi- 
nions were  very  cold  and  weak,  but  that  the  Scrip- 
tures had  such  a  majesty  and  power  as  to  overcome  all 
the  arts  of  disputation.  In  the  dedication  to  Frederic, 
he  refers  to  this  incident,  and  says  that  the  elector  had 
thereby  entirely  won  his  heart,  that  he  could  not  help 
loving  the  lovers  of  the  Bible,  and  hating  its  enemies. 
He  could  not  presume  to  understand  and  explain  all 
the  Psalms.  It  was  much  to  understand  a  few,  and 
these  only  in  part.  The  Holy  Spirit  reserves  much  to 
itself,  wishing  to  retain  us  in  the  character  of  pupils. 

In  the  same  year  (1519)  in  September,  appeared 
his  great  work,  the  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to 


M.  3G.]      WORKS  ON  PRACTICAL  RELIGION.  289 

the  Galatians,  in  which  he  laid  himself  out  to  show, 
under  every  possible  variety  of  form,  the  difference 
between  the  righteousness  of  the  law  and  that  of 
faith  by  which  we  are  justified.  This  is  the  chief 
work  in  which  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Reformation  are  carefully  laid  down,  a  work  fully 
proving  that  his  views  were  infinitely  more  scriptural 
than  those  of  his  opponents,  but  also  showing  that 
his  own  system  was  disfigured  with  some  excres- 
cences. 

He  next  wrote  a  deeply  religious  work  for  the 
consolation  of  the  elector  in  his  sickness,  entitled 
Tesseradfcas,  because  it  consisted  of  fourteen  chap- 
ters, seven  images  or  views  of  affliction,  and  seven 
of  blessings.  Erasmus  said  this  production  was 
highly  approved  even  by  those  who  were  violently 
opposed  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation. 

He  also  wrote,  in  the  early  part  of  1520,  a  ser- 
mon or  popular  treatise  on  Good  Works,  showing 
that  outward  acts  of  devotion,  as  prayers,  fastings, 
almsgivings  and  mortifications,  were  of  no  avail,  if 
they  were  performed  without  a  living  faith  in  Christ. 
"The  Christian's  faith  and  assurance  makes  every 
thing  precious  in  the  sight  of  God,  which,  in  others, 
would  be  the  most  hurtful." 

He  wrote  another  work  in  October  of  the  same 
year,  dedicated  to  Leo  X.,  on  Christian  Liberty,  in 
which  he  maintains  and  illustrates  the  statement 
that  "a  Christian  is  a  free  man,  lord  over  all  and 
subject  to  no  one ;  and  yet  is  servant  of  all  and  sub- 
ject to  every  one ;"  containing,  (paradoxical  as  it  may 
sound,)  the  great  truth  that  Christ  has  set  us  free, 
allowing  no  man  to  be  lord  any  longer  over  our  con- 
science ;  and  yet  that  the  love  of  God  leads  us  spon- 
taneously to  do  good  to  all,  and  to  be  the  servants 

25 


290  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1520. 

of  all.  In  the  dedicatory  epistle,  Luther  fulfilled, 
in  his  peculiar  way,  the  promise  made  September 
12th  to  Miltitz  and  others,  that  he  would  write  once 
more  to  the  pope,  assuring  him  that  the  assaults  he 
had  made  upon  the  papacy  were  not  directed  against 
his  person.  "  Though  I  have  been  forced,"  he  says, 
"  by  some  of  thy  unchristian  flatterers,  to  appeal  in 
my  affairs  from  thy  seat  and  tribunal  to  a  Christian 
and  free  council,  yet  has  my  mind  never  been  so 
alienated  from  thee  that  I  have  not  wished  well  to 
thee  and  to  thy  Roman  see.  ...  I  have  indeed 
fallen  severely  upon  certain  unchristian  teachings, 
and  been  pretty  nipping  against  my  adversaries,  not 
because  of  their  evil  lives,  but  because  of  their  un- 
christian doctrines.  Of  this  I  do  not  repent,  nor 
shall  I  leave  off.  .  .  .  True  it  is,  I  have  boldly  im- 
pugned the  Roman  see,  called  the  Roman  court, 
which  neither  thou  nor  any  other  one  can  deny,  to 
be  worse  and  more  scandalous  than  Sodom,  Gomor- 
rah, or  Babylon  ever  was ;  and,  so  far  as  I  see,  there 
is  no  help  nor  remedy  for  it.  ...  For  it  cannot  be 
concealed  from  thee  that,  for  many  years  gone  by, 
from  Rome  nothing  hath  gone  forth  but  perdition 
of  soul  and  body  and  goods.  .  .  .  Thou  sittest,  holy 
Father  Leo,  like  a  sheep  among  wolves,  like  Daniel 
among  the  lions,  like  Ezekiel  among  the  scorpions. 
...  It  were  indeed  thy  proper  business  and  that  of 
the  cardinals  to  stay  this  evil,  but  the  disease  niock- 
eth  at  the  remedy;  the  steed  and  the  chariot  give 
no  heed  to  the  driver.  .  .  .  Behold,  the  reason  and 
.ground  of  my  setting  myself  so  stiffly  against  this 
pestilential  see.  .  .  .  Were  I  to  retract,  it  would  do 
no  good.  He  who  shall  attempt  to  constrain  me  to 
do  it,  will  only  make  bad  worse.  Besides,  I  must 
•iiave  no  rule  and  measure  laid  upon  me  for  inter- 


JE.  36.]      WORKS  ON  PRACTICAL  RELIGION.  291 

preting  the  Scriptures :  for  the  word  of  God,  that 
teacheth  freedom,  must  not  be  bound." 

The  tone  of  this  epistle  finds  its  explanation  in 
the  fact,  that  Luther  had  already  gone  so  far  in  con- 
demning the  court  of  Rome,  that  he  could  not  now 
either  consistently  or  conscientiously  speak  of  it  in 
gentle  terms.  He  had,  about  a  week  before,  pub- 
lished his  work  entitled  the  Babylonian  Captivity  of 
the  Church,  in  which  he  retracted  the  concessions 
he  had  formerly  made  in  respect  to  the  papacy,  and 
declared  it  to  be  "  the  kingdom  of  Babylon,  and  the 
power  of  Nimrod,  the  mighty  hunter,"  alluding  to 
the  booty  or  prey  taken  by  Tetzel  and  other  "mighty 
hunters."  If  any  thing  more  were  wanting  to  com- 
plete the  rupture,  it  was  supplied  by  the  publica- 
tion of  the  bull  which  Eck  had  procured  at  Rome 
against  Luther. 

October  11,  Luther  wrote  to  Spalatin :  "The 
Roman  bull,  brought  by  Eck  hath  at  length  come 
to  hand.  ...  I  hold  it  in  contempt.  .  .  .  Not  only 
at  Leipsic  but  everywhere,  both  the  bull  and  Eck 
are  despised.  ...  I  rejoice  with  my  whole  heart 
that  I  am  made  a  sufferer  for  the  best  of  causes, 
though  I  am  not  worthy  of  a  suffering  so  sacred.  I 
am  now  more  free  than  before,  and  I  now  feel  as- 
sured that  the  pope  is  antichrist." 

Although  he  regarded  the  bull  as  genuine,  he 
treated  it  as  if  it  were  spurious,  and  wrote  a  work  "  On 
the  new  Bulls  and  Lies  of  Eck,"  and  another  "  Against 
the  Execrable  Bull  of  Antichrist,"  and  a  third,  called 
"  Defence  of  all  the  Articles  condemned  in  the  recent 
Bull  of  Leo  X."  A  still  bolder  step  was  that  of 
burning  the  bull,  decretals  and  other  books  in  the 
presence  of  the  students  before  the  Elstcr  or  eastern 
"ate  of  the  town.  Luther  announced  the  occurrence 


292  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1520. 

to  Spalatin  in  the  following  manner,  as  though  he 
were  a  newspaper  chronicler  of  the  events  of  the 
week.  "  In  the  year  1520,  the  10th  day  of  Decem- 
ber, at  nine  o'clock  A.  M.,  were  burnt  at  Wittenberg 
without  the  eastern  gate,  near  the  Holy  Cross,  all 
the  books  of  the  pope,  the  decree,  the  decretals,  the 
recent  bull  of  Leo  X.,"  and  several  other  works,  as 
Eck's,  and  Emser's,  "  in  order  that  the  incendiary 
papists  may  see  that  it  requireth  no  great  power  to 
burn  books,  which  they  cannot  refute." 

Notwithstanding  Luther's  progress  and  increasing 
confidence  in  the  truth,  and  the  diffusion  of  his  sen- 
timents among  the  educated  and  intelligent  classes, 
storms  §f  still  greater  violence  from  without  seemed 
to  be  fast  gathering  against  him.  The  mild  and 
candid  Emperor  Maximilian  had  died;  the  interreg- 
num during  which  Frederic  was  vicar  of  the  empire 
had  also  passed  away,  and  the  new  emperor,  Charles 
V.,  who  was  elected  the  second  day  of  the  Leipsic 
disputation,  and  whose  protection  Luther  sought  in 
a  patriotic  but  humble  letter,  showed  signs  of  dis- 
pleasure and  hostility.  Duke  George  of  Saxony, 
the  Bishops  of  Brandenburg,  Meissen,  Merseburg, 
and  the  Universities  of  Leipsic,  Cologne,  Louvain  and 
even  Paris,  became  Luther's  bitter  enemies;  and 
now  the  pope  had  excommunicated  him,  and  called 
on  kings  and  princes  to  treat  him  as  a  heretic, 
and  deliver  him  up  to  the  papal  emissaries.  While 
these  perils  were  coming  on,  Luther  found  new  and 
unexpected  support  in  the  old  chivalric  spirit  of  cer- 
tain Franconian  knights.  As  early  as  May  13, 1520, 
he  wrote  to  Spalatin  :  "  Day  before  yesterday,  I  re- 
ceived a  message  from  Silvester  von  Schaumburg,  a 
Franconian  nobleman,  .  .  .  offering  me  protection, 
if  in  any  way  the  elector  is  endangered  on  niy  ao 


M.  36.]       WORKS  ON  PRACTICAL  RELIGION.  293 

count.  Though  I  do  not  despise  this,  yet  will  I  rely 
on  no  protector  but  Christ,  who  hath,  perhaps,  put 
this  into  his  mind."  The  knight  hoped  he  would 
not  think  of  going  to  Bohemia  for  safety,  "  For," 
he  adds,  "I,  myself,  and  about  a  hundred  other 
nobles,  whom,  with  God's  permission,  I  will  gather 
around  me,  will  honourably  maintain  you  and  defend 
you  against  all  danger." 

Francis  von  Sickingen,  the  magnanimous  and 
powerful  leader  of  the  Franconian  knights,  repeat- 
edly sent  similar  messages  to  Luther,  inviting  him 
to  one  of  his  castles  a  little  south  of  Mainz.  Ul- 
rich  von  Hutten  also,  that  fiery  spirit,  who  kindled 
such  a  popular  hatred  against  the  Roman  court  and 
Roman  tyranny,  openly  espoused  Luther's  cause. 
Luther  wished  the  elector  to  let  the  cardinal,  who 
had  written  to  him,  know,  "  that  even  should  they 
succeed  in  their  abominable  measures  to  drive  him 
from  Wittenberg,  they  would  accomplish  nothing, 
save  to  make  bad  worse ;  for  not  only  in  Bohemia, 
but  in  the  very  heart  of  Germany,  are  to  be  found 
those  who  can  and  will,  despite  their  malice,  pro- 
tect me  against  all  their  fulminations.  .  .  .  With 
me  the  die  is  cast ;  I  despise  alike  the  frownings  and 
fawnings  of  Rome.  I  will  never  be  reconciled  with 
them,  nor  have  part  with  them,  let  them  condemn 
and  burn  my  writings  as  they  will."  But  Luther 
did  not  approve  of  appealing  to  the  sword.  He 
wrote  in  1521  to  Spalatin  :  "  What  Hutten  hath  in 
mind  you  see.  I  desire  not  that  the  gospel  be  made 
to  prevail  by  violence  and  bloodshed,  and  so  I  have 
replied  to  him.  The  world  hath  been  overcome  by 
the  word;  by  the  word  the  church  hath  been  sus- 
tained." 

25* 


294 


LIFE   OF  LUTHER. 


[1520. 


CHAPTER  III. 

LUTHER  AND   THE  DIET  OF  WORMS. 

SECTION  I. — Luther  summoned  to  appear  at  Worms:   and 
his  Journey  thither. 

HE  new  em- 
peror, Charles 
V.,  who  was 
in  Spain  at 
the  time,  of 
his  election, 
did  not  reach 
Germany  till 
toward  the 
close  of  1520. 
Early  in  1521 
he  held  his 
first  diet  at 
Worms.  No 
business  that 
was  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  diet  was  beset 
with  so  many  difficulties  as  that  which  related  to 
the  claims  of  the  church  of  Rome.  Not  only  were 
the  religious  sentiments  of  many  changed  by  the 
writings  of  Luther,  but  the  German  princes  and 
statesmen  had  long  felt  the  galling  yoke  of  Roman 
tyranny,  and  were  desirous  of  freeing  themselves 
both  from  ecclesiastical  rule,  and  from  the  enormous 


JE.  37.]  SUMMONED  TO  WORMS.  295 

tribute  paid  under  various  forms  to  the  church  of 
Rome. 

The  papal  legate  Aleander,  and  others  in  the  in- 
terests of  the  pope,  used  their  utmost  influence  to 
have  the  books  of  Luther  burned  by  authority  of 
the  emperor.  The  latter  had  learned  that  the  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony  was  not  pleased  with  this  procedure, — 
that  he  pronounced  it  unjust  to  condemn  books  to 
the  flames  which  had  not  yet  been  proved  to  be 
false  or  heretical.  On  the  28th  of  November,  1520, 
therefore,  Charles  wrote  to  the  elector,  requesting 
him  to  bring  Luther  with  him  to  the  diet  of  Worms, 
that  he  might  cause  him  to  be  examined  before 
learned  and  able  judges.  At  the  same  time,  the 
elector  was  requested  to  see  that  Luther  should 
write  nothing  against  his  holiness  the  pope,  or  the 
church  of  Rome. 

Frederic  replied,  December  20,  that  while  Luther's 
books,  without  being  first  refuted,  had  been  burnt 
at  Cologne  and  Mainz,  Luther  himself  might  have 
done  something,  [burnt  the  pope's  bull  and  the  de- 
cretals,] so  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  him  to  ap- 
pear at  Worms.  At  the  same  time,  however,  the 
elector  directed  his  secretary,  Spalatin,  to  write  to 
Luther,  inquiring  whether  he  would  be  willing  to 
go,  in  case  the  emperor  should  insist  on  it.  Luther 
replied,  December  21 :  "  If  I  shall  be  summoned,  I 
will,  so  far  as  it  dependeth  on  me,  be  carried  there 
sick,  in  case  I  be  not  well,  sooner  than  refuse ;  for, 
without  doubt,  I  am  called  of  God,  if  called  by  the 
emperor.  If  they  intend  to  settle  these  matters  by 
bare  authority  alone,  as  it  seemeth,  (for  they  have 
not  probably  produced  this  summons  with  a  view  to 
convince  me,)  then  must  the  case  be  commended 
unto  God.  He  still  liveth  and  ruleth  who  preserved 


296  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1520, 

the  three  men  in  the  fiery  furnace.  If  he  will  not 
keep  me,  then  my  head  is  of  little  account,  com- 
pared with  the  ignominious  death  of  Christ,  which 
was  an  offence  to  all,  and  the  falling  of  many.  For 
here  we  must  have  no  regard  to  danger  or  safety, 
but  rather  see  that  we  do  not  betray  the  gospel, 
which  we  have  once  received,  and  give  it  over  to  the 
contempt  of  the  wicked,  and  our  enemies  have  oc- 
casion to  say,  that  we  are  afraid  to  acknowledge  what 
we  teach,  and  to  shed  our  blood  therefor,  which  dis- 
grace on  our  part,  and  proud  boasting  on  theirs,  may 
&od  avert.  .  .  .  We  cannot  tell  whether  by  our  life, 
or  by  our  death,  more  or  less  danger  may  accrue  to 
the  gospel.  You  know  that  divine  truth  is  a  rock 
of  offence,  set  for  the  fall  and  rising  again  of  many 
in  Israel.  Let  it  be  our  only  care  to  pray  unto  God 
that  the  commencement  of  our  emperor's  reign  be 
not  stained  with  my  blood,  or  that  of  any  other  man, 
in  order  to  defend  wickedness.  As  I  have  often 
said,  I  would  rather  perish  by  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 
manists,  than  that  the  emperor  and  his  court  should 
be  involved  in  such  an  act." 

The  Roman  party  were  strongly  opposed  to  Lu- 
ther's examination  before  the  diet,  as  it  would  imply 
that  one  already  condemned  by  the  pope  might  still 
have  a  trial  before  a  secular  tribunal.  They  had 
procured  a  second  bull  from  Rome,  in  which  Luther 
was  unconditionally  excommunicated,  and  they  made 
use  of  this  as  an  argument  to  divert  the  emperor 
from  his  purpose,  and  succeeded  so  far  as  to  induce 
him  to  write  again  to  the  Elector  Frederic,  and  say  to 
him,  that,  unless  Luther  was  prepared  to  retract,  he 
need  not  come,  and  at  any  rate,  that  he  might  come 
no  farther  than  to  Frankfurt,  and  there  await  fur- 
ther orders.  But  the  elector  prudently  replied,  that 


JE.  37.]  SUMMONED   TO   WORMS.  297 

he  himself  was  already  on  his  way  to  "Worms,  and 
that  he  would  there  confer  with  the  emperor  on  the 
whole  matter.  Meanwhile,  he  wrote  to  Luther,  di- 
recting him  to  say  how  far  he  could  comply  with 
the  emperor's  orders. 

The  emperor  viewed  every  thing  through  a  poli- 
tical medium ;  truth  and  justice  yielded  to  conside- 
rations of  advantage.  His  advisers  wished  to  mo- 
derate Luther,  in  order  to  make  use  of  him  in  their 
negotiations  with  Rome.  The  two  Roman  nuncios, 
particularly  Aleander,  an  intriguing  man,  resorted 
to  bribery  and  every  low  art,  in  order  to  engage  the 
emperor  in  their  interest  and  secure  his  power  against 
Luther.  The  emperor  saw  here  the  means  of  forc- 
ing the  pope  to  support  his  policy  against  France, 
and  determined  to  sacrifice  Luther,  but  not  without 
first  securing  every  possible  advantage.  The  princes 
did  not  enter  into  these  views  of  Charles,  but  added 
their  complaints  to  Luther's  in  respect  to  Roman 
tyranny,  and  therefore  checked  the  emperor,  though 
they  were  altogether  disinclined  to  favour  Luther's 
religious  doctrines.  The  transactions  at  Worms  all 
grew  out  of  these  conflicting  interests,  and  form  a 
singular  series  of  intrigues  and  manoeuvres,  in  order 
to  reconcile  and  adjust  them  so  as  to  secure  the 
ends  contemplated  in  the  emperor's  policy.  Hence, 
the  movements,  counter-movements  and  suspensions 
which  checker  and  confuse  the  proceedings  of  the 
diet. 

During  all  these  negotiations,  in  which  Luther's 
safety  was  involved,  he  was  labouring  on  at  Witten- 
berg, as  zealously  and  as  laboriously  as  if  there  were 
nothing  to  disturb  his  mind.  He  said  in  a  letter  to 
his  friend  Pellican,  at  Basle,  who  was  superintending 
the  printing  of  some  of  his  books  published  there,  "I 


LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1621. 

am  exceedingly  occupied  with  business.  I  preach 
twice  every  day ;  I  am  engaged  in  writing  my  Com- 
mentary on  the  Psalms;  I  am  working  on  the  pos- 
tils;  I  am  fighting  against  the  papal  bull  both  in 
German  and  Latin,  and  defending  myself  against 
attacks ;  not  to  mention  the  letters  I  must  write  to 
my  friends,  and  the  conferences  which  I  hold  at  home 
and  elsewhere."  When  the  citation  and  the  safe- 
conduct  from  the  emperor  were  brought  to  Luther 
by  a  herald  sent  to  accompany  him,  Luther  was  in 
the  very  midst  of  those  labours.  Hence  he  apolo- 
gized to  Prince  John  Frederic,  to  whom  he  dedicated 
his  commentary  on  the  song  of  Mary  at  the  annun- 
ciation, for  sending  him  only  a  part  of  it,  saying, 
"  The  remainder  must  be  put  off  till  my  return ;  for 
you  see  that,  being  summoned  to  the  imperial  diet, 
I  must  drop  every  thing."  Various  expressions  of 
his,  both  at  this  time  and  afterward,  show  that  he 
expected  his  fate  would,  in  all  probability,  be  like 
that  of  Huss,  and  that  he  should  never  return  alive 
to  Wittenberg.  Still  he  was  not  without  hope.  The 
straight-forward  and  honest,  the  bold  and  yet  skilful 
movements  of  Luther,  the  prudence  and  increasing 
solicitude  of  the  elector,  the  jealousy  of  the  diet 
against  the  Roman  nuncios  and  Italian  intrigue,  and 
the  hesitancy  of  the  emperor,  a  mere  political  calcula- 
tor, to  commit  himself  openly  to  the  pope  at  the  risk 
of  offending  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and  his  friends, 
these  were  the  chief  means  employed  by  Providence 
for  the  preservation  of  Luther  at  this  critical  junc- 
ture. The  imperial  herald,  Caspar  Sturm  of  Oppen- 
heim,  reached  Wittenberg,  March  26th,  and  Luther 
commenced  his  journey  about  the  2d  of  April,  the 
council  of  Wittenberg  providing  a  conveyance  for 
him.  Amsdorf,  Scheurl,  and  two  or  three  other 


M.  37.]  SUMMONED  TO   WORMS.  299 

friends  accompanied  him.  At  Leipsic,  he  was  merely 
treated  to  wine  by  the  authorities,  which  was  regarded 
as  a  cold  reception,  the  same  which  he  received  at 
the  Leipsic  disputation.  At  Naumburg,  the  burgo- 
master entertained  him  and  the  herald;  and  a  priest 
sent  him  a  likeness  of  Savonarola,  an  Italian  reformer 
and  martyr,  and  exhorted  him  to  stand  firmly  by 
the  truth,  for  God  would  be  with  him  and  uphold 
him.  At  Weimar,  he  was  hospitably  received  by 
Duke  John  Frederic,  brother  and  afterward  succes- 
sor of  the  elector.  Here  he  received  intelligence 
that  his  books  had  been  already  condemned  at  Worms, 
and  saw  the  messengers  who  were  to  publish  the  im- 
perial mandate  in  the  cities.  The  condemnation  of 
Luther,  to  which  the  emperor  had  once  assented, 
was,  at  the  remonstrance  of  the  German  princes,  put 
off,  and  only  the  seizure  of  his  books  was  insisted  on 
then.  The  herald  asked  him  if  he  wished  still  to 
proceed,  to  which  Luther  replied  in  the  affirmative. 
Prince  John  furnished  him  with  money  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  his  journey.  At  Erfurt,  Luther  was 
welcomed  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony.  Crotus, 
then  rector  of  the  university,  and  the  poet  Eoban 
Hess,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  forty,  on  horse- 
back, and  a  great  multitude  on  foot,  came  out  eight 
miles  from  the  city  to  escort  him  in.  The  streets  of 
the  city  were  thronged  when  he  entered ;  and,  at  the 
request  of  many,  he  consented  to  preach  in  the  Au- 
gustinian  cloister,  where  he  had  once  suffered  so  much. 
Here  Justus  Jonas,  formerly  a  student  at  Wittenberg, 
but  now  professor  at  Erfurt,  joined  Luther  and  his 
party.  At  Gotha,  also,  he  yielded  to  the  urgency 
of  the  people  and  preached.  At  Eisenach  he  was 
taken  very  ill,  and  did  not  entirely  recover  till  after 
he  reached  Frankfurt,  from  which  place  he  wrote  to 


300  LIFE    OF   LUTHER.  [1521. 

Spalatm,  April  14th:  "We  have  arrived  here,  my 
dear  Spalatin,  although  Satan  hath  endeavoured  to 
hinder  me  by  more  diseases  than  one.  For  all  the 
way  from  Eisenach  I  was  sick,  and  am  still  so  more 
than  I  ever  was  before.  I  hear  the  mandate  of 
Charles  is  published  for  the  purpose  of  terrifying  me. 
But  Christ  liveth,  and  I  will  enter  Worms  in  spite 
of  all  the  gates  of  hell  and  the  powers  of  the  air." 
Many  undertook  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose; 
his  friends  did  it  out  of  regard  to  his  safety;  his  ene- 
mies to  avoid  discussion  before  the  diet.  It  was  said 
to  him  at  one  time  that  he  would  be  burned  to  powder, 
as  Huss  was  at  Constance,  to  which  he  answered : 
"  Though  they  kindle  a  fire  all  the  way  between  Wit- 
tenberg and  Worms  that  shall  reach  unto  the  heavens, 
I  will,  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  appear,  inasmuch  as 
I  am  summoned,  and  come  between  the  great  teeth 
of  the  behemoth  and  confess  Christ,  and  let  him  rule." 
At  the  special  instance  of  the  emperor's  con- 
fessor, who  still,  perhaps  for  good  political  reasons, 
hoped  to  effect  a  reconciliation,  Bucer  was  sent  by 
Francis  von  Sickingen  from  his  castle  at  Ebern- 
burg,  inviting  him  to  meet  at  that  retired  place  such 
men  as  Charles  should  send  to  confer  with  him. 
But  Luther,  determined  not  to  be  turned  aside  by 
frowns  or  flatteries,  and  knowing  that  the  time  of  his 
safe-conduct  would  soon  expire,  replied  coolly,  "  If 
the  emperor's  confessor  hath  any  thing  to  say  unto 
me,  he  can  say  it  at  Worms,"  and  proceeded  on  his 
way.  At  Oppenheim,  toward  Worms,  he  received 
a  warning  from  Spalatin,  who  was  with  the  elector 
at  Worms,  not  to  venture  into  the  city;  to  which  he 
made  the  well-known  reply :  "  If  there  were  as  many 
devils  in  Worms  as  there  are  tiles  on  the  roofs  of 
the  houses,  I  would  still  go  thither."  Just  before 


JE.  37.]  BEFORE   THE  DIET.  301 

the  close  of  his  life,  referring  to  this  courageous  state 
of  feeling,  he  said :  "  I  was  then  intrepid,  and  feared 
nothing.  Grod  can  make  one  as  it  were  beside  himself. 
I  do  not  know  that  I  should  be  so  confident  now." 
"To-day,"  [i.  e.  April  16,]  says  an  eye-witness, 
"came  Doctor  Martin  hither,  in  an  open  Saxon 
vehicle,  in  company  with  three  other  persons,  namely, 
a  brother*  of  his,  Nicholas  Amsdorf,  and  a  Pome- 
ranian nobleman  by  the  name  of  Von  Suaven.  Before 
the  carriage  rode  the  imperial  herald  on  horseback, 
and  in  livery  with  the  imperial  escutcheon,  attended 
by  his  servant.  Justus  Jonas  and  his  servant  fol- 
lowed next  to  Luther.  Many  nobles  and  courtiers 
went  out  to  meet  him.  At  ten  o'clock  he  entered 
the  city,  and  more  than  two  thousand  persons  escorted 
him  to  his  quarters."  He  stopped  at  a  hotel  called 
"The  German  Court,"  where  the  elector  had  pro- 
vided lodgings  for  him.  Two  Saxon  nobles  of  Fre- 
deric's court,  and  Pappenheim,  the  imperial  marshal, 
lodged  at  the  same  place  with  Luther. 

SECTION  II. — Luther  before  the  Diet;  his  Return  and  Capture. 

EARLY  the  next  morning,  the  marshal  Pappen- 
heim and  the  herald  were  sent  with  an  order  from 
the  emperor,  requiring  Luther  to  appear  before  him 
and  the  diet  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  to  answer 
to  the  matters  that  should  then  be  presented.  The 
interval  of  several  hours  was  one  of  intense  anxiety; 

*  This  was  his  brother  Jacob  Luther,  who  was  with 
him  also  when  he  was  seized  and  carried  to  Wartburg. 
Seckendorf,  by  an  unhappy  conjecture,  explained  the 
word  brother  as  meaning  a  monk,  and  other  writers  have 
blindly  followed  him.  So,  too,  have  these  writers  made 
Von  Suaveii  (Latinized,  Suabenius,)  a  Danish,  instead  of 
a  Pomeranian  nobleman. 

26 


LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

and  it  was  on  that  occasion  that  he  made  the  memo- 
rable prayer  which  has  been  recorded,  and  is  to  be 
found  in  the  histories  of  the  Reformation. 

In  order  to  understand  Luther's  position  before 
the  diet  at  Worms,  we  must  glance  at  what  had  been 
done  there  previous  to  his  arrival.  January  16,  just 
three  months  before  Luther's  entrance  into  the  city, 
the  elector  wrote  from  Worms  to  his  brother  John, 
thus :  "  Every  day,  as  I  am  informed,  consultations 
are  held  against  Doctor  Martin,  to  put  him  under  the 
ban  of  excommunication  and  outlawry,  and  to  perse- 
cute him  to  the  utmost.  This,  they  of  the  red  hat 
and  the  Romans  with  their  party,  do  labour  at.  But 
there  are  many  who  regard  him  with  favour."  Leo  X. 
wrote  to  Charles  V.  a  letter  dated  Rome,  January  18, 
but  which  did  not  come  before  the  diet  till  February 
13,  in  which  he  says,  that  as  Luther  had  failed  to 
appear  at  Rome  to  answer  to  his  summons,  he,  the 
pope,  had  declared  him  a  notorious  heretic.  Having 
learned  through  his  nuncio  that  his  imperial  majesty 
was  inclined  to  maintain  the  Catholic  faith,  he  now 
implored  him  to  issue  a  general  edict  that  Luther, 
unless  he  retract  his  errors,  suffer  the  penalties  due 
to  a  heretic.  February  13,  the  nuncio  Aleander  pre- 
sented the  apostolical  brief  above  mentioned,  and 
seconded  its  suggestions  by  an  elaborate  but  haughty 
speech  against  Luther,  beseeching  the  diet  not  to 
bear  with  the  man,  who  was  calling  back  from  hell 
Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague,  who  had  been  con- 
demned and  burnt.  Glapio,  confessor  of  the  em- 
peror, had  several  interviews  with  Pontanus,  the 
elector's  chancellor,  during  the  month  of  February, 
seeking  to  effect  a  reconciliation,  by  inducing  Luther 
to  renounce  the  errors  and  hard  sayings  contained  in 
his  work  on  the  Babylonian  captivity.  These  errors 


JE.  37.]  BEFORE   THE   DIET.  303 

he  pointed  out,  to  the  number  of  thirty-two.  Grlapio 
admitted  that  the  Roman  party  daily  belaboured  the 
emperor  to  carry  into  effect  the  suggestions  of  the 
papal  brief,  but  that  he  had  thus  far  manifested  an  un- 
willingness to  do  so.  Still  we  find  a  draught  of  an 
imperial  edict  against  Luther's  writings,  and  against 
his  person,  unless  he  should  retract,  as  early  as  the 
10th  of  February.  This  draught  was  laid  before 
the  diet,  together  with  the  three  following  questions : 
1.  Whether  Luther  should  be  called  to  have  a  hear- 
ing— to  Worms,  or  to  some  other  place  in  the  vici- 
nity. 2.  Whether  his  books,  being  full  of  heresy, 
ought  not  forthwith  to  be  burned  and  destroyed. 
3.  Whether,  in  case  he  should  choose  not  to  appear, 
or,  appearing,  would  not  renounce  his  errors,  he  should 
then  be  punished  as  a  heretic. 

The  diet,  near  the  beginning  of  March,  replied 
that,  having  taken  the  edict  and  questions  laid  before 
them  into  consideration,  1.  They  must  warn  the  em- 
peror of  the  dangers  of  attempting  by  a  new  edict  to 
quell  the  excitement  produced  by  Luther's  preach- 
ing and  writings;  and,  2.  They  approve  of  citing 
Luther  to  appear  at  Worms  under  a  safe-conduct,  not 
however  to  discuss  the  points  at  issue,  but  simply  to 
reply  to  the  questions  whether  he  would  retract  or 
not.  When  Luther  was  informed  by  Spalatin  of 
these  counsels,  he  replied  that  he  would  not  go  to 
Worms  for  such  a  purpose  as  that;  he  could  as  well 
answer  the  question  in  Wittenberg  as  in  Worms; 
that  he  would  never  retract.  The  emperor  informed 
the  diet  that  he  should  proceed  according  to  their 
advice. 

After  all  this,  and  after  Luth'er  had  (March  26) 
received  his  citation  and  safe-conduct,  dated  March  6, 
the  emperor,  nevertheless,  issued  his  edict  against 


304  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1521. 

Luther's  books,  omitting  that  part  which  related 
to  his  person.  This  unjust  and  violent  proce- 
dure, designed  to  prejudice  the  popular  mind 
and  to  terrify  the  friends  of  Luther,  induced  the 
latter,  and  particularly  Spalatin  and  the  elector,  to 
dissuade  Luther  from  presenting  himself  for  trial 
after  his  books  were  already  condemned  by  the 
emperor. 

We  learn  the  state  of  feeling  among  Luther's 
friends,  from  a  document  of  Pontanus,  in  which  he 
recounts  the  considerations  on  both  sides  in  respect 
to  the  safety  of  Luther's  presenting  himself  under 
these  circumstances.  The  chief  objections  were, 
that  the  cause  was  virtually  prejudged,  and  that  his 
safe-conduct  would  be  no  security,  if  he  should  re- 
fuse to  retract,  and  should  therefore  be  declared  a 
heretic.  There  were  in  fact  princes  who  were  not 
ashamed  to  say  that  the  emperor  was  not  bound 
to  keep  his  word  with  a  heretic.  But  the  house  of 
Saxony  and  others  rejected  such  a  suggestion  with 
scorn  and  with  threats.  The  reasons  urged  by  Pon- 
tanus in  favour  of  Luther's  coming  were,  that  the 
edict  itself,  though  it  stated  that  Luther  was  cited  to 
answer  to  the  question  whether  he  would  retract 
what  he  had  written  or  not,  still  expressly  speaks 
of  the  safe-conduct  to  Worms  and  back  again, 
without  conditions  or  any  reference  to  the  kind  of 
answer  that  should  be  given;  and  that  Luther's 
enemies  would  desire  nothing  better  than  to  be  able 
to  say  that  he  had  not  confidence  to  appear  for  trial. 
Luther  knew  the  whole  case  perfectly,  and  decided 
with  wisdom  as  consummate  as  his  courage.  It  was 
here  at  Worms  that  he  opened  the  eyes  of  many  of 
the  rulers  of  Germany,  and  actually  drove  a  wedge 
which  split  the  diet  into  two  religious  parties,  not 


JE.  37.]  BEFORE  THE  DIET.  305 

again  for  many  centuries  to  be  united.  The  scene 
which  was  opened  at  Worms  did  not  close  till  the 
end  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  when  the  Protestants 
wrung  from  the  Catholics  a  political  equality. 

When  the  hour  arrived,  Ulrich  von  Pappenheim 
and  Caspar  Sturm  came  and  conducted  him  first  to 
the  Swan,  the  quarters  of  the  Elector  of  the  Palati- 
nate, whence  he  was  conveyed  through  secret  pas- 
sages to  the  Guild-hall,  to  avoid  the  concourse  which 
had  thronged  the  way  from  Luther's  lodgings  t<j  the 
emperor's  quarters.  Many  had  climbed  upon  the 
house-tops  to  see  Dr.  Martin  as  he  passed.  As  he 
was  about  to  enter  the  hall,  Freundsberg,  a  cele- 
brated military  commander,  tapped  him  on  the  shoul- 
der, and  said,  "Monk,  monk,  thou  art  about  to 
make  a  passage  and  occupy  a  post  more  perilous  than 
any  which  I  and  many  other  commanders  ever  knew 
in  the  bloodiest  battle-fields.  If  thou  art  in  the 
right  and  sure  of  your  ground,  go  on  in  God's  name 
and  fear  not;  God  will  not  forsake  thee."  Even 
after  he  had  entered  the  hall,  where,  including  those 
in  the  galleries  and  windows  and  about  the  doors, 
not  less  than  five  thousand  were,  according  to  the 
account  of  George  Vogler,  an  eye-witness,  assembled, 
many  persons  ventured  to  approach  him  and  speak 
to  him  words  of  encouragement,  saying  to  him, 
"  Speak  manfully,  and  be  not  afraid  of  them  who 
kill  the  body,  but  have  no  power  over  the  soul." 
He  was  instructed  by  Pappenheim  to  say  nothing 
but  when  he  was  called  upon. 

Now  the  imperial  orator,  Dr.  John  Eck,  (not  the 
theologian,  but  the  official  or  secular  agent  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Treves,)  addressed  him,  at  the  empe- 
ror's order,  in  Latin,  and  then  in  German,  saying  that 
he  had  been  called  before  the  imperial  diet  to  an- 

26* 


306  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1621. 

swer  to  these  two  questions :  "  First,  whether  you 
acknowledge  these  books  [a  large  pile  of  which  lay 
on  the  table]  to  be  yours  or  not ;  secondly,  whether 
you  will  retract  them  or  their  contents,  or  whether 
you  will  adhere  to  them  still." 

Before  Luther  replied,  Schurf,  his  counsellor,  said, 
"  Let  the  titles  of  the  books  be  read."  Then  the 
official  read  over  the  titles,  among  which  were,  Ex- 
position of  certain  Psalms ;  Treatise  on  Good  Works, 
Explanation  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  others  which 
were  not  of  a  polemical  character. 

Luther  then  answered,  both  in  Latin  and  in  Ger- 
man, "  First,  I  must  acknowledge  the  books  just 
named  to  be  mine,  and  can  never  deny  them.  But 
touching  the  next  point,  whether  I  will  maintain  all 
these,  or  retract  them,  seeing  it  is  a  question  of  faith 
and  of  one's  salvation  and  of  the  word  of  God,  which 
is  the  greatest  treasure  in  heaven  and  earth,  and 
deserving  at  all  times  our  highest  reverence,  it  would 
be  rash  and  perilous  for  me  to  speak  inconsiderately, 
and  affirm,  without  reflection,  either  more  or  less  than 
is  consistent  with  truth;  for  in  either  case  I  should 
fall  under  the  sentence  of  Christ,  '  He  that  denieth 
me  before  men,  him  will  I  deny  before  my  Father 
which  is  in  heaven.'  Therefore  I  beg  of  your  im- 
perial majesty  time  for  reflection,  that  I  may  be  able 
to  reply  to  the  question  proposed  without  prejudice 
to  the  word  of  God  or  to  my  own  salvation." 

Hereupon  the  diet  consulted,  and  returned  a  reply 
through  the  official,  "  That  although  thou  mightest 
have  known  from  the  imperial  summons  for  what 
purpose  thou  wast  cited,  and  dost  not  deserve  the 
grant  of  further  time  for  consideration,  yet  his  im- 
perial clemency  granteth  thee  one  more  day." 

Whether  we  consider  the  serious  nature  of  the 


M.  37.]  BEFORE   THE  DIET.  307 

transaction,  or  the  impression  to  be  made  upon  such 
a  national  assembly,  we  shall  perceive  that  Luther 
judged  wisely  in  making  such  a  request.  The  solemn 
suspense  only  heightened  the  solicitude  of  the  mul- 
titude to  hear  the  result. 

As  he  was  conducted  to  his  quarters,  he  received 
many  benedictions  from  the  people,  and  nobles  came 
to  his  lodgings  and  encouraged  him.  What  his 
feelings  were  at  this  moment,  we  learn  from  a  letter 
to  Cuspinian,  in  which  he  says,  "  I  have  this,  very 
hour  been  standing  before  the  emperor  and  his 
brother  Ferdinand,  and  been  asked  whether  I  would 
retract  my  writings.  I  answered,  'The  books  laid 
before  me  are  mine ;  but  concerning  the  revocation, 
I  will  say  what  I  will  do  to-morrow/  This  is  all 
the  time  I  asked  for  deliberation,  and  all  that  they 
would  give.  But,  Christ  being  gracious  to  me,  I 
will  not  retract  an  iota." 

About  this  time  he  received  letters  of  encourage- 
ment from  Ulrich  von  Hutten,  the  warrior-poet  and 
patriot.  He  addressed  a  letter  from  Ebernburg, 
April  15,  "  to  his  holy  friend,  the  invincible  theolo- 
gian and  evangelist.  Fight  courageously  for  Christ," 
he  says,  "  and  yield  not  to  wrong,  but  go  forth  con- 
fidently to  meet  it.  Endure  as  a  good  soldier  of 
Jesus,  and  suffer  that  the  gift  which  is  in  you  may 
be  called  out,  and  be  assured  that  He  on  whom  you 
have  believed  can  preserve  what  you  have  committed 
to  him  till  that  day.  I  also  will  take  strong  hold 
of  the  work;  but  there  is  this  difference  in  our 
undertakings,  that  mine  is  human,  while  you,  far 
more  perfect,  cleave  wholly  to  divine  things." 

On  the  following  day,  Thursday,  the  18th,  at  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  herald  called  again  for 
Luther  and  conducted  him  to  the  emperor's  court, 


LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1521. 

where,  on  account  of  the  engagements  of 'the  princes, 
he  was  obliged  to  stand  waiting  until  six  o'clock, 
with  an  immense  crowd,  which  was  gathered  to  hear 
his  answer.  Tie  lamps  were  already  lighted  in  the 
council  hall.  When  the  princes  were  ready  to  hear 
him,  and  Luther  was  standing  before  them,  the  offi- 
cial called  on  him  to  answer  to  the  questions  laid 
before  him  the  previous  day.  Luther  made  his 
statement  and  defence  in  German,  with  modesty  and 
calmness,  but,  at  the  same  time,  with  a  confidence 
and  firmness  that  surprised  those  who  expected  no- 
thing but  a  recantation.  After  bespeaking  the  in- 
dulgence of  the  diet,  if,  from  his  monastic  and  retired 
habits,  he  should  fail  in  respect  to  any  of  the  cus- 
tomary proprieties  of  courtly  address,  he  observed 
that  his  published  works  were  not  all  of  the  same 
character.  In  some  he  had  treated  of  faith  and 
works  of  piety  with  such  plainness  and  Christian 
simplicity,  that  even  his  enemies  were  obliged  to 
confess  their  harmlessness,  usefulness  and  worth.  To 
retract  these  would  be  to  condemn  the  truth  which 
all  parties  confessed.  The  second  class  of  his  works, 
were  directed  against  the  papacy  and  the  Papists, 
as  corrupting  with  their  teaching  and  example  all 
Christendom,  both  in  body  and  soul.  No  one  can  deny 
nor  conceal  that  by  the  papal  laws  and  teachings  of 
man,  the  consciences  of  Christians  are  held  in  bond- 
age, burdened  and  tormented,  and  that  goods  and 
possessions,  especially  in  Germany,  are  devoured  by 
their  incredible  tyranny.  They  themselves  have 
ordained  in  their  own  decrees,  that  the  laws  and  doc- 
trines of  the  pope  which  are  contrary  to  the  gospel 
and  the  teachings  of  the  Fathers  be  regarded  as  erro- 
neous. Were  he  to  revoke  this  class  of  his  books, 
he  would  but  contribute  to  the  strength  of  tyranny, 


;E.  37.]  BEFORE   THE   DIET.  309 

and  leave  open,  not  only  a  window,  but  a  door  and 
a  gate  to  wickedness,  wider  than  ever ;  and  by  his  tes- 
timony, especially  if  extorted  by  his  imperial  ma- 
jesty and  the  whole  German  nation,  their  unchecked 
tyrannical  rule  would  be  strengthened  in  its  foun- 
dations. The  third  class  of  his  books  were  personal 
and  written  against  those  who  undertook  the  defence 
of  Roman  tyranny  and  the  overthrow  of  the  di- 
vine doctrines  which  he  had  inculcated.  Against 
these  he  had,  he  confessed,  been  more  violent  than 
was  becoming.  He  did  not  set  himself  up  for  a  saint, 
and  disputed  with  his  opponents  not  about  his  own 
life,  but  about  the  doctrines  of  Christ.  But  even 
these  books  he  could  not  revoke,  because  he  would 
thereby  give  his  influence  in  favour  of  Roman  ty- 
ranny, which  would  trample  on  the  people's  rights 
more  mercilessly  than  ever. 

But  as  he  was  a  man,  and  not  God,  he  could  not 
do  for  his  books  otherwise  than  Christ  did  for  his 
doctrines,  who,  when  questioned  in  respect  to  them  by 
Annas,  and  smitten  on  his  cheek  by  the  servant, 
said,  "  If  I  have  spoken  wrong,  then  show  it  to  be 
wrong."  "Therefore,"  said  he,  "by  the  mercy  of 
God  I  beg  your  imperial  majesty  or  any  one  else 
who  can,  whoever  he  may  be,  to  bring  forward  proof 
against  me,  and  overcome  me  by  the  writings  of 
the  apostles  and  prophets.  And  then,  if  I  am 
shown  to  be  in  error,  I  will  be  ready  and  willing 
to  retract,  and  will  be  the  first  to  cast  my  books 
into  the  fire."  But  we  cannot  attempt  to  present 
even  an  outline  of  this  address.  When  it  was 
ended,  he  was  requested,  for  the  sake  of  the  em- 
peror and  his  Spanish  court  and  others  who  did  not 
understand  German,  to  repeat  it  in  Latin.  Though 
exhausted  with  the  effort  he  had  made,  he  consented 


310  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

to  go  over  the  ground  again  and  rehearse  the  whole 
matter  in  Latin. 

When  he  had  finished,  the  imperial  orator  accused 
him  of  evading  the  point  in  question,  and  demanded 
that,  instead  of  debating  on  articles  which  the  councils 
had  long  ago  settled,  he  should  give  a  plain  and 
direct  answer,  whether  he  would  retract  or  not.  To 
this  Luther  replied  :  "  Since  your  imperial  majesty 
and  lordships  desire  a  direct  answer,  I  will  give  one, 
which  has  neither  horns  nor  teeth,  and  it  is  this: 
Unless  I  shall  be  convinced  by  the  testimony  of  Scrip- 
ture, or  by  clear  and  plain  argument,  (for  I  do  not 
believe  either  in  the  pope  or  in  the  councils  alone, 
because  it  is  plain  and  evident  they  have  often  erred 
and  contradicted  each  other,)  I  am  held  by  those 
passages  which  I  have  cited,  and  am  bound  by  my  con- 
science and  by  the  word  of  God,  and  therefore  I  may 
not — cannot  retract,  inasmuch  as  it  is  neither  safe 
nor  right  to  violate  my  conscience.  Here  I  stand, 
and  cannot  do  otherwise,  God  be  my  help.  Amen." 

The  electors  and  other  members  of  the  diet  took 
the  reply  into  consideration,  whereupon  Eck,  the 
official  of  the  Archbishop  of  Treves,  took  upon  him 
to  refute  Luther,  and  to  rebuke  his  immodesty. 
Luther  rejoined,  reaffirming  and  maintaining  his 
positions,  and  entreated  the  emperor  not  to  force  a 
man  to  violate  his  conscience  which  was  held  bound 
by  the  authority  of  Scripture. 

The  next  day,  Friday,  April  19,  the  emperor  sent 
a  written  communication  to  the  council  of  state, 
saying,  that  as  Luther  would  not  yield  or  move  a 
finger's  breadth  from  his  errors,  he,  the  emperor, 
must  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessors,  and 
maintain  and  protect  the  Catholic  religion,  and  in- 
flict the  penalty  upon  Luther  if  he  should  choose  to 


JE.  37.]  BEFORE   THE  DIET.  311 

come  under  the  ban.  But  as  a  safe-conduct  had 
been  granted  him,  this  must  not  be  violated.  He 
must  first  be  allowed  to  return  to  his  home.  The 
remainder  of  that  day  and  the  whole  of  the  following 
Saturday  were  consumed  by  the  diet  in  deliberating 
upon  this  declaration  of  the  emperor.  In  the  mean 
time  placards  were  stuck  up,  intimating  that  not  less 
than  four  hundred  knights  had  leagued  together  for 
the  protection  of  Luther.  Von  Hutten  and  Von 
Sickingen  were  supposed  to  be  the  leaders. 

Monday,  the  22d,  early  in  the  morning,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Treves  sent  for  Luther  to  come  to  his 
quarters  and  meet  several  princes  there  in  a  friendly 
conference.  It  was  done,  but  all  to  no  effect,  both 
parties  adhering  to  their  principles.  A  private  in- 
terview, which  immediately  succeeded,  between  the 
archbishop,  Eck  and  Cochlseus  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Luther,  Schurf  and  Ainsdorf  on  the  other,  was  at- 
tended with  no  better  success.  Several  other  similar 
attempts  were  made  to  move  Luther  from  his  pur- 
pose, but  without  effect;  and  finally  he  was  dis- 
missed by  the  emperor  with  a  safe-conduct  extending 
to  twenty  days,  with  directions  to  refrain  from  agi- 
tating the  minds  of  the  people  either  by  preaching 
or  by  writing.  Luther  submitted  to  the  order  with- 
out opposition,  except  that  he  claimed  the  right 
freely  to  confess  and  to  teach  the  word  of  God. 

The  Elector  Frederic  was  not  displeased  with  the 
manner  in  which  Luther  acquitted  himself  on  this 
extraordinary  occasion.  He  had,  even  before  Lu- 
ther's arrival  in  Worms,  expressed  a  desire  to  do 
something  to  protect  him  from  unreasonable  treat- 
ment. After  Luther's  address  before  the  diet,  the 
elector  said  to  Spalatin,  "The  father,  Dr.  Martin, 
hath  spoken  well  in  Latin  and  German  before  the 


312  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

emperor,  the  princes  and  the  estates.  It  was  a  bold 
step  he  took."  "  If  it  were  in  my  power,"  he  said 
afterward,  "I  would  gladly  procure  justice  for  him." 
Such  feelings  led  to  the  project  of  concealing  him  in 
the  castle  of  Wartburg,  and  putting  him  under  the 
protection  of  the  commander  of  that  place.  The 
plan  of  a  friendly  capture  was  communicated  to  Lu- 
ther the  evening  before  he  left  Worms,  and  to  his 
companion  Amsdorf,  though  the  time  and  place  were 
unknown  to  them. 

A  graphic  outline  of  the  transactions  at  Worms 
is  given  by  Luther  in  a  letter  to  Albert  of  Mansfeld, 
written  May  3,  at  Eisenach,  the  day  before  he  was 
taken  and  carried  to  Wartburg.  After  the  usual 
salutation,  and  an  allusion  to  the  count's  request 
that  Luther  would  send  by  a  special  messenger  an 
account  of  the  proceedings  respecting  him,  he  says, 
"First,  my  arrival  at  Worms  was  altogether  unex- 
pected. Therefore  a  prohibition  was  sent,  and  I, 
while  under  the  imperial  safe-conduct,  was  con- 
demned before  I  came  to  the  place  or  had  a  hearing. 
Afterward,  that  I  might  be  quickly  disposed  of,  I 
was  asked  whether  I  would  cleave  to  my  books  or 
renounce  them.  Whereupon  I  replied  as  your  grace 
hath,  no  doubt,  already  heard.  Immediately  the  em- 
peror, imbittered  against  me,  issued  a  severe  mandate 
and  sent  it  to  the  estates  of  the  empire.  .  .  .  Then 
certain  persons  were  chosen  out  of  the  diet  to  admo- 
nish me,  in  a  gracious  and  friendly  way,  to  submit  my 
books  to  the  judgment  of  the  emperor  and  of  the 
diet.  They  were  the  Bishop  of  Treves,  Margrave 
Joachim  [of  Brandenburg,]  Duke  George  of  Saxony, 
the  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  the  Teutonic  Master,  the 
Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  Count  George  of  Wertheim 
and  two  deputies  from  the  free  cities.  Then  a  doctor, 


JE.  37.]  BEFORE  THE  DIET.  313 

[Vehus,]  chancellor  of  the  Margrave  of  Baden  arose 
and  gave  unto  me  such  a  fine  and  well-arranged  ad- 
monition, that  I  must  confess  the  official  of  Treves, 
who  spoke  before  the  emperor,  cannot  hold  a  candle 
to  him.  .  .  .  When  they  failed  to  produce  any  effect 
upon  me,  the  Archbishop  of  Treves  called  me,  Dr. 
Schurf  and  Amsdorf,  and  also  his  official  and 
Cochlaeus,  before  him  apart.  But  it  was  an  unpro- 
fitable dispute,  and  led  to  no  good  result.  .  .  .  After- 
ward the  Chancellor  [Vehus]  of  Baden  and  Peu- 
tinger  were  sent  to  me  to  persuade  me  to  submit  my 
books  unconditionally  to  the  emperor.  ...  I  put  it 
to  their  consciences  whether  they  could  advise  me 
to  commit  myself  wholly  to  the  emperor  and  others 
who  had  already  condemned  me  and  burnt  my  books. 
.  .  .  After  this,  the  Archbishop  of  Treves  sent  for 
me  to  see  him  alone.  He  showed  himself  in  this 
affair  very  kind  and  more  than  gracious,  and  would 
gladly  have  quelled  the  difficulty.  He  set  the 
matter  again  before  me,  and  I  answered  as  before, 
for  I  could  not  do  otherwise,  and  so  he  dismissed 
me.  Soon  after  came  the  official,  with  a  count,  the 
imperial  chancellor,  as  a  notary,  saying  to  me  in  the 
emperor's  name,  that  inasmuch  as  I  did  not  recede 
from  my  purpose,  I  must  return  with  twenty  days 
safe-conduct,  and  his  imperial  majesty  would  after- 
ward do  with  me  what  was  proper.  I  thanked  his 
majesty,  and  said,  'As  it  hath  pleased  the  Lord,  so 
it  is  done,  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord.'  They 
enjoined  it  upon  me  not  to  preach  or  write  by  the 
way.  I  replied,  <I  will  do  all  that  his  majesty 
pleases,  but  the  word  of  God  I  will  have  unbound, 
as  St.  Paul  says.'  Thus  I  parted  with  them,  and  am 
now  at  Eisenach." 

Several  days  before,  April  28,  while  at  Frank 

27 


314  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1521. 

furt,  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Cranach,  the  painter :  "I 
shall  suffer  myself  to  be  taken  and  concealed,  I  do 
not  myself  know  where.  And  though  I  would  rather 
suffer  death  from  the  tyrants,  especially  from  the 
furious  Duke  George,  nevertheless  I  must  not  despise 
the  counsel  of  good  friends,  but  must  wait  for  the 
proper  time. 

"  My  arrival  ai  Worms  was  unexpected ;  and  how 
the  safe-conduct  was  observed  you  all  know  from 
the  prohibition  which  met  me  on  the  way.  I  had 
supposed  his  imperial  majesty  would  have  assembled 
about  fifty  doctors,  and  in  a  fair  way  have  confuted 
the  monk.  But  only  thus  much  was  done.  'Are 
these  books  yours ?'  'Yes.'  'Will  you  retract  them 
or  not?'  'No.'  'Away  with  you  then.'  0  blind 
Germans  that  we  are  !  How  childishly  we  act  and 
suffer  the  Romanists  so  miserably  to  make  us  play 
the  ape  and  the  fool.  .  .  .  Greet  [professor  and 
burgomaster]  Beyer  and  his  wife,  and  express  my 
warm  thanks  to  the  council  [of  Wittenberg]  for  my 
conveyance  [to  Worms.]  .  .  .  Farewell.  I  commend 
you  all  to  God,  and  may  he  keep  the  understanding 
and  faith  of  you  all  in  Christ  from  the  Roman  wolves 
and  dragons  and  their  rabble." 

Luther  left  Worms,  Friday,  April  26th,  at  ten 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  was  overtaken  at  Oppen- 
heim  by  the  herald,  who  followed  after  him.  The 
second  day  he  went  as  far  as  Frankfurt,  where,  the 
next  morning,  he  wrote  the  above-mentioned  letter 
to  Cranach.  The  third  day  he  reached  Friedburg, 
whence  he  sent  one  communication  to  the  emperor 
and  another  to  the  diet  by  the  herald,  whose  com- 
pany, in  view  of  the  elector's  project,  was  desired  no 
farther.  The  fourth  day  he  arrived  at  .Griinberg, 
and  the  fifth  at  Hirsfeld,  where  he  was  received  with 


Wartburg  Castle,  and  the  seizure  of  Luther  on  his  way  from 
Worms.  p.  315. 


M.  37.]    CAPTURED  NEAR  ALTENSTEIN.      315 

great  pomp.  The  sixth  day,  at  night,  he  entered 
Eisenach,  where,  the  next  morning,  he  dismissed 
Schurf  and  his  other  travelling  companions,  except 
Amsdoff  j  while  he  himself  and  Amsdorf,  after  re- 
maining another  day,  turned  aside  and  went  to  Mora, 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Thuringian  Forest,  to  visit 
his  uncle  and  other  relatives.  The  day  following,  a 
little  beyond  Altenstein,  he  was  seized  with  feigned 
violence,  and  conveyed  to  Wartburg.  He  might 
easily  have  gone  to  this  place  when  at  Eisenach,  but 
that  would  have  divulged  the  secret. 

In  the  church  records  at  Schweina,  a  little  south 
of  Altenstein,  is  found  the  following  entry:  "Satur- 
day, May  4,  1521,  between  four  and  five  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  Dr.  M.  Luther  passed  through  this 
place  on  his  way  from  Worms,  and  was  taken  captive 
about  a  mile  beyond  Altenstein,  near  Luther's  Foun- 
tain, on  the  road  to  Waltershausen,  and  carried  to 
Wartburg."  This  is  the  most  romantic  part  of  the 
Thuringian  Forest.  Luther  had  followed  the  wind- 
ing mountain  road  southward  to  Schweina,  and  was 
passing  through  a  sandy  hollow  at  the  bend  of  the 
road  south-east  of  Altenstein,  when  the  commander 
of  that  place,  the  Knight  von  Hund,  and  Berlepsch, 
the  commander  of  Wartburg,  seized  him,  according 
to  a  preconcerted  plan.  As  it  was  not  yet  sunset, 
and  as  the  utmost  secrecy  was  necessary,  they  left 
the  road  and  wandered  about  the  forest  to  the  north 
and  west,  till  they  came  to  a  spring  and  a  beech  tree 
in  a  narrow  glen,  about  a  hundred  and  twenty  rods 
from  the  castle  of  Altenstein.  Here  they  sat  down 
and  rested,  and  refreshed  themselves  with  the  pure 
water.  The  spring  is  still  called  Luthersbrunn,  and 
the  beech,  now  six  feet  in  diameter,  Luther's  Buche. 
A  centennial  celebration  was  held  here  in  1817. 


316  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1521. 

In  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  dated  on  the  Mountain, 
[Wartburg,]  May  14th,  after  speaking  of  "  the  papal 
yoke,  which  the  people  will  no  longer  bear,"  and  of 
his  leisure  time  and  his  studies,  he  goes  on  to  say: 
"The  Abbot  of  Hirsfeld  received  me  with  a  kindness 
which  you  would  hardly  believe.  He  sent  his  chan- 
cellor and  his  lord  of  the  exchequer  out  five  miles  to 
meet  me.  He  himself  received  me  at  his  castle  with 
a  cavalcade,  and  accompanied  me  into  the  town. 
Within  the  walls  we  were  received  by  the  senate. 
The  abbot  entertained  us  [Luther  and  his  com- 
panions] sumptuously  in  the  monastery,  and  put  me 
into  his  own  chamber.  The  next  morning  they 
compelled  me  to  preach.  It  was  in  vain  that  I  ob- 
jected, on  the  ground  that  it  might  cost  the  abbot  his 
regalia,  inasmuch  as  the  imperial  party  might  say 
that  it  was  a  violation  of  public  faith,  they  having 
forbidden  me  to  preach  on  the  way.  I  indeed  told 
him  I  did  not  consent  that  the  word  of  God  should 
be  bound,  and  this  was  true. 

"I  preached  also  at  Eisenach;  but  the  timid  parson 
was  present  with  a  notary  and  witnesses,  protesting 
against  it,  and  then  excusing  himself  humbly,  saying 
he  did  it  out  of  fear  of  the  tyrants  which  were  over 
him.  Perhaps  you  may  hear  at  Worms  [where  Spa- 
latin still  remained]  that  I  have  herein  not  kept  good 
faith;  but  it  is  not  so.  That  the  word  of  God  should 
be  bound  was  a  condition  wherein  I  had  nothing  to 
do,  nor  did  I  make  any  such  promise ;  and  even  if 
I  had  done  so,  inasmuch  as  it  is  contrary  to  the  will 
of  God  to  make  such  promise,  I  should  not  be  bound 
to  keep  it.  The  day  following,  the  abbot  accom- 
panied us  as  far  as  to  the  [Thuringian]  forest,  and 
sent  his  chancellor  forward  to  Berka  to  prepare  a 
dinner  for  us. 


M.  37.]    CAPTURED  NEAR  ALTENSTEIN.      317 

"At  length  we  entered  Eisenach  at  evening,  under 
the  escort  of  the  people,  [among  whom  were  many  of 
Luther's  youthful  acquaintances,]  who  came  out  on 
foot  to  meet  us.  In  the  morning,  Schurf  and  all  my 
other  companions  [except  Amsdorf]  went  on  their 
way.  I  went  across  the  mountain  to  visit  my  kin- 
dred, who  inhabit  that  region.  Leaving  them  and 
proceeding  toward  Waltershausen,  soon  after  passing 
the  castle  of  Altenstein,  I  was  seized.  Amsdorf 
necessarily  knew  that  some  one  was  to  take  me,  but 
was  ignorant  of  the  place  of  my  custody. 

"  My  brother,  seeing  the  knights  in  season,  leaped 
from  the  carriage,  and,  without  taking  leave  of  me, 
went  on  foot  to  Waltershausen,  which  he  is  said  to 
have  reached  in  the  evening,  [followed,  at  length, 
by  Amsdorf  and  the  affrighted  driver  with  the  car- 
riage.] So  here  I  am,  my  own  attire  being  laid 
aside,  and  that  of  a  knight  being  put  upon  me,  with 
long  hair  [as  monk,  he  wore  his  hair  shorn  in  the 
form  of  a  crown  of  thorns]  and  long  beard,  so  that 
you  would  hardly  know  me.  Indeed,  I  have  not  for 
'  some  time  known  myself.  Here  I  enjoy  Christian 
liberty,  being  set  free  from  all  the  laws  of  that 
tyrant,  though  I  would  choose  rather,  if  it  were  the 
will  of  God  I  should  suffer  for  his  word,  that  Dresden 
swine  [Duke  George]  should  be  thought  worthy  to 
put  me  to  death  for  preaching  publicly.  The  will 
of  the  Lord  be  done." 


27* 


318 


LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 


[1521-25. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FKOM  LUTHER'S  CAPTURE  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  PEASANTS' 
WAR— 1521-1525. 

SECTION  I.— Luther  at  Wartburg,  May  4,  1521,  to  March  4, 
1522. 

T  was  more 
than  a  week  be- 
fore Luther  ven- 
tured to  write 
any  letters  to 
his  friends.  On 
the  12th  of 
May,  he  wrote 
one  letter  to 
Melancthon  and 
another  to  Ams- 
dorf.  The  one 
last  quoted,  giv- 
ing an  account 
of  his  capture,  was  written  two  days  later.  To  Ams- 
dorf  he  says,  "I  wrote  lately  to  you  all,  my  dear 
Amsdorf,  but,  on  listening  to  a  better  counsellor,  I 
tore  the  letters  in  pieces  because  it  was  not  yet  safe 
to  send  them.  .  .  .  The  Lord  now  visiteth  me  with 
severe  illness,  [arising  from  costiveness.]  But  pray 
for  me,  as  I  always  pray  for  you,  that  God  may 
strengthen  your  heart.  Be  courageous,  therefore; 
and,  as  you  have  opportunity,  speak  the  word  of  Grod 
with  boldness.  Write  to  me  how  it  was  with  you  in 
your  journey,  [from  Altenstein  to  Wittenberg,]  and 


M.  37.]  AT   WARTBURQ.  319 

what  you  heard  and  saw  in  Erfurt,  [where  a  great 
excitement  was  created  by  the  attentions  paid  to 
Luther  on  his  way  to  Worms.]  With  Melancthon 
you  will  learn  what  Spalatin  [still  at  Worms]  hath 
written  to  me,  [concerning  the  violent  proceedings 
against  me.]  The  day  I  was  torn  away  from  you, 
I,  a  new  knight,  weary  from  the  length  of  the  ride, 
[about  eight  miles]  came  in  the  dark,  nearly  eleven 
o'clock  at  night,  to  this  mansion.  And  now  I  am 
here  in  a  state  of  leisure,  like  one  set  at  large  among 
captives.  Beware  of  the  Dresden  Rehoboam  [Duke 
George]  and  of  Benhadad  of  Damascus,  [the  Elector 
of  Brandenburg,]  your  neighbour.  For  a  severe  edict 
hath  been  issued  against  us.  But  the  Lord  shall 
hold  them  in  derision." 

The  Elector  Frederic,  in  order  to  evade  the  ques- 
tions with  which  the  imperial  and  papal  party  would 
be  likely  to  press  him,  kept  himself  ignorant  for  a  time 
of  the  particular  place  where  Spalatin,  by  his  order, 
kept  Luther  in  custody.  We  see,  from  the  foregoing 
letter,  that  his  keepers  dissuaded  him  from  writing 
so  soon  to  his  friends,  lest  the  secret  in  respect  to  his 
place  of  residence  should  be  betrayed.  To  Spalatin 
he  wrote,  some  time  after : "  I  have  with  difficulty  made 
out  to  send  you  this  letter,  such  is  the  fear  enter- 
tained that  it  will  be  found  out  where  I  am.  There- 
fore, if  you  think  it  will  be  for  the  honour  of  Christ, 
let  it  not  be  known  whether  I  am  in  the  keeping  of 
friend  or  foe ;  for  it  is  not  necessary  that  any  besides 
yourself  and  Amsdorf  should  know  any  thing  more 
than  that  I  am  alive." 

This  design  of  concealment  explains  the  indefinite 
and  amusing  manner  in  which  he  dated  his  letters. 
The  above  letter  to  Amsdorf,  is  dated  "  In  the  Re- 
gions of  the  Air/'  that  written  to  Melancthon  the 


320  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

same  day,  "  In  the  Regions  of  the  Birds ;"  others, 
"  From  my  Hermitage ;"  "  From  the  Isle  of  Pat- 
mos;"  "Among  the  birds,  which  sing  sweetly  in 
the  trees,  and  praise  God  with  all  their  might,  night 
and  day." 

As  late  as  the  10th  of  June,  he  wrote  to  Spala- 
tin  :  "  It  is  the  will  of  our  gracious  prince  that  my 
place  of  abode  be  not  yet  made  known.  Therefore, 
I  do  not  write  to  him  at  all."  Cochlseus  and  others 
of  the  Catholic  party  supposed  that  Allstedt  was  the 
place  of  his  concealment.  A  few  of  Luther's  inti- 
mate friends  had  learned  where  he  was;  but  in  a 
letter  written  September  10,  we  find  him  saying : 
"  Duke  John,  the  elder,  at  length  knows  where  I  am, 
but  did  not  know  before.  My  host  privately  made 
it  known  to  him.  But  he  will  doubtless  keep  it  to 
himself." 

Luther  poured  out  his  whole  heart  in  his  first 
letter  to  Melancthon,  May  12,  probably  the  very 
first  letter  written  from  Wartburg.  It  is  particu- 
larly interesting  as  revealing  the  state  of  his  mind 
in  that  singular  posture  of  public  affairs.  He  writes 
thus :  "  And  what,  my  dear  Philip,  are  you  mean- 
while doing  ?  Are  you  not  praying  that  this  with- 
drawal of  myself,  to  which  I  have  unwillingly  given 
my  assent,  may  turn  out  for  the  furtherance  of  the 
glory  of  (iod?  I  greatly  desire  to  know  how  it 
pleaseth  you.  I  fear  I  shall  be  accounted  as  de- 
serting the  field  of  battle,  and  yet  I  could  find  no 
way  to  resist  those  who  desired  and  advised  this 
course.  I  desire  nothing  more  than  to  bare  my 
breast  to  the  fury  of  my  enemies.  Here  I  sit  the 
whole  day,  with  the  visage  of  the  church  ever  be- 
fore me,  and  the  passage,  Psalm  Ixxxix.  47  :  '  Why 
hast  thou  made  all  the  sons  of  men  in  vain  ?'  How 


&.  37.]  AT  WARTBURG.  321 

horrible  a  form  of  God's  anger  is  that  abominable 
kingdom  of  the  Roman  antichrist !  I  abhor  my  own 
hardness  of  heart  that  I  am  not  dissolved  in  tears, 
and  that  I  do  not  weep  fountains  of  tears  for  the 
slain  sons  of  my  people.  But  there  is  no  one  to 
arise  and  cleave  to  God,  and  make  himself  a  wall 
for  the  house  of  Israel  in  this  last  day  of  his  wrath. 
0,  kingdom  of  the  pope!  worthy  of  the  end  and 
dregs  of  the  world.  God  have  mercy  on  us.  Where- 
fore, be  thou  meanwhile  instant  as  a  minister  of  the 
word,  and  fortify  the  walls  and  towers  of  Jerusalem, 
till  they  shall  assail  thee.  You  know  your  calling 
and  gifts.  I  pray  earnestly  for  you,  if,  as  I  doubt 
not,  my  prayer  can  be  of  any  avail.  Do  thou  the 
same  for  me,  and  let  us  mutually  bear  this  burden. 
Thus  far  I  alone  have  stood  in  the  front  of  battle. 
They  will  next  seek  for  your  life." 

In  another  letter  to  the  same,  written  May  26, 
he  mentions,  that  "having  composed  his  mind  to 
quiet  studies,  he  had  reluctantly  replied  to  Jacob 
Latomus,"  a  sophistical  theologian  of  Louvain,  who 
had  written  in  defence  of  the  burning  of  Luther's 
books;  that  he  had  seen  what  his  friends  Faber, 
(Ecolampadius,  Hutten  and  others,  had  written 
against  his  opponents;  that  he  was  himself  sur- 
prised at  the  boldness  of  Feldkirch,  provost  of  Kem- 
berg,  in  venturing  at  such  a  time  to  show  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  by  actually  en- 
tering into  wedlock.  He  is  generally  represented 
as  the  first  evangelical  or  Protestant  clergyman  who 
took  this  step;  but  two  others  preceded  him  in 
Saxony,  and  were  imprisoned  for  their  temerity. 
Luther,  though  his  personal  situation  was  agree- 
able, proceeds  to  say :  "  Yet  for  the  glory  of  God, 
and  for  the  confirmation  of  myself  and  others,  I 


322  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

would  sooner  be  burnt  over  live  coals  than  decay 
alone  half-dead,  not  to  say  quite  dead.  But  who 
knoweth  whether,  in  this  as  in  other  cases,  Christ 
will  by  such  means  effect  a  greater  good?  "We 
have  always  been  talking  about  faith  and  hope  in 
things  not  seen.  Come,  then,  let  us  for  once  make 
some  little  trial,  especially  since  it  is  of  God's  ap- 
pointing, and  not  of  our  seeking.  Even  if  I  perish, 
the  gospel  will  not  perish,  in  which  you  are  now  my 
superior,  and  Elisha  succeedeth  Elias  with  a  double 
measure  of  the  Spirit,  which  may  the  Lord  Jesus  in 
mercy  grant  you.  Amen.  Therefore,  be  not  sad, 
but  sing  unto  the  Lord  songs  in  the  night  season, 
and  I  will  join  with  you.  .  .  .  Let  the  men  of  Leip- 
sic  glory,  for  this  is  their  hour.  We  must  go  out 
from  our  country,  from  our  kindred,  and  from  our 
father's  house,  and  for  a  time  sojourn  in  a  strange 
land.  ...  I  have  not  given  up  the  hope  of  return- 
ing unto  you,  though  I  leave  it  to  God  to  do  what 
is  good  in  his  own  eyes. 

"  If  the  pope  shall  fall  upon  all  those  who  think 
and  feel  with  me,  there  will  be  no  want  of  tumult 
in  Germany.  The  sooner  he  does  it,  the  sooner  will 
he  and  his  perish,  and  I  return.  God  so  arouse th 
the  spirit  of  many  and  the  hearts  even  of  the  multi- 
tude, that  it  seemeth  not  likely  to  me  that  the  thing 
can  be  put  down  by  power ;  or,  if  it  be  put  down,  it 
will  rise  again  with  ten-fold  force."  The  remainder 
of  the  letter,  full  of  special  references  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  Wittenberg  friends,  though  of  the 
greatest  interest  to  the  historian,  must  be  omitted  here. 

In  another  letter  he  says:  "A  certain  Romanist 
hath  written  to  the  man  of  a  red  hat  at  Mainz: 
'We  have  lost  Luther,  as  we  desired ;  but  the  people 
are  so  excited  that  I  suspect  we  shall  not  save  our 


JE.  37.]  AT  WARTBURQ.  323 

lives,  unless  we  seek  for  him  everywhere  with 
lighted  candles,  and  bring  him  back.'  He  indeed 
joketh,  but  what  if  the  joke  should  turn  out  to  be  a 
serious  matter  ?" 

The  situation  of  Luther  during  the  ten  months 
of  his  residence  at  Wartburg  is  of  a  highly  ro- 
mantic character.  The  heroism  he  had  lately 
shown,  the  perilous  condition  he  was  in  when  he 
left  Worms,  the  mystery  which  hung  about  his  pre- 
sent place  of  abode,  all  acted  with  visible  effect 
upon  the  minds  of  the  people.  And  now  that  we 
are  let  behind  the  curtain,  his  secluded  life  appears 
no  less  extraordinary  than  the  wonderful  missiles 
which,  from  his  unknown  retreat,  he  continually 
sent  forth  to  the  consternation  of  his  adversaries. 
At  one  time  we  find  him  wandering  for  amusement, 
or  picking  wild  berries,  along  the  hill-sides  and  ra- 
vines east  of  the  castle,  toward  St.  George's  gate, 
or  the  south  gate  of  the  city.  Again,  we  see  him 
out  on  a  two-days'  chase,  busying  himself  with  dogs 
and  traps ;  but  finding,  in  the  hare  caught  by  him- 
self and  wrapt  in  a  garment  to  preserve  him  from 
the  dogs — which  nevertheless  seized  and  destroyed 
him — an  image  of  Satan  and  the  pope  murdering 
souls  which  others  had  endeavoured  to  save.  Now 
he  rides  in  disguise,  under  the  direction  of  a  wary 
knight,  to  the  neighbouring  towns  and  villages,  to 
Gotha,  Erfurt,  Reinhardsbrunn,  and  Marksuhl.  At 
the  last-mentioned  place,  about  five  miles  to  the 
south-west  of  Wartburg,  he  saw  his  friends;  but 
knight  George,  as  he  was  then  called,  was  not  re- 
cognised in  his  knight's,  dress  and  long  beard  and 
hair.  At  Reinhardsbrunn,  between  Altenstein  and 
Gotha,  he  was  conducted  hastily  away  by  his  guar- 


324  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

dian,  when  the  latter  perceived  that  his  ward  was 
known  to  the  people. 

The  state  of  Luther's  mind,  at  this  time,  was  as 
peculiar  as  were  his  external  circumstances.  He 
was  like  a  vessel  that  had  outridden  the  storm,  and 
was  now  moored  by  a  desolate  island.  The  waves 
had  not  so  far  subsided  as  not  to  rock  his  sbark  with 
some  degree  of  violence.  Partly  from  over-excite- 
ment and  exhaustion,  partly  from  unwonted  inacti- 
vity, and  too  good  living  for  one  of  his  monastic 
habits,  he  suffered  painful  illness.  It  is  not  strange 
that  he  should,  at  times,  be  very  much  dejected.  He 
complained  of  temptations  sorer  than  he  had  ever 
experienced.  This  might  all  be  so.  But,  when  he 
tells  of  the  devil's  making  such  disturbance  and 
noise  about  the  premises  that  it  was  necessary  to 
speak  to  him,  we  may  well  suppose  that  a  little  me- 
dical treatment  and  the  poisoning  of  the  rats  would 
have  aided  essentially  in  giving  him  quiet  nights. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  his  present  seclu- 
sion was  favourable  to  his  character,  both  as  a  Chris- 
tian and  as  a  reformer.  He  needed  time  for  reflec- 
tion. Ever  since  he  left  the  Erfurt  convent,  he  had 
been  very  active,  and  often  much  excited  by  contro- 
versy. It  was  well  that  he  could  now  commune  with 
himself  and  with  his  God,  and  calmly  contemplate 
the  scene  without.  He  had  necessarily  been  much 
occupied  with  tearing  down  and  destroying  what  was 
false ;  he  now  had  opportunity  to  direct  his  mind 
steadily  to  what  was  true.  The  work  of  building 
up,  which  was  soon  to  follow,  was  even  more  diffi- 
cult than  that  of  destroying. 

At  Wartburg,  Luther,  by  translating  the  New 
Testament,  made  the  best  preparation  for  future 
usefulness.  Not  only  did  he  hereby  put  the  mighti- 


^E.  37.]  AT   WARTBURG.  325 

est  of  Protestant  weapons  into  the  hands  of  all  the 
people,  and  in  that  way  do  immense  service  to  the 
Reformation,  but,  what  was  of  no  less  importance, 
he  obtained  that  familiarity  with  the  whole  of  the 
New  Testament,  that  thorough  acquaintance  with 
biblical  Christianity,  which  made  it  possible  for 
him  to  escape  so  many  errors,  and  to  incorporate 
so  much  truth  in  his  theological  system.  It  is 
true,  indeed,  that  on  the  subject  of  religious  liberty, 
his  mind  underwent  a  change.  After  his  return  to 
Wittenberg,  and  especially  after  the  Peasants'  War, 
he  was  less  inclined  than  before  to  the  freedom  of 
the  individual  conscience  in  the  interpretation  of  the 
Bible.  Still,  the  progress  he  made  in  biblical 
knowledge  and  in  digesting  and  arranging  his 
various  doctrines,  as  they  had  been  disconnectedly 
thrown  out  in  his  controversial  and  other  writings, 
seems  to  have  been  almost  indispensable  to  him  at 
this  time. 

Though  Luther  was  so  occupied  with  inward 
struggles  and  temptations  and  with  the  labours  of 
studying  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  Scriptures,  he  did 
not  withdraw  his  interest  or  his  view  from  the  for- 
tunes and  the  transactions  of  the  religious  party  of 
which  he  had  become  the  leader.  With  his  friends 
and  former  associates  he  kept  up  a  diligent  corre- 
spondence. He  requested  them  to  communicate 
to  him  all  that  was  going  on.  He  was  accurately 
informed  of  the  excitement  that  prevailed  among 
the  nobles,  of  the  disaffection  of  the  common  people 
toward  thefc'  ecclesiastical  rulers ;  of  the  progress  of 
his  doctrines  at  home  and  abroad,  and  of  the  de- 
signs and  plots  of  his  enemies.  In  these  circum- 
stances, he  was  the  constant  counsellor  of  his  Wit- 
tenberg and  other  friends,  giving  them  instructions 

28 


326  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1521. 

how  to  proceed  in  spreading  the  truth,  and  in  ward- 
ing off  the  attacks  of  the  hostile  party.  He  instructed 
Amsdorf  how  to  reply  to  Eraser.  He  is  consulted 
about  the  best  manner  of  organizing  the  Wittenberg 
Gymnasium,  or  Grammar-school.  He  urges  Spalatin 
to  compel  Melancthon  to  preach,  saying,  "  How  I 
wish  Philip  would  preach  to  the  people  in  the  Ger- 
man language,  [he  did  not  refuse  to  lecture  on  the 
Sabbath  to  the  students,  in  Latin.]  .  .  .  Since  he  is 
called  of  God,  what  matters  it  that  he  has  not  been 
called  by  the  tyrannical  bishops  ?  .  .  .  But  I  know 
the  temper  and  spirit  of  the  man,  that  he  will  not 
yield  to  ray  entreaties.  Therefore  he  must  be  com- 
pelled by  the  urgent  demand  of  the  whole  [Witten- 
berg] church.  Were  I  at  Wittenberg,  I  should,  as 
I  think,  move  the  senate  and  people  to  call  on  him 
to  preach  to  them  in  German ;  and  I  greatly  desire 
you  should  take  the  matter  in  hand.  You  can  carry 
the  measure  in  the  senate  through  the  influence  of 
Cranach  and  Bayer." 

He  urged  Justus  Jonas,  who,  while  at  Worms 
with  him,  was  made  professor  of  canonical  law  at 
Wittenberg  in  place  of  Pollich  deceased,  to  labour 
for  the  overthrow  of  the  authority  of  the  decretals, 
or  laws  of  the  pope.  "  Be  an  Aaron,"  he  says  to 
'him,  "clothed  with  sacred  vestments,  i.  e.  armed 
'with  the  sacred  Scriptures.  Take  the  censer  of 
prayer  and  go  out  to  meet  this  destroyer.  Place 
yourself  in  the  very  midst  of  the  conflagration  of  the 
world,  kindled  by  Rome,  but  soon  to  be  extinguished 
by  the  coming  of  our  Saviour  whom  we  expect. 
Teach  your  pupils,  my  brother,  that  those  things 
which  it  is  your  office  to  teach  [the  canon  law]  are 
to  be  unlearned,  that  whatsoever  the  pope  and  the 
•papists  enact  and  establish  is  to  be  avoided  as  a 


*•  \ 


JE.  37.]  AT  WARTBURG. 

deadly  poison.  Since  we  are  not  able  to  remove 
this  great  evil  by  direct  power,  and  are  obliged  to 
perform  official  service  in  these  sacrilegious  Baby- 
lonish provinces,  it  only  remaineth  for  us  to  regard 
them  as  the  devastators  and  plunderers  of  our  Je- 
rusalem." He  advised  Spalatin  to  favour  the  utter 
abrogation  of  the  canon  law.  His  host,  Berlepsch, 
at  Wartburg,  had  done  well,  he  said,  in .  treating 
this  law  as  antiquated,  and  in  prohibiting  ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction.  If  the  elector  and  other  princes 
were  not  prepared  to  do  as  much,  "  let  them,  at  least, 
take  no  notice  of  the  courts  and  judges  when  they 
disregard  the  papal  laws,  for  so  will  the  abuse  be  in- 
sensibly corrected." 

Luther's  writings  during  this  period  were  both 
numerous  and  important.  The  principal  are  those 
against  Latomus,  a  learned  theologian  of  Louvain, 
and  this  was  one  of  Luther's  best  productions; 
against  the  University  of  Paris,  which  had  given  a 
judgment  adverse  to  his  cause;  and  against  Einser; 
besides  treatises  on  auricular  confession,  on  the  celi- 
bacy of  the  clergy,  on  private  mass,  on  the  abolition 
of  cloisters,  and  on  communion  in  both  kinds,  Com- 
mentaries on  certain  Psalms,  and  Postils  on  the 
Gospels.  Perhaps  the  most  characteristic  of  the 
productions  of  his  pen  during  this  period  is  the  well- 
known  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Albert,  Arch- 
bishop of  Mainz.  That  prelate,  as  if  triumphing  in 
the  decision  of  the  diet  of  Worms  and  in  th»  retire- 
ment of  Luther  from  the  scone  of  conflict,  renewed 
the  sale  of  indulgences  at  Halle,  his  favourite  resi- 
dence. Luther,  who  was  fully  informed  of  what 
was  done,  felt  his  blood  boil  within  him  as  in  1517, 
when  Tetzel  was  the  direct  object  of  his  attack.  He 
set  himself  to  compose  a  tract  which  should  fall  like 


328  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1521. 

a  thunderbolt  upon  the  head  of  the  archbishop.  But 
Spalatin  and  Melancthon,  who  had  been  visited  on 
the  subject,  in  a  friendly  way,  by  two  distinguished 
individuals  from  Albert's  court,  thought  it  too  bold 
for  the  circumstances,  and  Frederic  feared  it  would  dis- 
turb his  relations  with  the  emperor  and  the  Catholic 
princes ;  and  the  work  was  not,  at  that  time,  printed. 
Luther  reluctantly  submitted,  but,  in  place  of 
publishing  the  pamphlet,  he  wrote  the  private  let 
ter  above  mentioned  to  the  archbishop.  If  he, 
the  archbishop,  thought  himself  secure  because  Lu- 
ther had  retired  from  the  scene,  and  supposed  that, 
by  the  aid  of  the  imperial  authority,  he  could  put 
down  the  monk,  he  would  find  himself  mistaken. 
He  himself  would  not  fail  to  do  what  Christian  love 
demanded,  in  spite  of  the  gates  of  hell,  not  to  men- 
tion popes,  cardinals  and  bishops ;  and  therefore 
requested  him  to  cease  from  deceiving  and  plunder- 
ing the  people,  and  to  act  the  part  of  a  bishop,  and 
not  of  a  wolf;  for  it  was  notorious  that  indulgences 
were  nothing  but  sheer  knavery  and  fraud.  The 
prelate  would  do  well  to  remember  what  a  great 
tire  had  been  kindled  by  a  little,  insignificant  spark ; 
how  a  despised  monk  had  given  the  pope  himself 
enough  to  do,  and,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  car- 
ried his  point  so  far,  that  what  had  been  lost  could 
never  be  retrieved,  but,  on  the  contrary,  became 
worse  and  worse  every  day,  so  that  Grod's  hand  must 
be  recognised  in  the  work.  The  same  God  still 
lives,  and  can  resist  and  overcome  a  Cardinal  of 
Mainz,  though  four  en  perors  should  undertake  to 
protect  him.  That  Divine  hand  took  delight  in 
breaking  down  the  cedars  of  Lebanon,  and  humbling 
the  proud  and  hardened  Pharaohs.  The  bishop  had 
better  be  cautious  about  despising  and  provoking 


JE.  37.]  TROUBLES  AT  WITTENBERG.  329 

that  invisible  power.  "  Let  not  your  highness 
think/'  he  goes  on  to  say,  "that  Luther  is  dead. 
He  will  still  joyfully  trust  in  the  God  who  hath 
humbled  the  pope,  and  will  play  a  game  with  the 
Cardinal  of  Mainz,  which  few  would  expect.  ...  I 
give  you  notice,  that,  unless  the  idol  be  removed,  I 
shall  feel  bound,  out  of  regard  to  divine  truth  and 
the  salvation  of  souls,  to  assail  your  grace  as  I  did 
the  pope,  and  to  speak  plainly  to  a  high  dignitary, 
and  to  place  all  the  abominations  practised  by 
Tetzel  at  the  doors  of  the  Bishop  of  Mainz,  and  to 
point  out  to  all  the  world  the  difference  between  a 
bishop  and  a  wolf.  Your  grace  can  hereby  know 
what  to  do,  and  how  to  conduct.  ...  I  await  your 
decision,  and  expect  an  answer  within  two  weeks. 
If  within  that  period  none  comes,  then  my  book 
'Against  the  Idol  at  Halle'  will  go  to  the  public." 
Strange  as  it  may  seem,  a  mild  and  submissive  reply 
was  received,  in  which  the  archbishop  promised  to 
stop  the  abuse.  He  did  not  care  to  be  immortalized 
as  Tetzel  had  been.  He  shrunk  from  a  controversy 
which  would  be  so  little  to  his  credit.  The  charm 
of  indulgences  had  been  broken ;  the  eyes  of  the 
people  had  been  opened,  and  the  public  sentiment 
fixed  for  ever  in  opposition  to  a  practice  so  vile  and 
contemptible. 

SECTION  II. — Troubles  at  Wittenberg,  and  Luther's  Return. 

MEANWHILK  sentiments  and  principles  were 
springing  up  among  the  friends  and  followers  of 
Luther  which  were  destined  to  make  him  great 
trouble.  He  had  broken  the  bands  by  which  the 
human  mind  had  been  so  long  fettered,  and  now 
men  began  everywhere  to  exercise  freedom  of  opi- 

28» 


330  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1521. 

nion  and  of  speech.  Luther  himself  had  not  fully 
considered  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  stay  the  cur- 
rent after  he  had  loosened  the  foundations  and  re- 
moved a  portion  of  the  dam  which  had  hitherto 
restrained  it.  How  is  this  freedom  to  be  controlled  ? 
Shall  men  be  free  to  differ  from  the  reformer  him- 
self? Is  there  to  be  no  subjection  to  authority  in 
matters  of  religion  ?  Shall  differences  of  opinion, 
when  they  exist,  be  adjusted  by  learned  disputations, 
with  chosen  judges  to  sit  in  arbitration?  or  shall  the 
church  be  made  again  the  ultimate  authority;  or 
shall  the  civil  power  be  brought  in  as  the  protector 
of  the  true  faith  ?  It  is  not  strange  that  so  difficult  a 
problem  should  not  have  been  solved  by  the  reform- 
ers, and  that,  drifting  along  on  the  current  of  events, 
they  should  sometimes  be  carried  in  a  wrong  direction. 

There  were  two  classes  of  subjects  on  which  se- 
rious differences  of  opinion  arose,  the  one  relating 
to  what  is  true,  the  other  to  what  is  expedient. 
Luther  often  agreed  with  his  opponents  in  respect 
to  the  former,  and  differed  only  in  respect  to  the 
latter.  The  majority  of  the  Augustinian  monks  of 
"\Vittenberg  agreed,  in  the  absence  of  Luther,  to 
disband.  The  step  was  a  little  too  bold  even  for 
Luther,  though  he  himself  had  given  the  lesson. 
Many  would  be  shocked  at  such  a  wholesale  viola- 
tion of  the  monastic  vow.  The  monks  would  rush  into 
wedlock,  without  either  an  income  or  a  knowledge  of 
business  sufficient  to  support  their  households. 

The  elector  and  all  his  ministers,  and  the  uni- 
versity and  the  chapter,  after  innumerable  con- 
sultations, found  it  difficult  to  settle  this  matter, 
and  still  more  difficult  to  manage  the  monks  and 
others  who,  in  the  exercise  of  their  new  freedom, 
had  abolished  the  mass  service  about  the  same  time. 


M.  37.]  TROUBLES  AT  WITTENBERG.  331 

Finally,  the  subject  of  church  ceremonies  and 
church  ornaments,  altars  and  images,  led  to  a  con- 
troversy which  ended  in  open  tumult.  On  all  these 
and  kindred  points,  Carlstadt,  who  had  joined  the 
party  of  the  monk  Gabriel  Didymus,  took  a  differ- 
ent view  from  Luther.  He  insisted  on  bringing  all 
things  back  to  the  pattern  of  the  primitive  church, 
without  regard  to  men's  prejudices,  or  to  conse- 
quences. This  controversy  between  Luther  and 
Carlstadt  is  a  delicate  subject  for  the  historian  to 
dispose  of.  Men  of  equal  intelligence  and  piety 
come  to  different  conclusions  in  respect  to  it.  So 
much,  however,  may  safely  be  said,  that  Carlstadt, 
though  a  learned  and  undoubtedly  a  conscientious 
man,  had  neither  the  ability  nor  the  discretion  of  Lu- 
ther. He  was  excitable,  somewhat  changeable  and 
fanatical,  and  perhaps  ambitious.  That  his  views 
of  reform  carried  him  at  times  to  excess  is  undeniable. 
But  if,  in  respect  to  means  and  measures,  he  was 
too  violent,  and  sometimes  erred  even  when  his 
principles  were  otherwise  right,  Luther  was  some- 
times wrong  in  his  principles.  If  the  former  laid 
too  great  stress  on  the  reformation  of  external 
abuses,  and  did  not  rely  sufficiently  on  well  settled 
principles  to  work  out  their  own  results  in  due  time, 
the  latter  went  to  the  other  extreme  of  undervalu- 
ing outward  conformity  to  primitive  Christianity, 
and  of  regarding  the  ceremonies  introduced  into  the 
church  in  later  times  as  a  matter  of  comparative 
indifference.  In  this  last  respect,  he  differed  widely 
from  the  Swiss  reformers.  Carlstadt  was  succes- 
sively connected  with  two  very  different  parties,  both 
of  which  were  at  variance  with  the  Lutheran  church, 
namely,  the  Anabaptists  and  the  Zwinglians.  We 
are  now  concerned  with  the  former  only. 


332  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1521. 

The  ame  by  which  Luther  and  his  associates 
designated  these  men  was  that  of  "  Celestial  Pro- 
phets," or  "  Zwickau  Prophets,"  a  clear  indication 
that  their  leading  characteristic  was  fanaticism,  and 
that  their  peculiar  views  of  baptism  were  regarded 
as  subordinate  or  incidental.  This  view  is  sup- 
ported by  the  fact  that,  for  the  first  three  or  four 
years,  they  made  no  innovations  in  respect  to  this 
rite  as  practised  by  the  church,  or,  at  most,  in  but 
a  few  individual  cases.  The  first  clear  instance  on 
record  of  re-baptism  by  them  was  in  Switzerland,  in 
1524,  whereas  the  Zwickau  Prophets  commenced 
their  movement  near  the  middle  of  the  year  1521. 
Muncer  himself  did  not  re-baptize,  nor  did  his  fol- 
lowers generally,  during  his  lifetime. 

Nor  was  there  any  dispute  at  that  time  about  the 
mode  of  baptism,  for  the  Anabaptists  not  only  made 
no  complaints  of  the  practice  of  the  church  in  that 
respect,  but  themselves  ordinarily  practised  asper- 
sion or  pouring,  and  rarely  immersion. 

When,  therefore,  the  men  of  Zwickau  appeared 
at  Wittenberg,  in  December  of  1521,  and  con- 
founded and  alarmed  Melancthon  and  Amsdorf, 
and,  for  a  time,  carried  away  with  their  persuasions 
Carlstadt  and  others  connected  with  the  university, 
their  main  doctrine  was,  that  the  people  of  God 
should  follow  an  inward  light ;  that  they  themselves 
possessed  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  and  spoke  by  im- 
mediate revelation ;  that  the  vain  show  and  cere- 
monies of  the  church  were  all  to  be  abrogated  or 
changed,  and  the  church  restored  to  its  apostolical 
simplicity.  They  professed  to  establish  a  spiritual 
church,  regarding  the  Catholic  church  as  carnal  and 
corrupt,  so  that  neither  baptism,  ordination,  nor  any 
thing  else  coming  from  it,  could  be  recognised  by  a 


JE.  38.]  TROUBLES  AT  WITTENBERG.  333 

Christian.  Various  extravagances  were  connected 
with  these  views,  of  which  none  was  more  important 
than  their  radicalism  in  respect  to  civil  government. 

Melancthon,  Amsdorf  and  others  represented  the 
perilous  state  of  things  at  Wittenberg  to  the  Elec- 
tor Frederic,  saying  they  were  upon  the  very  verge 
of  a  violent  insurrection,  and,  as  Luther's  authority 
was  appealed  to  by  the  insurgents,  none  but  Luther 
could  have  power  with  them.  Their  proposal  to 
recall  Luther  did  not  meet  the  elector's  views.  He 
said  he  had  purposely  caused  Luther  to  be  conveyed 
to  an  unknown  place,  and  kept  securely  in  secret, 
so  that  he  could  truly  say  to  the  emperor,  if  re- 
quired to  deliver  him  up,  that  he  knew  not  where 
he  was.  Should  Luther  now  make  his  appearance 
openly  at  Wittenberg,  he  might  be  seized  by  his 
enemies,  and  he  himself,  as  elector,  was  subject  to 
the  imperial  authority,  and  could  do  nothing  in  op- 
position to  it  for  Luther's  protection.  Luther,  who 
was  informed  of  all  these  things,  resolved  to  make 
the  bold  experiment  of  going  unprotected  to  the 
place  of  danger,  informing  the  elector  of  his  pur- 
pose, but  giving  him  no  time  to  prevent  the  step. 

No  wonder  that  Luther  was  willing  to  risk  his 
life  and  his  credit  with  Frederic,  in  order  to  allay 
the  tempest  which  he  saw  rising.  He  feared  that 
these  disorders,  springing  up  in  the  head-quarters 
of  reform,  would  bring  the  whole  movement,  with 
which  he  was  now  identified,  into  discredit,  and 
prove  more  fatal  to  the  Reformation  than  all  the 
opposition  of  the  Papists.  It  must  be  conceded  that, 
in  his  general  view  of  the  case,  he  was  substantially 
in  the  right.  Whether  a  little  more  sympathy  with 
the  people  in  their  longing  for  freedom,  a  little  moro 
relaxation  on  points  either  debatable  or  compara- 


334  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1522. 

tively  unimportant,  would  have  secured  union,  ex- 
cept with  a  few,  as  well  as  victory,  and  saved  the 
people  from  the  terrible  catastrophe  into  which 
Muncer  plunged  them,  is  a  question  which  no  one 
can  decide  with  certainty.  But  of  this  there  can 
be  no  doubt,  that  Luther's  abilities  were  equal  to 
the  exigency,  and  that  he  never  manifested  more 
consummate  skill  in  management  and  discussion, 
nor  a  clearer  insight  into  human  nature,  than  on  this 
occasion. 

An  incident  occurred  when  he  was  at  Jena,  on 
his  way  to  Wittenberg,  which  is  too  characteristic 
of  his  humour  and  of  his  social  nature  to  be  omitted. 
We  have  the  account  in  the  words  of  Kessler,  of 
Saint  Grail,  one  of  the  individuals  concerned  in  the 
amusing  scene.  We  will  quote  his  language. 

"Though  it  may  seem  trifling  and  childish,  I 
cannot  omit  mentioning  how  Martin  met  me  and  my 
companion,  when  he  was  riding  from  the  place  of 
his  captivity  toward  Wittenberg.  As  we  were  jour- 
neying toward  Wittenberg,  for  the  sake  of  studying 
the  Holy  Scriptures — and  the  Lord  knows  what  a 
furious  tempest  there  was — we  came  to  Jena  in 
Thuringia,  where  we  could  not,  with  all  our  inquiry 
in  the  town,  find  or  hear  of  any  place  to  lodge  for 
the  night,  but  were  everywhere  refused,  for  it  was 
carnival,  during  which  little  heed  is  given  to  pil- 
grims or  strangers.  We,  therefore,  left  the  town 
again,  to  proceed  farther  on  our  way,  thinking  we 
might  perhaps  find  a  hamlet  where  we  could  pass  the 
night.  At  the  gate  of  the  city  we  met  a  respectable 
man,  who  accosted  us  in  a  friendly  manner,  and 
asked  us  where  we  were  going  so  late.  .  .  .  He  then 
asked  us  whether  we  had  inquired  at  the  Black  Bear 
hotel.  .  .  .  He  pointed  it  out  to  us  a  little  distance 


IE.  38.]  RETURN    TO   WITTENBERG.  335 

without  the  city.  .  .  .  The  inn-keeper  met  us  at 
the  door  and  received  us,  and  led  us  into  the  room. 
Here  we  found  a  man  at  the  table,  sitting  alone,  with 
a  small  book  lying  before  him,  who  greeted  us  kindly, 
and  invited  us  to  take  a  seat  with  him  at  the  table;  for 
our  shoes  were  so  muddy  that  we  were  ashamed  to 
enter  the  room,  and  therefore  slunk  away  upon  a 
bench  behind  the  door.  .  .  .  We  took  him  to  be  no 
other  than  a  knight,  as  he  had  on,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  country,  a  red  cap,  small  clothes  and 
a  doublet,  and  a  sword  at  his  side,  on  which  he 
leaned,  with  one  hand  on  the  pommel  and  the  other 
on  the  hilt.  He  asked  us  whence  we  were,  but  imme- 
diately answered  himself,  '  You  are  Swiss ;  from  what 
part  of  Switzerland  are  you  ?'  We  replied, '  St.  Gall.' 
He  then  said,  '  If,  as  I  suppose,  you  are  on  your  way 
to  Wittenberg,  you  will  find  good  countrymen  of 
yours  there,  namely,  Jerome  Schurf  and  his  brother 
Augustine ;'  whereupon  we  said,  '  We  have  letters  to 
them.'  We  now  asked  him  in  turn,  if  he  could  give 
us  any  information  about  Martin  Luther — whether 
he  is  now  at  Wittenberg  or  elsewhere.  He  said,  '  I 
have  certain  knowledge  that  he  is  not  now  at  Wit- 
tenberg, but  will  soon  be  there.  But  Philip  Melanc- 
thon  is  there,  as  teacher  of  Greek,  and  others  teach 
Hebrew.'  He  recommended  to  us  to  study  both  lan- 
guages, as  necessary  above  all  things  to  understand 
the  Scriptures.  We  said, '  Thank  God,  we  shall  then 
see  and  hear  the  man  [Luther]  on  whose  account  we 
have  undertaken  this  journey.'  .  .  .  He  then  asked 
us  where  we  had  formerly  studied ;  and,  as  we  replied 
at  Basle,  he  inquired  how  things  were  going  on  there, 
and  what  Erasmus  was  doing.  '  Erasmus  is  still  there, 
but  what  he  is  about  no  one  knoweth,  for  he  keepeth 
himself  very  quiet  and  secluded.'  We  were  much 


336  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1522. 

surprised  at  the  knight,  that  he  should  know  the 
Schurfs,  Melancthon  and  Erasmus,  and  that  he 
should  speak  of  the  necessity  of  studying  Greek  and 
Hebrew.  At  times,  too,  he  made  use  of  Latin  words, 
so  that  we  began  to  think  he  was  something  more 
than  a  common  knight. 

" '  Sir/  said  he,  *  what  do  men  in  Switzerland  think 
of  Luther?'  We  replied,  'Variously,  as  everywhere 
else.  Some  cannot  sufficiently  bless  and  praise  G-od 
that  he  hath,  through  this  man,  made  known  his 
truth  and  exposed  error;  others  condemn  him  as  an 
intolerable  heretic.'  'Especially  the  clergy,'  inter- 
rupted he, — '  I  doubt  not  these  are  the  priests.'  By 
this  conversation  we  were  made  to  feel  ourselves 
quite  at  home,  and  my  companion  [Reutiner]  took 
the  book  that  lay  before  him,  and  looked  into  it,  and 
found  it  was  a  Hebrew  psalter.  He  soon  laid  it  down 
again,  and  the  knight  took  it.  This  increased  our 
curiosity  to  know  who  he  was.  When  the  day  de- 
clined and  it  grew  dark,  our  host,  knowing  our  desire 
and  longing  after  Luther,  came  to  the  table  and  said, 
'  Friends,  had  you  been  here  two  days  ago,  you  could 
have  had  your  desire,  for  he  sat  here  at  this  table/ 
pointing  to  the  seat.  We  were  provoked  with  our- 
selves that  we  were  too  late,  and  poured  out  our  dis- 
pleasure against  the  bad  roads  which  had  hindered 
us.  After  a  little  white,  the  host  called  me  to  the 
door,  and  said,  'Since  you  manifest  so  earnest  a 
desire  to  see  Luther,  you  must  know  that  it  is  he  who 
is  seated  by  you.  1  took  these  words  as  spoken  in 
jest,  and  said,  'You,  to  please  me,  give  me  a  false  joy 
at  seeing  Luther.'  'It  is  indeed  he/  replied  my 
host,  '  but  make  as  if  you  did  not  know  it.'  I  went 
back  into  the  room  and  to  the  table,  and  desired  to  tell 
my  companion  what  I  had  heard,  and  turned  to  him, 


jE.  38.]  RETURN  TO   WITTENBERG.  337 

and  said  in  a  whisper,  '  Our  host  hath  told  me  that 
this  is  Luther.'  He,  like  myself,  was  incredulous. 
'  Perhaps  he  said  Hutten,  and  you  misunderstood 
him.'  As  now  the  knight's  dress  comported  better 
with  the  character  of  Hutten  than  with  that  of  a  monk, 
I  was  persuaded  that  he  said  it  was  Hutten.  [Two 
merchants  now  came  in,  and  they  all  supped  toge- 
ther.] Our  host  came,  meanwhile,  to  us,  and  said  in 
a  whisper,  'Don't  be  concerned  about  the  cost,  for 
Martin  hath  paid  the  bill.'  We  rejoiced,  not  so 
much  for  the  gift  or  the  supper,  as  for  the  honour  of 
being  entertained  by  such  a  man.  After  supper  the 
merchants  went  to  the  stable  to  see  to  their  horses, 
and  Martin  remained  with  us  in  the  room.  We 
thanked  him  for  the  honour  shown  us,  and  gave  him 
to  understand  that  we  took  him  for  Ulrich  von  Hut- 
ten.  But  he  said,  '  I  am  not  he.'  Just  then  came 
in  our  host,  and  Martin  said  to  him,  '  I  have  become 
a  nobleman  to-night,  for  these  Swiss  hold  me  to  be 
Ulrich  von  Hutten.'  The  host  replied, '  You  are  not 
he,  but  Martin  Luther.'  He  laughed  and  said  jo- 
cosely, '  They  hold  me  to  be  Hutten,  and  you  say  I 
am  Luther;  I  shall  next  be  Marcolfus,'  [a  notorious 
character  in  the  monkish  legends.]  Afterward  he 
took  up  a  large  beer-glass,  and  said,  'Swiss,  now 
drink  me  a  health;'  and  then  arose,  threw  around 
him  his  mantle,  and,  giving  us  his  hand,  took  leave 
of  us,  saying,  « When  you  come  to  Wittenberg,  greet 
Dr.  Jerome  Schurf  for  me.'  '  Very  gladly,'  said  we ; 
'but  whom  shall  we  call  you,  that  he  may  under- 
stand us  ?'  He  replied,  '  Say  only  this,  he  who  is  to 
come,  sendeth  you  greeting,'  and  he  will  understand 
it.  ...  On  Saturday,  we  went  to  the  house  of 
Schurf  to  present  our  letters;  and  when  we  were 
conducted  into  the  room,  behold  we  found  Martin 

20 


338  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1522. 

there  as  at  Jena,  and  with  him  Melancthon,  Justus 
Jonas,  Nicholas  Amsdorf,  and  Dr.  Augustine  Schurf, 
rehearsing  to  him  what  had  taken  place  at  Witten- 
berg during  his  absence.  He  greeted  us,  and  smil- 
ing said,  l  This  is  Philip  Melancthon,  of  whom  we 
spoke/  Melancthon  turned  to  us  and  asked  us  many 
questions,  to  which  we  replied  as  well  as  we  could. 
So  we  spent  the  day  with  them  with  great  delight 
and  gratification  on  our  part." 

SECTION  III. — Luther   at    Wittenberg  again,  and  his  First 
Encounter  with  the  turbulent  Populace. 

LUTHER  arrived  at  Wittenberg  on  Friday,  the  7th 
of  March,  and  from  Sunday  the  9th  harangued  the 
people  eight  successive  days  with  overpowering  elo- 
quence. All  his  skill  was  put  in  requisition  to  save 
from  shipwreck  the  vessel  laden  with  a  freight,  con- 
taining all  that  was  precious  to  him.  In  his  first 
discourse,  he  went  back  and  planted  himself  upon 
the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Christian  religion, 
and,  carrying  all  hearts  with  him  on  these  points,  he 
next  proceeded  cautiously,  but  firmly,  to  unfold  these 
principles,  and  to  show  their  application  to  the  case 
in  hand,  which  he  approached  with  the  skill  of  a 
master.  His  main  positions  were  so  strong  and  clear 
that  one  was  the  less  disposed  to  call  in  question  the 
use  he  made  of  them.  The  following  is  a  sketch  of 
what  he  said.  "  First,  I  maintain  that  we  are  all 
children  of  wrath,  and  that  all  our  works,  thoughts 
and  feelings  are  sinful  and  nothing  before  God,  so 
that  we  cannot  appear  before  him  with  them,  how 
excellent  soever  and  fine  they  may  be.  Secondly, 
that  God,  of  his  mere  mercy  and  goodness,  hath  sent 
his  only-begotten  Son  into  the  world,  that  we  might 


M.  38.]  AT  WITTENBERG  AGAIN.  339 

believe  and  trust  in  him,  and,  believing,  might  be 
free  from  sin  and  become  the  children  of  God.  In 
these  two  articles  I  find  no  defect  or  fault  in  you. 
They  are  preached  to  you  pure  and  uncorrupt. 
Thirdly,  we  must  have  love,  and  by  love  serve  one 
another,  as  God  hath  done  unto  us  by  faith,  without 
which  love  faith  is  nothing,  as  Paul  saith  to  the 
Corinthians.  Here,  on  this  point,  dear  friends,  you 
are  in  fault ;  for  I  discover  no  trace  of  love  in  you, 
but  observe  that  you  have  been  unthankful  to  God, 
and  that  he  hath,  within  these  few  years,  bestowed 
upon  you  his  treasures  of  grace  in  vain.  Therefore 
let  us  beware  lest  Wittenberg  become  a  Capernaum. 
I  perceive  clearly  that  you  know  how  to  discourse 
upon  the  doctrines  which  are  preached  unto  you, 
such  as  faith  and  also  love.  But  this  is  no  great 
thing,  though  you  could  say  much  that  is  good  about 
these  virtues.  Even  the  ass  can  be  taught  to  sing. 
Cannot  you,  then,  learn  so  much  as  to  repeat  the 
words  of  our  faith  ?  But,  my  dear  friends,  the  king- 
dom of  God  standeth  not  in  speech  or  words,  but  in 
power  and  in  deeds.  God  will  have  not  merely 
hearers  and  rehearsers,  but  followers  and  doers,  who 
will  keej>  his  words,  who  will  exercise  themselves  in 
faith,  which  worketh  by  love.  For  faith  without 
love  is  nothing  worth ;  nay,  it  is  not  faith,  but  its 
semblance  only,  just  as  one's  face  seen  in  a  glass  is 
not  the  face  itself,  but  its  image.  Fourthly,  we  must 
also  exercise  patience.  For  whosoever  hath  faith, 
and  trusteth  in  God,  and  hath  love  to  his  neigh- 
bour, and  exerciseth  himself  therein,  he  shall  not 
be  without  persecution.  For  Satan  neither  sleepeth 
nor  is  at  rest,  but  maketh  trouble  enough  for  men. 
But  persecution  worketh  patience;  for  if  I  am 
neither  persecuted  nor  tempted,  I  can  have  little  to 


340  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  .[1522. 

say  of  patience.  And  patience  worketh  hope,  which 
springeth  up  and  flourisheth  in  God,  and  putteth  one 
not  te  shame.  Thus,  by  many  temptations  and  per- 
secutions, faith  increaseth  and  is  strengthened  from 
day  to  day. 

"  Such  a  heart,  wherein  faith  so  increaseth,  and  so 
many  virtues  dwell,  cannot  rest,  nor  contain  itself, 
but  must  pour  itself  out  again,  and  do  good  to  its 
neighbour  as  it  hath  received  good  of  the  Lord. 
Here,  my  dear  friends,  each  one  is .  not  to  do  as  he 
hath  a  right  to  do,  but  must  relax  from  his  right, 
and  consider  what  is  useful  and  profitable  to  his 
brother,  as  Paul  did,  who  said  to  the  Corinthians, 
'I  have  all  power;  but  all  is  not  expedient;'  and, 
again,  'Though  I  am  free  from  all  men,  yet  have  I 
made  myself  the  servant  of  all,  that  I  might  win 
many.'  In  these  words  of  Paul,  we  are  instructed 
how  we,  who  have  received  faith  from  God,  should 
conduct  ourselves  toward  all,  namely,  accommodate 
ourselves  to  the  weakness  of  our  neighbour.  For  we 
are  not  all  equally  strong  in  the  faith.  He  who  is 
strong  to-day,  may  be  weak  to-morrow ;  and  he  who 
is  weak  to-day,  may  be  strong  to-morrow.  Therefore 
we  must  not  consider  our  own  faith  or  strength 
alone,  but  that  of  our  neighbour,  that  we  may  con- 
descend to  him,  and  not  offend  him  by  our  liberty. 
We  must  not  forget  how  he  hath  borne  with  us,  and 
had  patience  a  long  time  with  our  weakness.  We 
ought  to  do  likewise  unto  our  brethren,  till  they  also 
shall  become  strong;  not  to  storm  at  them,  but  treat 
them  kindly,  and  with  all  meekness  teach  them,  and 
not  go  to  heaven  alone,  but  endeavour  to  bring  our 
brother  with  us.  In  this  respect,  I  perceive  you 
have  erred,  and  some  of  you  gone  very  far.  I  should 
not  have  gone  so  far,  had  I  been  here.  The  thing 


M.  38.]  AT  WITTENBERG  AGAIN.  341 

is  right  enough  in  itself,  but  there  hath  been  too 
great  haste.  There  are  on  the  other  side  brethren 
and  sisters  who  must  be  brought  along  with  us.  All 
those,  therefore,  have  erred,  who  have  given  their 
consent  and  aid  to  doing  away  with  mass ;  not  but 
that  the  act  itself  was  well  enough,  but  that  it  was 
done  violently,  in  disorder,  and  to  the  offence  of 
others.  They  did  not  have  recourse  to  the  magis- 
trates, nor  make  any  inquiries  of  them  beforehand. 
They  had  a  good  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  but 
had  not  the  Spirit,  else  they  would  not  have  made  a 
law  out  of  that  which  is  free.  Therefore  I  say,  and 
faithfully  warn  you,  if  we  pray  not  earnestly  to  God 
and  return  to  our  duty,  all  the  wretchedness  which 
the  Papists  have  suffered  from  us  will  be  returned 
upon  our  own  heads.  For  this  cause,  I  could  not 
remain  away  longer,  but  felt  constrained  to  come  and 
say  this  to  you." 

This  outline  of  his  first  discourse  may  suffice  for  a 
specimen  of  his  manner.  In  his  second,  he  carried 
out  and  illustrated  the  ideas  with  which  he  closed 
the  first.  In  the  six  remaining  discourses,  he  rea- 
soned out,  one  by  one,  the  various  points  on  which 
he  wished  to  correct  the  prevailing  popular  senti- 
ment. Rarely  has  it  happened  that  one  man,  un- 
aided by  power, — rather  cramped  by  it, — by  the  mere 
force  of  his  individual  character  and  personal  influ- 
ence, should  be  able  to  stay  such  a  popular  excite- 
ment, which  had  already  carried  away  all  barriers, 
and  shown  itself  superior  to  the  control  of  the  court 
and  the  university  combined. 

It  is  important  that,  at  this  critical  juncture, 
when  Luther's  character  was  put  to  so  severe  a 
test,  the  turning  point,  as  it  were,  of  the  whole 
work  of  the  Reformation,  we  ascertain  as  accu- 

29* 


342  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1522. 

rately  as  possible  the  position  from  which  he  con- 
templated the  extraordinary  scene. 

Happily  we  have  ample  means  for  such  an  inves- 
tigation in  the  various  letters  written  to  his  friends 
at  the  very  time  of  these  occurrences.  On  the  day 
of  his  arrival,  Friday,  the  7th  of  March,  he  gave  the 
elector,  according  to  request  made  to  him  through 
Schurf,  a  statement  of  the  reasons  which  induced 
him,  contrary  to  his  instructions,  to  leave  Wartburg, 
and  appear  at  Wittenberg.  In  this  letter  he  says  : 
"  I  may  well  suppose  it  will  appear  objectionable  to 
you  that,  without  your  grace's  consent  or  permission, 
I  should  return  to  Wittenberg  again ;  for  the  appear- 
ance is,  that  out  of  it  great  danger  will  arise  both 
to  your  grace,  and  to  the  whole  country  and  people, 
and  most  of  all  to  me,  who,  as  one  that  is  pro- 
scribed and  condemned  both  by  the  pope  and  the 
emperor,  am  every  hour  exposed  to  death.  But 
what  shall  I  do?  Necessity  presseth,  and  God 
urgeth  and  calleth ;  it  must  and  will  be  so ;  and  so 
be  it  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  is  Lord  over 
life  and  death.  .  .  .  The  first  reason  is,  that  I  re- 
ceived from  the  church  at  Wittenberg  a  written 
request,  beseeching  and  begging  me  to  come.  Now, 
as  no  one  can  deny  that  the  work  was  begun  by  me, 
and  as  I  am  bound  to  hold  myself  as  the  obedient 
servant  of  that  church  to  which  God  hath  called 
me,  I  could  in  no  way  refuse,  without  renouncing 
Christian  love,  fidelity  and  service.  .  .  . 

"  The  second  reason  is,  that  during  my  absence 
from  Wittenberg,  Satan  hath  broken  in  upon  my 
flock,  and  hath,  as  all  the  world  exclaimeth — and 
with  truth — done  mischief  which  I  cannot  by  writ- 
ing arrest,  but  must  manage  by  personal  presence, 
with  living  voice  and  ear.  My  conscience  would 


JE.  38.]  AT  WITTENBERG   AGAIN.  343 

allow  no  longer  hesitation  or  delay.  On  this  ac- 
count, I  was  obliged  to  disregard  your  grace's  plea- 
sure or  displeasure,  and  all  the  world's  wrath  or 
favour.  For  they  are  my  flock,  committed  to  me 
of  God;  they  are  my  children  in  Christ;  and  there 
was  no  longer  doubt  whether  I  should  come  or  not. 
I  am  bound  to  suffer  death  for  them,  which,  with 
God's  grace,  I  will  cheerfully  and  joyfully  do,  as 
Christ  requireth  in  the  tenth  chapter  of  John.  .  .  . 
"The  third  reason  is,  that  I  greatly  fear,  and 
alas  !  am  but  too  certain,  that  a  wide-spread  insur- 
rection will  break  out  in  Germany,  wherewith  God 
will  punish  this  nation.  For  we  see  that  the  gospel 
pleaseth  the  people  much,  and  they  turn  it  to  a 
carnal  account ;  they  see  that  it  is  true,  and  yet 
will  not  make  a  right  use  of  it.  To  this  end  do 
those  contribute  who  ought  to  quell  such  insurrec- 
tion. They  seek  to  quench  the  light,  but  do  not 
consider  that  they  thereby  imbitter  men's  hearts, 
and  drive  them  to  rebellion,  so  that  they  act  as  if 
they  would  destroy  themselves,  or,  at  least,  their 
children,  [the  next  generation,  by  civil  war,]  which 
God  no  doubt  sendeth  as  a  judgment  upon  us.  For 
the  spiritual  tyranny  is  weakened,  for  whose  down- 
fall alone  I  laboured,  but  now  I  perceive  God  will 
go  further  with  it,  and  overthrow  both  the  spiritual 
and  the  civil  rule,  as  in  Jerusalem.  I  have  lately 
seen  that  not  only  the  spiritual,  but  the  temporal 
power  must  give  way  before  the  gospel,  whether  it 
be  by  consent  or  by  constraint,  as  is  clearly  taught 
in  all  Bible  history.  Now,  God  requireth  in  Eze- 
kiel,  that  we  should  set  up  ourselves  in  defence  as 
a  wall  for  the  people.  Therefore,  I  have  thought  it 
necessary  to  consult  with  my  friends,  to  see  if  we 
could  not  ward  off,  or  delay  God's  judgment." 


344  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1522. 

To  Spalatin  lie  wrote  the  same  day:  "Satan  hath 
attempted  to  do  much  mischief  here  in  my  fold,  in 
such  a  way  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  meet  the  case 
without  offence  to  both  parties.  See  to  it,  that  no 
innovation  be  allowed  to  be  made  either  by  common 
consent  or  by  violence.  By  the  word  alone  must 
error  be  assaulted,  dislodged,  overthrown  and  done 
away,  which  our  friends  here,  impelled  by  Satan, 
have,  in  their  first  zeal,  attempted  to  carry  by  storm. 
I  condemn  as  an  abomination  the  papal  mass,  which 
is  made  a  sacrifice  and  a  good  work,  whereby  a  man 
is  restored  to  favour  with  God.  But  I  will  not, 
therefore,  resort  to  force,  or  persuade  one  who  is 
without  faith,  much  less  compel  him  to  do  it  away 
with  violence.  Only  through  the  word  will  I  con- 
demn the  abuse  of  the  mass.  Whosoever  will  be- 
lieve, let  him  believe,  and  follow  unconstrained; 
and  whosoever  will  not  believe,  let  him  disbelieve 
and  go  his  way ;  for  no  one  should  be  forced  to  faith, 
or  to  any  thing  pertaining  to  the  faith,  but  should 
be  drawn  to  it  and  won  by  the  word.  Then,  who- 
soever believeth  without  constraint  will  freely  follow. 
I  also  reject  the  images  which  men  worship ;  but  I 
do  it  through  the  word,  not  urging  men  to  burn 
them  up,  but  rather  not  to  put  their  trust  in  them, 
as  others  have  done,  and  still  do.  The  images  will 
fall  of  themselves,  if  the  people  are  instructed 
through  the  word,  and  learn  that  they  are  nothing 
before  God.  So  likewise  do  I  condemn  the  papal 
laws  about  auricular  confession,  going  at  stated  times 
to  the  holy  sacrament,  praying  to  saints  and  fast- 
ing ;  but  I  do  it  through  the  word  to  free  the  con- 
science from  these  shackles.  When  that  is  done, 
then  they  can  either  continue  to  use  them  on  ac- 
count of  the  weak  who  are  still  entangled  with 


JE.  38.]  NARRATIVE  OF  EVENTS.  345 

them,  or  they  can  do  those  observances  away,  if 
others  are  already  strong.  Thus,  charity  may  pre- 
vail in  these  outward  works  and  laws.  Now,  I  am 
most  displeased  with  our  people,  (and  the  populace 
who  are  drawn  with  them,)  that  they  let  the  word 
and  faith  and  charity  go,  and  glory  that  they  are 
Christians,  simply  because  they  (not  without  offence 
to  the  weak)  can  eat  meat,  eggs,  milk,  &c.,  lay  hold 
of  the  eucharist  with  their  own  hands,  and  omit  the 
fastings  and  prayers." 

Luther  went  further,  however,  than  to  censure 
violence  instead  of  persuasion  in  matters  of  religion. 
He  condemned  the  removal  of  images  from  the 
churches,  the  omission  of  the  mass  ceremonies,  of 
the  prescribed  fastings  and  prayers,  and  the  touch- 
ing of  the  bread  and  wine,  on  the  part  of  the  laity, 
with  their  own  hands,  because  such  things,  though 
innocent  in  themselves,  shocked  the  feelings  of 
many  pious  persons.  If,  in  these  respects,  we 
grant  that  Luther  acted,  as  he  did,  not  wholly  with- 
out reason,  we  must  also  concede  that  the  new  prac- 
tice which  he  censured  in  the  other  party,  was  nei- 
ther unnatural,  nor  altogether  unreasonable.  High 
authority  could  have  been  pleaded  on  the  other  side, 
as  in  fact  it  was  pleaded. 

SECTION  IV. — General  Narrative  of  Events  from  1522  to  1525. 

HE  who  is  accustomed  to  recognise  the  presence 
of  a  superintending  Providence  in  human  affairs, 
will  not  fail  to  perceive  the  hand  of  God  in  the  pe- 
culiar direction  given  to  public  affairs  in  Germany 
about  the  time  of  Luther's  return  to  Wittenberg. 
Luther  himself  was  defenceless,  and  both  the  papal 
and  imperial  authority  was  arrayed  against  him  and 


346  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1522. 

employed  to  put  in  execution  the  severe  edict  of 
Worms.  The  cause  of  the  Reformation  seemed, 
moreover,  to  be  weakened  by  the  disorders  prevail- 
ing at  Wittenberg  and  in  several  other  towns,  and 
destroying  the  confidence  of  men  in  respect  to  the 
tendencies  of  Luther's  great  enterprise. 

George,  Duke  of  Saxony,  and  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg, were  ready  to  execute  that  bloody  edict, 
and  seize  Luther  and  his  associates ;  but  the  great 
influence  of  the  Elector  Frederic,  his  caution  and 
wisdom  had  hitherto  preserved  Luther  from  a  violent 
death.  And  now,  when  the  elector's  plans  were  all 
baffled  by  what  seemed  to  him  the  imprudence  and 
rashness  of  the  reformer,  and  when  he  could  find  no 
plausible  ground  for  refusing,  if  the  pope  and  the 
emperor  should  demand  that  Luther  be  delivered 
into  their  hands,  behold  Leo  X.  was  removed  by 
death  in  December  of  1521,  and  was  succeeded  by  Ha- 
drian VI.,  who  for  nearly  two  years  continued  to 
maintain  a  new  policy  entirely  against  the  views  of 
his  court;  and  Charles  V.  was,  meanwhile,  so  occu- 
pied in  his  war  with  France  as  not  to  be  able  to 
visit  Germany,  but  was  obliged  to  intrust  its  go- 
vernment to  his  brother  Ferdinand.  Under  these 
remarkable  circumstances,  Frederic  was  relieved 
from  his  embarrassment,  and  Luther  could  go  on 
undisturbed  in  his  work. 

Though  the  edict  was  still  nominally  in  force,  yet 
in  most  of  the  middle  of  Germany  the  sentiments 
of  the  intelligent  and  virtuous  were  so  on  the  side 
of  truth  and  justice  that  the  edict  was  disregarded. 
This  period,  therefore,  was  the  very  one  in  which  the 
public  mind  was  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  the  Refor- 
mation. The  unjust  and  cruel,  but  unsuccessful  at- 
tempts of  the  Catholic  princes,  instead  of  terrifying 


&.  38.]  NARRATIVE   OP  EVENTS.  347 

men  into  submission  to  their  authority,  had  the  con- 
trary effect,  and  aroused  the  indignation  which  al- 
ways follows  an  attempt  to  do  violence  to  the  moral 
sense  of  the  people. 

From  this  time  onward,  Luther's  labours,  at  home 
and  abroad,  were  greater  than  ever.  Wherever  a 
town  or  even  an  individual  manifested  a  love  for 
the  evangelical  doctrines,  there  Luther  was  either 
personally  present  to  aid  by  public  preaching  and 
private  conversation,  or  sent  letters  of  encourage- 
ment, consolation  and  counsel.  Wherever  the  radi- 
cal party  spread  their  doctrines  and  made  disturb- 
ance, there  none  but  Luther  could  appear  either 
with  safety,  or  with  any  hope  of  success,  to  quell 
the  difficulty.  Wherever  the  Catholics  made  an  at- 
tack or  exercised  cruelty  against  the  converts  to  the 
doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  there  Luther,  as  the 
bishop  of  all  such  flocks  and  individuals,  was  quick 
to  show  his  sympathy  and  extend  his  powerful 
aid. 

In  April,  1522,  he  went  to  Zwickau,  and  was 
obliged  to  pass  through  the  dominions  of  Duke 
George,  at  no  small  hazard,  to  reduce  to  order  the 
excited  population  of  that  town,  where  Muncer  and 
his  colleagues  made  their  first  attempts  to  revolu- 
tionize the  church  and  the  state.  On  the  way  thi- 
ther, he  preached  at  Borna,  and  at  Al  ten  burg.*  He 
lodged  in  Zwickau  with  the  burgomaster,  and 
preached  in  the  town-hall,  in  the  castle,  and  in  one 
of  the  churches.  It  was  said  that  twenty-five  thou- 
sand people  from  the  adjoining  towns  came  to  see 

*  Borna  is  fifteen  miles,  Altenburg  twenty-five,  and 
Zwickau  forty-five  south  of  Leipsic.  Eilenburg  is  fifteen 
miles  north-east  of  Leipsic. 


,848  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1522. 

and  hear  him.  On  his  return,  he  preached  twice 
at  Borna,  and  then  proceeded  to  Eilenburg,  and 
thence  to  Wittenberg. 

For  similar  reasons,  he  made  a  journey  to  Erfurt 
in  October  of  the  same  year.  The  same  spirit  of 
speedy,  if  not  violent  reform,  in  respect  to  doing 
away  with  images,  mass  and  the  invocation  of  saints, 
which  had  manifested  itself  at  Wittenberg,  was 
early  active  in  Erfurt.  After  several  letters  on  the 
subject,  Luther,  in  company  with  Melancthon, 
Agricola  and  two  others,  visited  the  place  in  per- 
son. The  day  before  reaching  it,  he  preached  at 
Weimar.  On  approaching  Erfurt,  Luther  de- 
scended from  the  carriage,  and  passed  through  the 
gate  privately,  in  order  to  avoid  the  crowd  which 
came  out  to  welcome  him  or  to  see  him.  In  the 
evening,  which  was  passed  at  the  parsonage  of  one 
of  the  churches,  he  was  visited  by  multitudes  of 
persons.  He  preached  there  three  times  the  two 
following  days,  and  then  returned  to  Weimar, 
where  he  remained  some  time,  preaching  every  day. 

Of  his  numerous  writings  published  in  1522,  no 
particular  account  can  be  expected  here.  Besides 
writing  the  interesting  letter  to  the  knight,  Von 
Kronberg,  son-in-law  of  Von  Sickingen,  he  had  a 
very  violent  controversy  with  Duke  George  and 
Henry  VIII.,  of  England,  or  rather  with  Sir 
Thomas  More.  Though  these  potentates,  who  un- 
dertook to  dabble  in  theology  and  to  instruct  Lu- 
ther therein,  deserved  no  better  treatment  than 
they  received  from  his  hands,  Luther  himself  suf- 
fered in  the  estimation  of  many  wise  and  good  men 
from  the  intemperate  violence,  and  even  ribaldry,  in 
which  he  freely  indulged. 

The  history  of  the  diet  of  Niiremburg,  which  was 


M.  39.]  NARRATIVE  OF  EVENTS.  349 

in  session  during  the  whole  winter  of  1523,  while  it 
is  too  complicated  to  find  a  place  in  a  brief  biogra- 
phy, is  too  important  and  too  closely  connected  with 
Luther's  fortunes  to  be  omitted  altogether. 

The  Turks  had  broken  in  upon  Hungary,  and  were 
approaching  the  frontiers  of  the  German  empire. 
Charles  V.,  who  had  undertaken  to  check  them,  was 
obliged  to  hasten  to  Spain  to  put  down  the  insur- 
rections which  had  sprung  up  there  during  his  resi- 
dence in  Germany.  His  brother,  Ferdinand,  whom 
he  had  appointed  vicar  of  the  empire,  called  the 
diet  above  mentioned,  in  the  emperor's  name,  to 
engage  the  estates  in  a  war  of  defence  and  reprisal. 
The  emperor,  in  a  letter  from  Valladolid,  endea- 
voured to  persuade  the  pope  to  contribute  from  the 
ecclesiastical  funds  to  support  the  war,  adding  as  a 
special  inducement,  that  the  same  military  power 
might,  before  being  disbanded,  be  employed  to  de- 
stroy the  Lutheran  sect  by  the  sword. 

Hadrian  paid  little  regard  to  the  emperor's  chief 
object;  but  resolved  to  make  use  of  the  diet  to  fur- 
ther his  own  ends  in  eradicating  the  Lutheran  heresy. 
After  taking  the  preliminary  measures,  and  inviting 
the  co-operation  of  the  princes — and  even  threaten- 
ing the  Elector  Frederic,  if  he  should  refuse  to 
unite — the  pope,  through  his  legate,  urged  the  diet 
no  longer  to  suffer  the  edict  of  Worms  to  remain 
without  effect,  but  to  crush  the  heresy  of  Luther 
by  the  arm  of  the  civil  power,  if  milder  measures 
did  not  succeed.  To  give  new  weight  to  his  argu- 
ments, which  met  with  opposition,  he  confessed  the 
corruption  not  only  of  the  priests  and  prelates,  but 
of  the  cardinals  and  popes  themselves;  and  pro- 
mised (with  all  sincerity)  to  institute  a  reformation 
which  should,  in  a  proper  manner,  accomplish  all 


350  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1523. 

that  Luther  undertook  to  effect  in  an  improper  man- 
ner. This  concession  and  promise,  so  far  from 
promoting  his  object,  served  only  to  defeat  it.  The 
Roman  courtiers  and  prelates  desired  no  such  reform. 
The  party  which  sympathized  with  Luther  turned 
the  confessions  to  a  good  account.  A  committee 
was  appointed  to  draft  a  statement,  in  reply  to 
a  communication  of  the  legate,  and  John  of 
Schwartzenburg,  a  man  of  learning  and  talent,  and 
warmly  in  the  interest  of  the  evangelical  party, 
was  chairman  of  the  committee.  With  great  mode- 
ration and  judgment  was  that  document  prepared, 
which  stated,  that  it  was  impossible  to  put  in 
execution  the  edict  of  Worms,  in  respect  to  Luther, 
so  long  as  the  court  of  Rome,  which  Luther  had 
justly  exposed  to  contempt,  remained  in  its  corrup- 
tion, and  unreformed.  It  recommended  referring 
the  whole  matter  to  a  general  council,  the  preachers 
meanwhile  adhering  to  the  doctrines  of  the  ancient 
church,  and  Luther  and  his  friends  refraining  from 
writing  and  publishing.  With  slight  modifications, 
advocated  by  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and  others, 
the  draft  prepared  was  adopted  by  the  diet,  to  the 
great  mortification  and  indignation  of  the  legate. 
Plaunitz,  the  deputy  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  who 
was  not  present,  was  the  chief  diplomatist  in  the 
interest  of  Luther,  and  well  did  he  and  Schwartzen- 
burg concert  their  measures  for  baffling  the  papal 
counsels.  Felitzsch,  the  ambassador  of  Frederic, 
would  not  yield  so  much  as  his  associates  did,  and 
protested,  in  the  name  of  his  prince,  against  the 
prohibition  laid  upon  Luther  in  respect  to  publishing 
his  opinions.  Luther  himself,  however,  was  very 
well  satisfied  with  the  main  features  of  the  order 
passed  by  the  diet,  pronouncing  it  "remarkably 


JE.  39.]  NARRATIVE   OF  EVENTS.  351 

liberal  and  acceptable."  Inasmuch  as  the  enemies 
of  Luther  interpreted  this  recess,  as  it  is  called,  so 
as  to  make  it  appear  condemnatory  of  the  cause  of 
the  Reformation,  and  confirmatory  of  the  decision 
passed  at  the  diet  of  Worms,  Luther  addressed  a 
public  letter  to  the  vicar  and  government  of  the 
empire,  in  which  he  gave  a  different  interpretation. 
Thus  the  plans  and  schemes  of  the  pope  and  his 
ministers,  to  engage  the  German  diet  in  a  crusade 
against  the  new  heresy,  failed  utterly  of  their  object. 
The  Protestant  writers,  who  complain  of  the  doings 
of  the  diet,  do  not,  perhaps,  sufficiently  consider 
how  many  chances  there  were  of  coming  to  a  result 
incomparably  worse,  and  how  much  skill  and  effort 
it  required,  in  a  few,  to  take  such  advantage  of  the 
circumstances  to  ward  off  the  evil. 

The  result  above  mentioned  was  merely  negative. 
Luther  and  his  friends  were  in  the  same  state  of 
insecurity  as  before.  The  elector  was  often  alarmed, 
and  it  required  all  the  ability  and  boldness  of 
Luther  to  inspire  him  with  confidence.  In  such  a 
state  of  things,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the 
followers  of  Luther,  in  Catholic  territories,  should 
be  bitterly  and  cruelly  persecuted.  To  this  class  of 
sufferers,  Luther  directed  his  particular  attention. 

Three  ladies  had  been  dismissed  from  the  court 
of  Henry,  Duke  of  Saxony,  for  having  read  the 
writings  of  Luther.  Henry  himself,  who  then 
resided  at  Freiberg,  was  favourably  disposed  toward 
Luther;  but  he  was  forced  to  this  measure  by  his 
brother  George,  the  reigning  duke.  Luther,  though 
a  stranger  to  these  ladies,  addressed  to  them  [June 
18,  1523]  a  consolatory  letter,  urging  them  to 
Christian  fortitude  and  patience.  "  Submit  patiently," 
he  says,  "  and  let  Christ  work.  He  will  abundantly 


352  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1523. 

avenge  you  of  your  wrong,  and  raise  you  higher 
than  you  could  wish,  if  you  will  only  leave  the 
matter,  and  commit  it  all  to  him." 

In  July  of  the  same  year,  he  writes  to  his  friend 
Crotus  :  "  Two  brethren  have  already  been  burnt  at 
Brussels,  and  a  third  has  been  degraded  (as  they 
call  it)  and  sent  into  some  unknown  Assyria  or 
Babylon.  The  papal  priests  rage  with  incredible 
madness  against  Christ.  Some  of  them  write  ac- 
cursed and  blasphemous  things.  This  is  their  obe- 
dience to  the  imperial  [Nuremberg]  edict,  referring 
our  dispute  to  a  future  council.  Thus  far,  I  have 
kept  quiet,  [as  the  edict  required ;]  but,  if  they  go  on 
thus,  I  too  shall  bid  adieu  to  the  edict — not  to  burn, 
imprison,  or  do  any  violence — for  this  is  not  the 
part  of  Christians — but  to  defend,  by  word  of 
mouth  and  by  writing,  the  glory  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  to  expose  still  further  the  abominations  of  the 
papacy." 

He  addressed  a  letter,  worthy  of  Tertullian  or 
of  Cyprian,  to  the  Christians  in  Holland,  Brabant 
and  Flanders,  congratulating  them  "  that  God  is 
causing  his  marvellous  light  to  shine  again,  and 
that  the  voice  of  the  turtle-dove  is  heard,  and  the 
flowers  appear  on  the  earth."  The  correspondence 
of  Luther,  in  the  years  1522  and  1523,  is  very  rich 
in  such  specimens  of  Christian  sympathy ;  the  in- 
stances in  which  he  intercedes  for  the  poor,  the 
afflicted  and  the  outcast,  being  almost  innumerable. 
At  one  time,  he  asks  of  the  elector  charity  for  an 
aged  and  feeble  monk,  who,  from  conscientious 
scruples,  has  abandoned  his  cell;  at  another,  for 
nine  nuns,  who  were  abandoned  by  their  relations 
for  having  laid  aside  the  veil.  Now,  he  takes  the 
part  of  a  pious  preacher,  who  has  been  driven  from 


£,.  39.]  NARRATIVE  OP  EVENTS.  353 

his  post  for  having  preached  evangelical  doctrines, 
or  having  taken  a  wife ;  and  now,  he  writes  letters 
of  encouragement  to  the  handful  of  believers  who 
venture  to  confess  Christ,  in  various  towns  and 
cities.  Besides,  his  opinions  were  asked  on  so  many 
questions,  laid  before  him  by  princes  and  nobles,  by 
magistrates  and  town-councils,  by  scholars  and  theo- 
logians, by  ecclesiastics,  monks  and  nuns,  on  all 
points  connected  with  the  change  he  introduced  in 
respect  to  man's  ecclesiastical  and  social  relations, 
that  he  was  often  obliged  to  excuse  himself  for  want 
of  time,  and  refer  them  to  his  writings,  to  other 
religious  teachers,  and  to  the  Bible. 

Hadrian  VI.,  the  reforming  but  narrow-minded 
pope,  lived  less  than  two  years  after  his  accession  to 
the  apostolical  chair.  He  was  succeeded  (Nov.  19, 
1523)  by  Clement  VII.,  a  wily  politician  of  the 
family  of  the  Medici,  whose  intriguing  policy  better 
pleased  the  corrupt  Roman  court.  At  the  next 
German  diet,  held  in  the  beginning  of  1524,  Cam- 
pegius,  the  papal  legate,  and  Haunart,  the  orator 
sent  from  Spain  by  the  emperor  to  represent  his 
views,  acted  in  concert  against  Luther,  as  Charles 
at  that  time  felt  the  need  of  the  pope's  assistance  in 
his  war  with  France.  Though  their  councils  pre- 
vailed in  part  in  the  diet,  the  resistance  of  the 
Elector  Frederic  and  some  others  was  so  decided, 
that  the  danger  of  Luther  was  but  slightly  increased. 
So  far  was  he  from  being  terrified  by  the  newNu'rem- 
burg  edict,  which  enforced  the  edict  of  Worms, 
while  it  provided  for  the  settlement  of  the  religious 
differences  at  the  next  diet  to  be  held  at  Spire,  that 
he  published  the  two  edicts  together,  with  satirical 
comments,  under  the  title  of  "Two  Irreconcilable 
and  Contradictory  Imperial  Orders  respecting  Lu- 

30« 


354  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1523. 

ther."  In  the  preface,  he  says,  "  It  is  scandalous 
that  the  emperor  and  the  princes  deal  openly  in  false- 
hood, and,  what  is  more  scandalous  still,  issue  con- 
tradictory commands,  as  you  here  see.  I  am  to  be 
seized  and  punished  according  to  the  decision  made 
at  the  diet  of  Worms ;  and  yet,  at  a  future  diet,  to 
be  held  at  Spire,  my  teachings  are  to  be  examined. 
So  I  am  at  one  and  the  same  time  condemned  and 
referred  to  a  future  trial ;  and  my  countrymen  are 
to  treat  me  as  an  outlaw,  and  then  wait  to  see  me 
condemned." 

Of  the  controversies  in  which  Luther  was  en- 
gaged at  the  close  of  this  period,  or  from  1523  to 
1525,  we  will  mention  only  those  which  tended  to 
check  the  progress  of  the  Reformation,  namely,  his 
controversies  with  Erasmus  on  the  freedom  of  the 
will;  with  Carlstadt  on  the  real  presence  in  the 
eucharist;  and  with  Muncer  and  the  peasants  on 
civil  government. 

The  controversy  with  Erasmus  derived  its  imme- 
diate importance  from  his  great  personal  influence, 
and  from  the  support  he  had  indirectly  given  to  the 
cause  of  the  Reformation.  Both  parties  had  been 
eager  to  claim  him,  and  it  was  long  doubtful  which 
side  he  would  espouse.  But,  from  our  point  of 
view,  we  are  led  to  attach  still  greater  importance 
to  the  remoter  consequences,  those  which  are  con- 
nected with  the  subject  of  the  controversy  j  for,  at 
a  subsequent  period,  both  Melancthon  and  the  Lu- 
theran church  abandoned  the  predestinarian  view 
maintained  by  Luther,  and  became  converts,  in  part, 
to  the  doctrine  advocated  by  Erasmus. 

Luther  had  long  been  suspicious  of  Erasmus,  and, 
in  a  letter  to  (Ecolampadius,  (June  20,  1523,)  he 
gave  utterance  to  his  impressions  of  him  in  these 


JE.  39.]  NARRATIVE  OP  EVENTS.  355 

words:  "Although  I  here  and  there  feel  his  sharp 
arrows,  yet,  as  he  pretendeth  not  to  be  my  enemy, 
BO  I  pretend  not  to  understand  his  manoeuvres, 
though  I  see  through  him  better  than  he  supposeth. 
He  hath  accomplished  that  to  which  he  was  called. 
He  hath  introduced  the  languages,  and  recalled  men 
from  their  impious  studies.  Perhaps,  with  Moses, 
he  is  to  die  in  the  land  of  Moab,  for,  to  better  stu- 
dies, which  pertain  to  piety,  he  doth  not  advance. 
I  could  most  earnestly  desire  that  he  would  abstain 
from  treating  of  the  Scriptures  and  from  his  para- 
phrases; for  he  is  not  equal  to  this  task,  and  only 
inipedeth  his  readers  in  a  knowledge  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. It  is  enough  for  him  to  have  pointed  out 
what  is  evil  ;  to  reveal  what  is  good,  and  to  lead  to 
the  land  of  promise,  is,  as  I  now  see,  more  than  he 
can  do." 

A  letter  of  his,  written  in  May,  1522,  had  been 
injudiciously  published,  in  which  he  had  said:  "I 
knew  before  that  Mosellanus  agreed  with  Erasmus 
on  predestination.  But  I  think  Erasmus  knoweth 
less  of  predestination  than  the  sophistical  scholastics 
knew.  Nor  do  I  fear  that  I  shall  fall,  if  I  do  not 
change  my  sentiments.  Erasmus  is  not  formidable 
in  this  matter,  nor  is  he  generally  in  what  pertaineth 
to  Christianity.  ...  I  will  not  provoke  him  to 
combat,  nor,  if  he  provoke  me  once  and  again,  will 
I  immediately  resent.  Nevertheless  it  seemeth  to 
me  not  good  for  him  to  try  the  powers  of  his  elo- 
quence on  me.  ...  If,  however,  he  will  have  a  hand 
in  the  game,  he  shall  see  that  Christ  is  afraid  neither 
of  the  gates  of  hell,  nor  of  the  powers  of  the  air; 
and  I,  though  a  stammerer,  will  boldly  meet  the 
eloquent  Erasmus  without  regard  to  his  authority, 
name,  or  favour.  .  .  .  Sulute  Mosellanus  in  my  name. 


356  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1523. 

I  am  not  estranged  from  him  because  he  followeth 
Erasmus  rather  than  me.  Tell  him  to  be  a  lusty 
Erasmian.  The  time  will  come  when  he  will  think 
otherwise." 

Keferring  to  these  two  letters,  he  says,  (Oct.  1, 
1523:)  "My  private  letter  concerning  Erasmus, 
and  another  written  to  (Ecolampadius,  have  been 
published,  which  he  taketh  very  ill.  Although  I 
have  not  a  single  word  to  take  back,  if  called  to  de- 
fend myself,  I  am  nevertheless  not  well  pleased  that 
letters,  written  in  confidence  to  intimate  friends, 
should  be  made  public  by  informers.  But  the 
writings  of  Erasmus  will  not  harm  me,  if  directed 
against  me ;  neither  will  they  give  me  confidence, 
if  they  support  me.  I  have  one  who  will  defend 
my  cause,  though  all  the  world  rage  against  what 
Erasmus  calleth  my  pertinacity.  ...  I  am  resolved 
not  to  defend  my  manner  of  life  and  character,  but 
the  cause  only.  Let  whosoever  will  mangle  my 
character  as  heretofore.  ...  I  am  sorrowful  and 
afraid  when  I  am  praised,  and  joyful  when  re- 
proached and  maligned.  If  this  seemeth  strange  to 
Erasmus,  I  do  not  wonder.  Let  him  learn  Christ, 
and  bid  adieu  to  human  wisdom.  The  Lord  en- 
lighten him  and  make  another  man  of  him." 

Luther  knew  that  the  Papists,  and  particularly 
the  pope  himself,  had  urged  Erasmus  to  come  out 
against  him.  He  was  long  kept  in  painful  sus- 
pense, expecting  either  an  open  attack  or  a  private 
expostulation,  and  yet  receiving  neither.  He  finally 
broke  the  silence  in  a  letter  to  Erasmus,  holding 
out  the  olive  of  peace,  but  in  a  way  that  did  not 
flatter  the  vanity  of  the  man  who  had  long  been  re- 
garded as  an  oracle. 

"I  have  long  kept  silence,"  he  writes,  (April 


&.  40.]  NARRATIVE  OP  EVENTS.  357 

1524,)  "that  you,  as  the  greater  and  older,  might 
break  it.  But,  having  waited  so  long  in  vain, 
Christian  charity,  I  think,  compelleth  me  to  make 
the  beginning.  First,  I  will  not  complain  that  you 
have  stood  aloof  from  me,  in  order  to  be  on  better 
and  safer  terms  with  the  Papists,  my  enemies.  Nor 
do  I  take  it  ill  that  you  have,  in  some  passages  in 
your  published  works,  for  the  sake  of  securing  their 
favour  or  mitigating  their  wrath,  used  some  bitter 
and  biting  expressions  relating  to  me;  for  I  per- 
ceive that  the  Lord  hath  not  yet  given  you  the  for- 
titude and  courage  to  join  me  in  cheerfully  and 
boldly  meeting  those  monsters  with  which  I  have  to 
contend.  I  am  not  one  to  exact  of  you  what  is  above 
your  powers  and  your  measure.  But  I  tolerate  your 
weakness,  and  honour  the  measure  of  the  gifts  be- 
stowed on  you  of  G-od.  The  whole  world  must  own 
that  it  is  a  great  gift  of  God  in  you,  and  one  for 
which  we  ought  to  be  thankful,  that  through  you 
letters  have  been  made  to  flourish  and  prevail,  to 
the  manifest  aid  of  the  study  of  the  Bible.  It  was 
never  my  desire  that  you  should  desert  or  neglect 
your  gift,  and  mingle  in  my  combats,  wherein  your 
genius  and  eloquence  would,  indeed,  avail  much. 
But,  as  you  lack  the  courage,  it  is  safer  for  you  to 
cultivate  your  own  gift.  I  have  only  feared  this, 
that  my  adversaries  would  persuade  you  to  assail  my 
doctrines,  which  would  compel  me  to  resist  you  to 
the  face.  ...  So  much  did  I  wish  to  say,  as  evi- 
dence of  my  candid  feelings  toward  you ;  and  I  desire 
that  a  spirit  may  be  given  you  of  the  Lord,  worthy 
of  your  name.  But  if  it  should  not  yet  be  given 
you,  I  beg  you,  if  you  can  no  nothing  more,  to  be  a 
mere  spectator  of  my  tragedy,  and  not  join  my  ad- 
versaries with  your  troops,  and  especially  to  publish 


358  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1524. 

no  books  against  me,  as  I  will  publish  none  against 
you." 

That  so  sensitive  a  man  as  Erasmus  should  feel 
keenly  on  the  reception  of  this  letter  is  what  might 
be  anticipated.  He  replied  with  evident  emotion, 
repelling  the  charge  of  timidity  and  dissimulation, 
and  claiming  to  have  served  the  gospel  far  better 
than  many  infatuated  writers  who  make  themselves 
important  under  its  abused  name.  The  influence  of 
Henry  VIII.,  his  patron,  being  added  to  that  of  the 
papal  court,  prevailed;  and  in  September,  1524, 
Erasmus  opened  his  batteries  upon  Luther,  who 
replied  with  unsparing  severity.  Whatever  be  the 
merits  of  this  controversy — and  it  was  conducted 
with  distinguished  learning  on  the  one  side,  and 
distinguished  ability  on  the  other — Erasmus  con- 
fesses that  he  was  influenced  not  wholly  by  a  love 
of  truth,  but  also  by  the  fear  of  his  enemies,  the 
monks ;  who  were  exciting  against  him,  as  a  secret 
favourer  of  Luther's  doctrines,  the  ill-will  of  the 
court  of  Rome  and  of  several  potentates,  whose 
protection  and  patronage  he  could  not  consent  to 
lose.  Here,  as  everywhere,  the  otherwise  virtuous 
and  well-disposed  Erasmus  calculated  nicely  his  own 
personal  interest.  Thus  these  two  great  and,  for 
the  most  part,  good  men,  became  inveterate  enemies 
of  each  other.  Luther  never  loved  those  who  taught 
differently  from  himself.  Carlstadt,  Erasmus  and 
Zwingle,  when  they  opposed  any  of  his  views,  were 
no  less  heretical  than  Muncer.  This  was  a  fault  in 
Luther's  character. 

A  few  words  from  Luther's  letter  to  a  friend 
(March  30,  1522)  will  be  sufficient  to  remind  us  of 
his  relations  to  Carlstadt  at  that  time.  He  there 
remarks :  "  I  have  offended  Carlstadt,  because  I  have 


JE.  40.]  NARRATIVE   OP  EVENTS.  359 

put  a  stop  to  his  measures,  though  I  did  not  con- 
demn his  doctrines,  except  that  I  did  not  approve 
of  his  labouring  so  for  mere  ceremonies  and  external 
forms,  while  the  true  Christian  teaching,  that  of 
faith  and  charity,  is  neglected.  For,  by  his  foolish 
manner  of  preaching,  the  people  were  led  to  think 
they  were  Christians  from  the  sole  consideration 
(which  is  nothing  at  all)  that,  in  the  communion, 
they  partook  both  of  the  bread  and  the  wine ;  that 
they  handled  them;  that  they  did  not  go  to  confes- 
sion ;  and  that  they  broke  down  the  images.  Behold 
Satan's  malice,  in  resorting  to  this  new  expedient  to 
destroy  the  gospel  I" 

Carlstadt  had  explained  his  position  thus :  "  That 
we  are  sometimes  at  variance,  is  because  we  do  not 
Btand  by  the  word  of  God,  and  think  we  may,  by  our 
reason,  devise  something  that  will  please  him.  On 
this  wise  are  we  disagreed  on  the  article  of  confession. 
For  my  part,  I  have  followed  the  Scriptures,  and 
appeal  to  my  candid  hearers.  I  have  also  requested 
the  magistrates  to  forbid,  under  a  severe  penalty, 
preaching  any  thing  which  the  Scriptures  do  not  con- 
tain and  teach.  Death  itself  shall  'not  drive  me 
away  from  the  Scriptures.  For  I  know  that  nothing 
pleaseth  God  but  what  doth  conform  to  his  holy 
word.  .  .  .  Therefore  I  shall  build  exclusively  on 
the  word  of  God,  not  regarding  what  others  teach. 
I  know  that  I  shall  offend  only  those  who  are  not 
Christians."  These  words  have  been  pronounced, 
by  historians,  haughty  and  insolent.  Had  Luther  ut- 
tered them,  they  would  have  been  pronounced  heroic. 

If  Carlstadt  did  not  act  according  to  this  standard 
— if  he  was  fanatical,  envious,  or  unkind  in  his  op- 
position to  Luther — that  is  quite  another  matter. 
Carlstadt  was  at  first  compelled  by  the  elector  to 


360  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1524. 

promise  not  to  preach  to  the  people  in  the  way  he 
had  done.  After  restraining  himself  about  three 
months,  till  April,  1522,  he  resolved  to  publish  his 
views  in  opposition  to  Luther.  The  latter  writes, 
(April  21,)  "  I  have  this  day  suppliantly  entreated 
Carlstadt  in  private  not  to  publish  any  thing  against 
me,  for,  in  that  case,  I  should  be  obliged  to  contend 
with  him  earnestly.  He  solemnly  affirmed  that  he 
would  write  nothing  against  me,  though  the  six  sheets 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  rector  and  judges  for  exa- 
mination speak  otherwise.  Certainly  I  will  not  so 
disregard  public  scandal  as  to  pass  over  what  he  hath 
written.  They  are  endeavouring  to  persuade  him  to 
retract  or  to  suppress  what  he  hath  written ;  I  shall 
not  urge  it."  Melancthon  writes  to  Spalatin  a  few 
days  afterward,  "It  hath  been  decided  that  Carl- 
stadt's  book  shall  be  suppressed." 

It  would  appear  that  the  intimation  made  by  Lu- 
ther against  Carlstadt's  good  faith  was  not  at  this 
time  justified  by  the  result,  for  the  latter  returned 
to  the  ordinary  discharge  of  his  duties,  much  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  former.  In  January,  1523,  Lu- 
ther speaks  of  Carlstadt's  lectures  in  most  flattering 
terms. 

For  three  centuries,  Carlstadt's  moral  character  has 
been  treated  somewhat  as  Luther's  would  have  been, 
if  only  Catholic  testimony  had  been  heard.  The  party 
interested  has  been  both  witness  and  judge.  What 
if  we  were  to  judge  of  Zwingle's  Christian  character 
by  Luther's  representations  ?  The  truth  is,  Carlstadt 
hardly  showed  a  worse  spirit,  or  employed  more 
abusive  terms  toward  Luther,  than  Luther  did 
toward  him.  Carlstadt  knew  that  in  many  things 
the  truth  was  on  his  side;  and  yet,  in  these,  no  less 
than  in  others,  he  was  crushed  by  the  civil  power, 


JE-  40.]  NARRATIVE   OP  EVENTS.  361 

which  was  on  the  side  of  Luther.  Luther  was  so 
zealous  to  maintain  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith,  that  he  was  prepared  even  to  call  in  question 
the  authority  of  some  portions  of  Scripture,  which 
seemed  to  him  not  to  be  reconcileable  with  it.  To 
the  Epistle  of  James,  especially,  his  expressions  in- 
dicate the  strongest  repugnance.  Indeed,  so  intem- 
perate was  his  language  in  reference  to  this  subject, 
that  we  cease  to  wonder  why  Carlstadt  should  com- 
plain of  "the  audacity,  the  unreasonable  severity,  the 
violence,  the  false  reasoning,  the  immodesty  and 
shameless  decisions  of  his  friends."  "  Still,"  says  he, 
"  I  will  challenge  no  one,  but  if  I  am  challenged  for 
the  defence  of  the  canon  of  the  Scriptures,  though  I 
cannot  do  it  as  it  should  be  done,  I  will  contend  with 
all  my  might." 

He  had  so  far  restored  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  supper  as  to  distribute  the  wine  as  well  as 
the  bread  to  the  laity.  Luther,  "  in  order  not  to 
offend  weak  consciences,"  insisted  on  distributing 
the  bread  only,  and  prevailed.  He  rejected  the 
practice  of  elevating  and  adoring  the  host.  Luther 
allowed  it,  and  introduced  it  again.  Carlstadt 
maintained,  that  "we  should  not,  in  things  pertain- 
ing to  God,  regard  what  the  multitude  say  or  think, 
but  look  simply  to  the  word  of  God.  Others,"  he 
adds,  "  say  that,  on  account  of  the  weak,  we  should 
not  hasten  to  keep  the  commands  of  God;  but  wait 
till  they  become  wise  and  strong."  In  regard  to 
the  ceremonies  introduced  into  the  church,  he 
judged  as  the  Swiss  reformers  did,  that  all  were  to 
be  rejected  which  had  not  a  warrant  in  the  Bible. 
"  It  is  sufficiently  against  the  Scriptures,  if  you  can 
find  no  ground  for  it  in  them."  Luther  asserted, 
on  the  contrary,  "  Whatever  is  not  against  the 

81 


362  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1524. 

Scriptures  is  for  the  Scriptures,  and  the  Scriptures 
for  it.  Though  Christ  hath  not  commanded  ador- 
ing of  the  host,  so  neither  hath  he  forbidden  it." 
"Not  so,"  said  Carlstadt,  "we  are  bound  to  the  Bible, 
and  no  one  may  decide  after  the  thoughts  of  his  own 
heart." 

Carlstadt  differed  essentially  from  Luther  in  regard 
to  the  use  to  be  made  of  the  Old  Testament.  With 
him,  the  law  of  Moses  was  still  binding.  Luther,  on 
the  contrary,  had  a  strong  aversion  to  what  he  calls 
a  legal  and  Judaizing  religion.  Carlstadt  held  to  the 
divine  authority  of  the  Sabbath  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment; Luther  believed  Christians  were  free  to  observe 
any  day  as  a  Sabbath,  provided  they  be  uniform  in 
observing  it.  But  Carlstadt  was  also  a  mystic,  fol- 
lowing an  inward  light.  Hence  his  sympathy  with 
the  Zwickau  Prophets.  He  was  a  singular  com- 
pound of  Zwinglian,  Lutheran  and  Anabaptist  in- 
gredients. 

The  most  important  difference  between  him  and 
Luther,  and  that  which  most  imbittered  the  latter 
against  him,  related  to  the  Lord's  supper.  He 
opposed  not  only  transubstantiation,  but  consub- 
stantiation,  the  real  presence,  and  the  elevation  and 
adoration  of  the  host.  Luther  rejected  the  first, 
asserted  the  second  and  third,  and  allowed  the  other 
two.  In  regard  to  the  real  presence,  he  says  :  "  In 
the  sacrament  is  the  real  body  of  Christ  and  the 
real  blood  of  Christ,  so  that  even  the  unworthy  and 
ungodly  partake  of  it ;  and  '  partake  of  it  corpo- 
rally/ too,  and  not  spiritually  as  Carlstadt  will  have 
it."  After  Carlstadt  had  been  compelled  to  keep 
silence,  from  1522  to  1524,  and  to  submit  to  the 
superior  power  and  authority  of  Luther,  he  could 
contain  himself  no  longer.  He,  therefore,  left  Wit- 


M.  40.]  NARRATIVE  OF  EVENTS.  363 

tenberg,  and  established  a  press  at  Jena,  through 
which  he  could,  in  a  series  of  publications,  give 
vent  to  his  convictions,  so  long  pent  up.  He  also 
preached  in  several  places  in  that  neighbourhood, 
but  chiefly  at  Orlamunde,  a  little  above  Jena,  on 
the  Saale.  A  furious  controversy  ensued.  Both 
parties  exceeded  the  bounds  of  Christian  propriety 
and  moderation. 

Carlstadt  was  now  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Anabap- 
tist tumults,  excited  by  Muncer.  He  sympathized 
with  them  in  some  things,  but  disapproved  of  their 
disorders.  Luther  made  the  most  of  this.  The  work 
which  he  wrote  against  him,  he  entitled  "  The  Book 
against  the  Celestial  Prophets."  This  was  uncan- 
did ;  for  the  controversy  related  chiefly  to  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  supper.  In  the  south  of  Germany,  and 
in  Switzerland,  Carlstadt  found  more  adherents  than 
Luther.  Banished  as  an  Anabaptist,  he  was  received 
as  a  Zwinglian. 

No  doubt  this  circumstance  did  much  toward  pro- 
ducing that  intolerant  spirit  which  Luther  ever  after- 
ward manifested  toward  Zwingle  and  his  associates. 
It  is  not  for  us  to  decide  the  doctrinal  question. 
It  is  enough  to  say  that  those  men  were  as  much 
entitled  to  the  respect  and  charity  of  Luther,  as  he 
was  to  ^their's.  We  pass  over  this  whole  contro- 
versy, and  the  numerous  colloquies  and  debates 
growing  out  of  it,  as  inappropriate  to  the  character 
of  this  work. 

Against  the  peasants,  who,  on  the  one  hand,  were 
driven  to  desperation  by  the  oppression  of  their 
rulers,  and,  on  the  other,  were  intoxicated  with  the 
new  ideas  of  liberty  that  had  just  begun  to  be  pro- 
claimed, Luther  wrote  and  spoke  in  terms  of  unmi- 
tigated severity.  He  was  a  better  theologian  than 


364  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1524. 

politician.  He  held  to  the  divine  right  of  kings, 
and,  consequently,  to  the  doctrine  of  passive  obe- 
dience on  the  part  of  their  subjects.  He  was  justly 
alarmed  lest  the  fair  name  of  the  Reformation 
should  be  stained  by  deeds  of  violence  and  blood. 

In  Thuringia,  particularly,  and  under  Muncer's  in- 
fluence, the  political  movements  were  linked  in  with 
fanaticism  which  led  to  the  wildest  disorders;  though, 
in  the  south-west  of  Germany,  the  insurgents  acted 
more  wisely  and  intelligently.  That  Luther  should, 
in  these  circumstances,  employ  his  pen,  and  even 
travel  from  city  to  city,  to  allay  the  excitement  and 
put  down  the  peasants,  is  not  strange.  But  that 
he  should  proclaim  doctrines  subversive  of  all  prin- 
ciples of  freedom,  and  be  the  means  of  riveting 
more  firmly  the  already  galling  chains  of  despotism, 
and  of  exciting  the  despots  to  a  bloody  revenge,  is 
a  matter  of  regret,  if  not  of  wonder. 

The  recent  revolutions  of  Germany  are  very  simi- 
lar to  those  attempted  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
The  cause  was  as  sacred  then  as  it  is  now :  we  do 
not  say  that  the  means  were  justifiable.  Certainly 
the  theories  of  government  were  extravagant  and 
grotesque.  The  failure  of  the  undertaking  of  Von 
Sickingen  and  Von  Hutten,  the  tragic  scenes  of 
Alstedt,  Frankenhausen  and  Miihlhausen,  a^nd  the 
counter-revolution  in  Suabia,  and  the  character  given 
to  the  Reformation  as  hostile  to  all  political  revo- 
lutions, retarded  the  cause  of  liberty  for  three  cen- 
turies. 

Perhaps  it  is  well  that  it  was  so.  Perhaps  there 
was  not,  in  that  age,  a  sufficient  preparation  for 
the  enjoyment  and  preservation  of  freedom ;  and 
so  the  want  of  enlarged,  rational  and  philosophic 
views  of  the  nature  and  functions  of  civil  govern- 


JE.  38-42.]        NARRATIVE   OF   EVENTS. 


365 


ment,  which  we  observe  in  Luther,  is  the  less  to  be 
regretted.  To  be,  at  the  same  time,  a  religious  and 
a  political  reformer  is  more  than  can  reasonably 
be  demanded  of  one  individual.  Of  the  strict  inte- 
grity and  high  moral  principles  of  Luther,  in  all 
his  transactions,  both  with  princes  and  with  pea- 
sants, during  these  unhappy  times,  there  can  be  no 
question. 


81 » 


366  LIFE   OP  LUTHER. 


CHAPTER  V. 

LUTHER'S  CHARACTER  AS  IT  APPEARS  IN  SOME  PARTICU- 
LAR SPHERES  OF  ACTION  NOT  INCLUDED  IN  THE  GENERAL 
NARRATIVE. 

SECTION  I. — Luther's  Marriage  and  Domestic  Life. 

0  fully  con- 
vinced had  Lu- 
ther been  for  a 
long  time  that 
a  monastic  life 
was  an  evil,  that 
he  published  a 
tract,  showing 
that  nuns,  who 
had  taken  the 
veil,  could  with 
a  good  con- 
science before 
God  lay  it  aside 
again.  The 
monks  were  beginning  to  disband,  and  it  was  to  be 
expected  that  many  nuns,  who  had,  by  parental  in- 
fluence or  authority,  taken  the  rash  vow  in  their  early 
youth,  would  feel  the  tedium  of  their  monotonous 
life  and  the  fetters  which  robbed  them  of  their 
liberty,  and,  consequently,  eagerly  read  those 
writings  which  aimed  at  restoring  them  to  their 
natural  rights,  and  introducing  them  unto  those 
366 


W  0  F  H     ©  [F     ill  IT  M  E  Dfi. 
Amencan  Sunday  School  Umon 


MARRIAGE.  367 

social  and  domestic  relations  for  which  nature  de- 
signed them.  A  little  to  the  south  of  Grimma  and 
not  very  far  from  Leipsic  was  the  Cistercian  nun- 
nery of  Nimptschen,  whose  inmates  were  of  noble 
birth.  Luther  was  at  Grimma,  with  Staupitz  and 
Link,  in  1516 ;  and  again  he  spent  some  time  there 
in  1519. 

The  next  year  the  Reformation  was  introduced 
into  Grimma.  Thus  the  light  that  was  beginning  to 
shine  must  have  cast  some  of  its  rays  upon  this 
convent,  and  Luther's  name  was  well  known  to  the 
nuns  who  were  there  pining  away  in  their  solitude. 
They,  at  length,  entreated  their  parents  and  friends 
to  take  them  from  the  cloister,  and  restore  them  to 
their  homes.  But  such  were  their  ideas  of  the 
sanctity  of  the  monastic  life,  and  of  the  inviolability 
of  the  vow,  when  once  taken,  that  these  entreaties 
of  their  children  were  of  no  avail.  Nothing  re- 
mained but  to  appeal  to  the  sympathy  and  humanity 
of  the  liberator  of  the  oppressed,  to  the  straight- 
forward, honest-hearted  reformer.  He  listened  to 
their  petition,  and  formed  the  plan  of  sending 
Koppe,  a  distinguished  and  prudent  citizen  of  Tor- 
gau,  to  deliver  them  from  their  captivity. 

The  project  was  one  of  great  difficulty.  It  would 
shock  the  superstitious  multitude,  and  arouse  the 
wrath  of  monk  and  priest.  Besides,  the  journey 
from  Torgau  to  Nimptschen — about  sixty  miles  in 
a  southern  direction — led  through  the  territory  of 
Duke  George,  the  bitter  enemy  of  Luther,  though 
both  these  towns  belonged  to  the  elector.  Koppe  was 
assisted  by  his  nephew  and  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Tommitsch.  The  plan  was  put  in  execution  on  the 
evening  of  April  4,  1523.  Tradition  says,  that,  at 
the  time  agreed  upon,  the  nine  virgins  descended 


368  LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 

from  the  window  of  Catharine  von  Bora's  cell,  which 
was  on  the  south  side  of  the  nunnery,  into  the  court, 
where  Catharine  herself  left  one  of  her  slippers, 
and  were  lifted  over  the  wall  and  put  into  standing 
barrels  in  a  wagon,  and  thus  escaped  detection.  It 
is  said  in  the  Chronicle  of  Torgau  that  when  an  in- 
dividual, meeting  Koppe,  asked  him  what  he  had 
there,  he  replied,  "  Barrels  of  herring."  April  8,  Lu- 
ther writes  to  his  friend  Link,  "  Yesterday  I  received 
from  their  state  of  captivity,  nine  nuns  belonging  to 
the  Nimptschen  convent,  among  whom  were  the 
two  Zeschaus  and  [Magdalene]  Staupitz."  This 
last  was  a  niece  of  Luther's  spiritual  father,  and  the 
two  Zeschaus  were  near  relations  of  Luther's  friend 
of  the  same  name,  prior,  and  afterward  also  reformer, 
at  Grimma. 

After  announcing  the  same  fact  in  a  letter  to 
Spalatin,  he  says,  "  But  you  will  ask  what  I  am 
intending  to  do  with  them.  First,  I  will  inform 
their  parents,  and  request  them  to  take  them  home. 
If  they  will  not  do  so,  then  I  will  see  that  they  be 
otherwise  provided  for.  I  have  already  received 
promises  in  respect  to  part,  and  I  will  get  the  rest 
married,  if  I  can."  After  mentioning  their  names, 
he  adds,  "  These  need  our  compassion,  in  showing 
which,  we  do  service  to  Christ.  Their  escape  is 
quite  wonderful.  I  beg  you  to  exercise  your  charity, 
and,  in  my  name,  beg  some  money  of  your  rich 
courtiers  to  sustain  them  one  or  two  weeks,  until  I 
can  either  deliver  them  to  their  parents,  or  to  others, 
who  have  given  me  promises."  Luther  urged  Spa- 
latin to  persuade  the  elector  to  contribute  some- 
thing for  this  object,  and  promised  to  keep  it  secret, 
that  it  might  not  give  offence  to  George  and  to  the 
Catholic  clergy. 


MARRIAGE.  369 

This  unheard-of  adventure,  this  breaking  up  of 
conventual  life,  and  the  temporary  settlement  of 
the  fugitive  nuns  in  Wittenberg,  produced  an  extra- 
ordinary excitement.  No  attempt  of  the  priesthood 
could  succeed  in  concealing  it.  The  example  was 
the  more  dangerous,  as  the  same  discontent  pre- 
vailed in  other  convents.  Soon  the  abbess  of  Zeitz 
and  four  nuns  followed  the  example ;  and  six  from 
another,  and  eight  from  a  third,  and  sixteen  from  a 
fourth,  many  of  whom  belonged  to  the  Duchy  of 
Saxony,  or  the  territory  of  Duke  George.  The  con- 
sequence was,  that  Luther  was  bitterly  assailed  as 
being  the  author  of  all  the  mischief.  He  was  spoken 
against  and  written  against,  till  he  found  it  neces- 
sary to  reply,  which  he  did  to  the  cost  of  the  op- 
posing party.  He  portrayed  the  darker  side  of  life 
in  the  nunnery,  spicing  his  productions  with  striking 
narratives  of  inhumanity  and  cruelty.  He  published 
an  account  of  Florentina  of  Upper  Weimar,  who 
passed  through  many  sufferings  before  she  succeeded 
in  making  her  escape  from  a  monastery  in  Eisleben. 
She  had  been  sent  there  by  her  parents  at  the  age 
of  six ;  was,  without  her  consent,  consecrated,  or 
made  to  take  the  veil,  at  the  age  of  eleven.  Feeling 
discontented,  she  made  her  complaints  to  the  abbess, 
who  replied  that  she  must  remain  a  nun  for  better 
or  for  worse.  She  wrote  to  Luther ;  but  the  letter 
was  intercepted,  and  she  was  kept  in  a  cold  prison, 
in  an  inclement  season,  for  four  weeks.  She  next 
wrote  to  a  relative ;  this  letter,  too,  was  seized,  and 
she  was  beaten  by  the  abbess  and  four  others  till 
they  gave  over  from  fatigue.  Luther  made  an  ap- 
peal to  the  Counts  of  Mansfeld,  in  whose  dominions 
these  cruelties  were  practised,  to  put  a  stop  to  such 
flagrant  abuses. 


370  LIFE   OP   LUTHER. 

Koppe  was  exposed  to  popular  indignation  still 
more  than  Luther,  for  he  had  performed  the  daring 
act  of  rescue,  and  was  very  anxious  that  his  agency 
in  the  matter  should  be  kept  as  secret  as  possible. 
Luther  thought  and  felt  otherwise,  and  made  the 
whole  transaction  known ;  and  then  wrote  to  Koppe, 
bidding  him  lift  up  his  head  and  not  shrink  from 
the  honour  of  so  noble  a  deed.  "They,  indeed, 
will  say,  that  the  fool  Leonard  Koppe  hath  suffered 
himself  to  be  caught  by  a  condemned  heretical  monk, 
and  then  drove  to  the  place  and  carried  off  the  nuns 
and  aided  them  in  breaking  their  vows.  .  .  .  But  I 
have  made  all  this  known  for  the  following  rea- 
sons;" and  then  he  goes  on  to  justify  the  transac- 
tion. 

Luther  was  not  at  that  time,  nor  in  the  following 
year,  (1524,)  when  he  abandoned  the  cloister  him- 
self, inclined  to  marry.  In  a  letter  to  Spalatin, 
dated  November  30,  he  says  :  "For  what  Argula 
writes  respecting  my  getting  married,  I  give  her  my 
thanks.  No  wonder  such  things  are  tattled  about 
me,  as  many  others  are  in  like  manner.  Thank 
her  in  my  name,  and  tell  her  I  am  in  the  Lord's 
hands  as  his  creature,  whose  heart  he  can  change, 
and  whose  life  he  can  save  or  destroy  at  any  hour 
or  moment.  But  with  such  a  mind  as  I  have  hi- 
therto had,  and  still  continue  to  have,  I  shall  not  take 
a  wife ;  not  because  I  am  by  nature  averse  to  matri- 
mony— for  I  am  neither  wood  nor  stone, — but  I  am 
disinclined  to  it,  because  I  am  every  day  expecting 
death  as  inflicted  upon  a  heretic.  I  do  not  wish  to 
obstruct  God's  work  in  me,  nor  rely  upon  my  own 
heart  for  comfort.  It  is  my  hope  that  I  shall  not  be 
permitted  to  live  long." 

But  within  five  months,  we  find  him  writing  the 


MARRIAGE.  371 

following  playful  letter  to  Spalatin :  "As  to  what 
you  write  me  touching  my  marriage,  I  would  not 
have  you  wonder  that  I,  who  am  so  famous  a  lover, 
do  not  marry.  Be  surprised  rather  that,  since  I 
write  so  much  about  marriage,  and  mingle  so  much 
in  female  society,  I  am  not  turned  into  a  woman, 
not  to  say  married.  For  I  have  had  three  wives  at 
once,  whom  I  loved  so  desperately  that  I  have  lost 
two  of  them,  who  are  already  engaged  to  others. 
The  third  I  just  hold  by  the  left  arm,  and  she,  too, 
will  be  snatched  away  from  me  soon.  But  you,  a 
cold  lover,  dare  not  be  the  husband  even  of  one. 
Look  out  that  I,  with  all  my  reluctance  to  marry, 
do  not  get  the  start  of  you,  who  are  already  affi- 
anced, as  God  is  wont  to  do  what  you  least  expect. 
Without  joking,  I  say  this  to  urge  you  on  in  the 
way  you  have  taken."  In  another  place  he  says : 
"  Had  I  become  a  lover  before,  I  should  have  chosen 
Eve  von  Schonfeld,"  who  was  one  of  the  nine  nuns 
above  mentioned,  and  who,  at  his  own  suggestion, 
was  married  to  a  medical  student,  afterward  royal 
physician.  What  he  said  jestingly  to  Spalatin 
turned  out  to  be  true,  for  Luther  was  actually  mar- 
ried first. 

Catharine  von  Bora,  having  no  home  to  which 
she  could  go,  was,  on  her  arrival  at  Wittenberg,  re- 
ceived into  the  family  of  a  distinguished  citizen  by 
the  name  of  Reichenbach,  where  she  showed  herself 
worthy  of  the  paternal  interest  that  had  been  taken 
in  her,  both  by  him  and  by  Luther.  Luther  used 
his  influence  to  form  a  matrimonial  connection  be- 
tween her  and  Baumgartner,  a  theological  student 
from  Nuremberg,  who  became  a  distinguished  man, 
and  enjoyed,  in  a  high  degree,  the  confidence  of 
Luther  and  Melancthon.  A  mutual  attachment 


372  LIFE   OF   LUTHER. 

seems  to  have  existed  between  the  two  parties ;  but 
when  the  young  Xiiremberger  returned  to  his  native 
city,  the  attachment  appears  to  have  faded  from  his 
memory.  Luther,  therefore,  wrote  to  him,  October 
12,  1524  :  "If  you  intend  to  have  your  Katy  von 
Bora,  you  must  be  quick  about  it,  or  she  will  be 
another's,  who  is  already  at  hand.  Her  love  to  you 
remaineth  unaltered.  I  should  certainly  rejoice  to 
see  you  united  to  her  in  wedlock."  The  acquaint- 
ance, however,  was  not  renewed.  The  other  indi- 
vidual referred  to  was  Glatz,  pastor  at  Orlamiinde. 
For  Luther,  who  had  never  lost  sight  of  providing 
for  the  settlement  in  life  of  the  nine  nuns,  had  se- 
lected this  individual  for  Catharine,  in  case  he  did 
not  succeed  with  Baumgartner.  But  she  had  a 
mind  of  her  own,  and  would  listen  to  no  such  pro- 
posal, and,  in  respect  to  Glatz,  her  judgment  proved 
to  be  correct.  She  entreated  Amsdorf  to  divert 
Luther's  mind  from  his  purpose,  adding,  however, 
by  way  of  conciliation,  that  if  Luther  himself,  or 
Amsdorf,  were  to  become  suitor,  she  would  make  no 
objection ! 

At  first,  Luther  was  not  particularly  pleased  with 
Catharine,  because  he  "  supposed  she  was  proud  and 
haughty."  Learning  upon  a  more  perfect  acquaint- 
ance, that  what  had  so  appeared  was  in  reality  a 
certain  womanly  dignity  and  independence,  he  came 
to  entertain  other  feelings  toward  her.  "  And, 
thank  God,"  he  says,  "  it  hath  turned  out  well : 
for  I  have  a  pious  and  faithful  wife,  to  whom  one 
may  safely  commit  his  heart."  He  was  married  to 
her  without  much  publicity,  June  13,  1525,  when 
he  was  at  the  age  of  forty-two,  and  she  at  the  age 
of  twenty-six.  The  ceremony  was  performed  by 
Bugenhagen,  in  the  house  of  Reichenbach,  in  the 


MARRIAGE.  373 

presence  of  Professor  Apel,  Justus  Jonas,  Cranach 
and  his  wife,  without  the  knowledge  of  his  other 
friends.  The  cause  of  concealing  his  marriage  from 
the  elector,  Melancthon  and  others,  till  it  was  ac- 
tually performed,  was  the  alarm  it  would  give  them. 
At  a  time  when  the  public  mind  was  agitated  by 
the  Peasants'  War,  and  when  the  Catholic  princes 
were  greatly  imbittered  against  Luther  and  even  the 
elector,  the  marriage  of  a  monk  to  a  nun  would,  on 
account  of  the  two-fold  violation  of  the  monastic 
vow,  do  utter  violence  to  the  feelings  of  the  com- 
munity, and  Luther  supposed  they  would  endeavour 
to  prevent  so  daring  a  step.  How  offensive  such  a 
marriage  was  to  the  superstitious  sentiments  of  even 
good  men  at  that  age,  may  be  seen  from  the  remark 
of  Erasmus,  who,  when  he  heard  of  the  occurrence, 
said :  "When  a  monk  marrieth  a  nun,  we  may  ex- 
pect antichrist  will  be  born."  The  next  day,  when 
it  became  generally  known  that  the  marriage  union 
had  been  formed,  the  city  government,  according  to 
the  usage  of  that  age,  honoured  Luther  with  a  pre- 
sent of  fourteen  cans  of  wine,  of  different  sorts ; 
and  the  newly-married  pair  had  the  right  of  free 
access,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  to  the  wine  cellar 
of  the  city.  A  principal  ceremony,  at  that  time, 
was  the  festival  following  the  wedding,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  conducting  the  bride  to  her  new  home,  where 
a  large  company  were  treated  to  a  dinner.  The 
apartment,  known  as  Luther's  dwelling,  in  the  Au- 
gustinian  cloister,  was  undoubtedly  the  scene  of  this 
solemnity.  Seven  of  the  invitations  sent  to  differ- 
ent individuals  have  been  preserved,  and  give  us  a 
view  of  the  peculiar  and  somewhat  awkward  posi- 
tion of  Luther,  as  well  as  a  picture  of  the  times. 
The  first  is  that  written  to  Chancellor  Riihel,  Lu- 

32 


374  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.       « 

ther's  brother-in-law,  and  two  other  Mansfeld  court- 
officers,  and  reads  as  follows:  "According  to  the 
wish  of  my  dear  father,  I  have  taken  me  a  wife  j 
and  on  account  of  evil-speakers,  and  that  no  hin- 
drance might  be  placed  in  the  way,  I  have  hastened 
the  act.  It  is  my  wish  that  the  festive  occasion  of 
bringing  my  bride  home  take  place  a  week  from 
next  Tuesday,  and  that  I  may  enjoy  your  presence 
and  receive  your  blessing.  Since  these  are  times 
of  commotion  [the  insurrection  of  the  peasants]  and 
danger,  I  cannot  urge  your  attendance ;  but  if  you 
have  a  desire  to  come  and  can  do  so,  and  bring  with 
you  my  dear  father  and  mother,  you  can  easily  un- 
derstand that  it  would  give  me  great  joy,  and  what- 
soever [presents]  you  may  receive  from  good  friends 
for  my  poverty,  will  be  very  welcome."  Another 
invitation,  sent  to  Dolzig,  the  elector's  marshal,  is 
written  with  characteristic  humour.  "No  doubt," 
he  says,  "the  strange  rumour  hath  reached  you, 
that  I  have  become  a  husband.  Though  this  is  a 
very  singular  affair,  which  I  myself  can  scarcely 
believe,  nevertheless,  the  witnesses  are  so  numerous 
that  I  am  bound  in  honour  to  believe  it;  and  I  have 
concluded  to  have  a  collation  next  Tuesday  for  my 
father  and  mother  and  other  good  friends,  to  seal 
the  same  and  make  it  sure.  I  therefore  beg  you, 
if  it  is  not  too  much  trouble,  to  provide  venison  for 
me,  and  be  present  yourself  to  help  affix  the  seal 
with  becoming  joy."  At  this  time  the  city  pre- 
sented to  Luther  several  casks  of  beer;  and  the 
university  gave  a  large  silver  tankard,  plated  with 
gold  on  the  outside  and  inside,  weighing  five  pounds 
and  a  quarter.  It  was  purchased  in  the  year  1800, 
from  the  heirs,  by  the  University  of  Greifswald,  for 
one  hundred  rix  dollars. 


DOMESTIC  LIFE.  375 

Catharine  von  Bora  was  born,  January  29, 1499, 
probably  at  her  father's  estate,  now  called  Milden- 
stein,  not  far  from  Bitterfeld,  between  Wittenberg 
and  Halle.  We  know  nothing  of  her  parents ;  but 
Luther  often  speaks  of  John  von  Bora,  her  bro- 
ther, who  was  in  the  service  of  Albert  of  Prus- 
sia, and  afterward  in  that  of  Henry,  Duke  of 
Saxony.  There  was  once  a  nunnery  in  Catha- 
rine's native  place,  and  she  is  said  to  have  entered 
that  at  first.  Her  monastic  life  was  probably  with- 
out incident.  She  appears  to  have  been  prominent 
among  the  nine  fugitive  nuns;  and  Luther's  early 
treatment  of  her,  even  before  he  was  pleased  with 
her  manners,  shows  the  consideration  in  which  she 
was  held. 

Luther  himself  often  speaks  of  his  marriage  as  a 
happy  one.  True,  the  sex  did  not  then  receive  the 
same  delicate  regard  which  is  shown  it  among  us  at 
the  present  time.  Luther,  too,  was  a  man  who  told 
all  his  private  thoughts  and  feelings ;  and  it  would 
be  strange  indeed,  if  a  man  of  such  a  temperament 
should  never  see  nor  mention  a  wife's  little  imper- 
fections. He  at  one  time  remarks,  "Katy  is  kind, 
submissive  in  all  things,  and  pleasing,  more  so, 
(thank  God,)  than  I  could  hope,  so  that  I  would  not 
exchange  my  poverty  for  the  riches  of  Croesus." 
The  epistle  of  Galatians  was  a  favourite  epistle  with 
him.  "It  is  my  epistle/'  he  says,  "to  which  I  am 
betrothed  ;  it  is  my  Catharine  von  Bora."  Again, 
he  says,  in  1538,  thirteen  yeys  after  his  marriage, 
"  Even  if  I  were  a  young  man,  I  would  sooner  die 
than  marry  a  second  time,  knowing  what  I  do  of  the 
world,  though  a  queen  should  be  offered  me  after 
my  Katy."  "A  more  obedient  wife,"  he  observes 
again,  "I  could  not  find,  unless  I  were  to  chisel  one 


376  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.        ' 

out  of  marble."  And  again,  "I  prize  her  above  the 
kingdom  of  France,  or  the  state  of  Venice ;  she  is  a 
pious,  good  wife,  given  me  of  God." 

Hers,  too,  was  a  happy  life.  Not  only  was  she 
the  wife  of  the  great  man  of  the  age,  but  of  one 
whose  domestic  feelings  were  as  tender  as  his  pub- 
lic character  was  masculine  and  strong.  From  the 
personal  dangers  of  Luther,  and  from  his  frequent 
illness  she  had  much  to  suffer.  To  Spalatin,  who 
had  invited  him  to  his  wedding,  he  said,  "The 
tears  of  my  Katy  prevent  me  from  coming;  she 
thinks  it  would  be  very  perilous."  He  had  just 
excited  the  fury  of  some  nobles  by  delivering  several 
nuns  from  their  prison  houses.  In  February,  1526, 
she  went  with  Luther  to  visit  Carlstadt  at  Segrena, 
a  little  west  of  Kemberg,  where  he  was  then  living 
as  a  shop-keeper  and  farmer.  Here  Carlstadt's  wife 
was  born.  Luther,  who  never  recovered  entirely 
from  the  effects  of  his  early  austerities,  and  who 
was  worn  down  with  excessive  labours,  saw  so  much 
trouble  spring  out  of  his  perpetual  controversy  on 
the  real  presence  of  Christ  in  the  supper,  that  his 
cheerfulness  was  much  abated  and  his  temper  some- 
what soured.  It  was  then  that  Catharine  proved  of 
inestimable  value  to  him. 

In  his  temporary  illness  of  1526,  and  especially 
in  1527,  when  it  was  expected  he  would  leave  her  a 
widow  with  her  infant  child,  she  showed  remarkable 
fortitude  as  well  as  faith  and  patience.  "  You  know," 
he  said  to  her,  "that  I  have  nothing  to  leave  you 
but  the  silver  cups."  "My  dear  doctor,"  she  re- 
plied, "if  it  is  God's  will,  then  I  choose  that  you  be 
with  him  rather  than  with  me.  It  is  not  so  much  I 
and  my  child  that  need  you,  but  many  pious  Chris- 
tians. Trouble  not  yourself  about  me." 


DOMESTIC  LIFE.  377 

When  Luther  was  depressed,  his  considerate  wife 
often  sent  privately  for  Justus  Jonas,  whose  cheer- 
ful conversation  was  known  to  be  a  good  remedy  in 
such  cases.  Luther  somewhere  says,  "I  expect  more 
from  my  Katy  and  from  Melancthon  than  I  do  from 
Christ  my  Lord,  and  yet  I  well  know  that  neither 
they  nor  any  one  on  earth  hath  suffered,  or  can 
suffer,  what  he  hath  suffered  for  me."  Molsdorf, 
a  former  member  of  Luther's  household,  says,  "I 
remember  that  Dr.  Luther  used  to  say,  that  he 
congratulated  himself  with  all  his  soul,  that  God 
had  given  him  a  modest  and  prudent  wife,  who  took 
such  excellent  care  of  his  health."  "How  I  longed 
after  my  family,"  says  Luther,  "when  I  lay  at  the 
point  of  death  in  Smalcald !  I  thought  I  should 
never  again  see  my  wife  and  child.  How  painful 
would  such  a  separation  have  been !" 

When  Luther  was  at  Coburg,  in  1530,  he  heard 
of  the  illness  of  his  father,  and  yet  his  own  life  was 
in  such  peril  that  he  could  not  safely  make  the 
journey  to  see  him.  At  this,  both  he  and  Catharine 
were  much  distressed.  Soon  afterwards,  the  news 
of  his  father's  death  reached  him.  "I  have  heard," 
he  says  to  Link,  "of  the  death  of  my  father,  who 
was  so  dear  and  precious  to  me."  Catharine,  to 
comfort  him,  sent  him  a  likeness  of  his  favourite 
daughter  Magdalene,  then  one  year  old.  "You  have 
done  a  good  deed,"  says  Veit  Dietrich,  Luther's 
amanuensis,  "in  sending  the  likeness  to  the  doctor; 
for  by  it  many  of  his  gloomy  thoughts  are  dissi- 
pated. He  hath  placed  it  on  the  wall  over  against 
the  dining-table  in  the  prince's  hall." 

The  foregoing  are  only  a  few  of  the  evidences  of 
conjugal  affection  and  domestic  happiness  in  the 
family  of  Luther,  which  are  to  be  found  in  his 


378  LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 

writings  and  in  those  of  his  contemporaries.  They 
have  been  thought  necessary  in  this  connection,  on 
account  of  the  contrary  representations  which  were 
made  hy  his  enemies,  and  which  have  been  so  often 
repeated  by  Protestant  writers.  That  no  differences 
of  opinion  or  of  feeling  between  Luther  and  his  wife 
ever  manifested  themselves  in  an  unhappy  manner, 
is  more  than  need  be  said.  This  is  rarely  the  lot  of 
humanity,  especially  where  there  are  those  mental 
qualities  which  give  force  and  energy  to  charac- 
ter, as  was  the  case  with  them.  But  aside  from 
these  common  frailties,  found  in  the  great  and  the 
good  no  less  than  in  others,  there  appears  to  have 
been  nothing  to  interrupt  the  personal  happiness  of 
these  individuals  in  each  other. 

There  are  two  facts,  often  overlooked,  which  lead 
superficial  observers  to  a  false  conclusion.  The  one 
is  the  plain  and  simple  honesty  which,  in  striking 
contrast  with  modern  French  manners,  characterized 
the  age  of  the  Reformation;  and,  connected  with 
this,  the  decided  tone  in  which  the  husband  was 
then  accustomed  to  speak  as  the  master  of  the 
household.  The  obedience  of  the  wife  was  a  matter 
of  direct  and  simple  reality,  and  was  spoken  of  as 
such  without  circumlocution  or  ambiguity.  In  this, 
Luther  should  be  judged,  not  by  a  modern  standard, 
but  by  that  of  his  age.  On  any  other  principle, 
neither  Paul  nor  Moses  would  be  able  to  pass  the 
ordeal  of  modern  criticism.  The  other  particular 
alluded  to,  is  the  playfulness  and  vein  of  drollery 
that  run  through  nearly  all  Luther's  correspondence 
with  his  intimate  friends.  Many  of  his  pleasant 
sallies  have  been  taken  in  earnest,  and  thus  made  to 
signify  what  was  never  intended.  It  may  well  be 
conceded  that  many  of  those  expressions  were  half 


DOMESTIC  LIFE.  379 

in  joke  and  half  in  earnest.  But  the  man  who  sets 
them  all  down  as  the  serious  statements  of  a  formal 
witness,  betrays  an  utter  ignorance  of  the  character 
of  Luther.  Thus,  when,  in  his  humorous  letters,  he 
addresses  her  as,  "my  Lord  Katy"  (meus  Dominus 
Ketha,  mea  Dominus  Ketha,  meus  Domina  Ketha, 
&c.)  he  furnished  pleasant  amusement  to  his  univer- 
sity friends  and  the  students,  some  of  whom  were 
generally  members  of  his  family.  He  once  gave  out 
a  similar  phrase  in  German  to  a  student  in  his  ex- 
amination to  translate  into  Latin,  and  the  answer 
contained  such  a  ridiculous  blunder  that  it  long  con- 
tinued a  by-word.  Luther  closes  one  of  his  letters 
to  an  old  friend  by  saying,  "My  lord  and  Moses 
[the  lawgiver]  Katy  most  humbly  greeteth  you." 
He  also,  in  *a  letter  to  his  wife,  addressed  her  as 
"My  kind  and  dear  lord  and  master  Katy  Lutheress, 
[Lutherinn,]  doctress  and  priestess  at  Wittenberg." 
Stupid,  indeed,  must  he  be  who  construes  all  these 
freaks  of  the  reformer's  pen  into  so  many  serious 
charges  against  his  wife ! 

If  we  wish  to  see  his  creed  in  respect  to  a  wife's 
place  in  a  household,  we  have  it  undoubtedly  in  these 
words,  addressed  once  to  his  Katy,  as  he  was  fond  of 
calling  her :  "  You  may  persuade  me  to  any  thing 
you  wish;  you  have  perfect  control;"  to  which  was 
added,  by  way  of  explanation,  "  in  household  affairs 
I  give  you  the  entire  control,  my  authority  being 
unabated." 

Luther  was  charitable  and  benevolent,  perhaps  to 
a  fault,  and  would  have  been  reduced  to  absolute 
suffering  but  for  the  frugality  and  economy  of  his 
wife.  Some  have  turned  this  to  her  reproach.  But 
what  would  have  been  the  condition  of  the  family 
if  she  too  had  been  above  considerations  of  economy  ? 


380  LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 

Luther  had  reasons  for  being  as  far  removed  as  pos- 
sible from  suspicions  of  selfishness,  for  the  honour 
of  the  Reformation,  which,  in  the  private  life  of  his 
companion,  had  not  the  same  significance  and  public 
importance.  Of  his  pecuniary  affairs,  Luther  speaks 
thus,  on  different  occasions :  "  I  manage  my  house- 
hold affairs  strangely,  and  consume  more  than  I 
receive.  I  expend  five  hundred  gulden*  in  the 
kitchen,  to  say  nothing  of  clothing,  ornaments  and 
alms-giving;  while  my  annual  income  is  but  two 
hundred  gulden."  "I  am  a  very  poor  manager  of 
pecuniary  matters.  By  giving  to  my  poor  relations 
and  to  other  persons  who  make  daily  application  for 
aid,  I  am  myself  made  very  poor."  "  As  you  know, 
I  am  oppressed  by  being  obliged  to  entertain  so 
much  company.  I  have  run  into  debt  by  my  im- 
providence more  than  a  hundred  gulden  this  year. 
I  have  pawned  three  goblets  in  one  place  for  fifty 
gulden.  But  the  Lord,  who  thus  punisheth  my 
imprudence,  will  deliver  me.  Besides,  Lucas  [Cra- 
nach]  and  Christian  [Aurifaber]  will  no  longer  take 
my  name  for  security,  either  because  they  see  it  is 
of  no  use,  or  think  it  will  all  be  sponged  away  from 
me.  So  I  have  given  to  the  former  a  fourth  goblet 
for  twelve  gulden,  which  have  gone  to  that  fat 
Herman.  .  .  .  But  why  is  it  that  I  alone  am  so 
drained  of  my  money,  or  rather  involved  in  debt? 
I  think  no  one  can  accuse  me  of  penuriousness  or 
avarice,  who  am  so  free  with  what  is  not  properly 
my  own."  "I  have  with  my  income  and  presents 
built  and  purchased  so  much,  and  entertained  so 
many  in  my  house,  that  I  must  account  it  as  a  won- 

*  See  page  106. 


DOMESTIC  LIFE.  381 

derful  and  singular  blessing  that  I  have  been  able 
to  meet  it  all." 

Many  individuals  often  remained  for  several 
weeks,  and  even  months,  in  his  family.  Had  it 
not  been  for  the  many  presents  which  he  received, 
especially  from  the  Elector  John  of  Saxony,  he 
could  never  have  become  the  owner  of  so  many 
little  patches  of  land.  His  property,  at  the  time  of 
his  death,  amounted  to  about  nine  thousand  gulden. 

His  father  left  him  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
gulden.  In  1526,  the  elector  gave  him  the  cloister 
building,  in  which  he  lived,  with  the  adjoining 
garden,  free  of  taxes,  together  with  twelve  brewings 
of  beer  annually.  This  place  was  sold  to  the  uni- 
versity by  his  children,  in  1564,  for  three  thousand 
seven  hundred  gulden,  and  made  into  a  college  build- 
ing, to  which  a  new  one  was  added.  It  was  here  that 
those  students  resided  who  received  the  stipends, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  in  number.  Since  1817,  it 
has  been  occupied  by  the  Theological  Seminary. 
Luther's  garden  was  made  a  botanical  garden.  In 
1541,  he  purchased,  for  four  hundred  and  thirty 
gulden,  the  small  Bruno  House  and  lot,  adjoining 
the  former  place.  In  his  will  he  gave  this  to  his 
widow  for  her  place  of  residence.  On  this  spot  the 
new  university  building  above  mentioned  was  erect- 
ed. He  had  before  purchased  a  nursery  near  the 
swine  market,  and  also  a  small  estate  called  Wachs- 
dorf,  near  the  village  of  Pratau,  which  last  was 
estimated  at  one  thousand  five  hundred  gulden,  and 
sold  to  the  younger  Cranach,  the  painter,  to  whose 
family  it  continued  to  belong  for  about  a  century. 
Two  years  before  his  death,  Luther  purchased  a 
garden  adjoining  the  Speck,  or  celebrated  grove  of 
oaks,  nearly  a  mile  to  the  east  of  Wittenberg,  and 


382  LIFE   OP  LUTHER. 

one  of  the  most  common  places  of  resort  for  the 
students  and  others.  But  the  most  interesting  pur- 
chase was  that  of  the  estate  of  Zollsdorf,  two  miles 
from  Borna,  made  in  1540  by  Luther  for  his  wife, 
at  the  cost  of  six  hundred  and  ten  gulden.  The 
elector  agreed  to  furnish  gratuitously  any  timber  she 
should  need  for  building.  To  Spalatin  Luther  writes, 
November  10,  1540:  "Katy  now  asks  for  that,  of 
which  she  spoke  with  you  when  you  were  lately  here. 
She  wishes,  that  when  you  give  the  letter  to  the  elec- 
tor's questor,  you  will  join  her  in  requesting  him  to 
give  her  the  oak  timbers  which  she  needs."  To  another 
person  he  writes :  "  Katy  has  just  been  in  her  new 
kingdom."  Two  years  later,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin  : 
"  To-morrow,  my  Katy  purposeth  to  go  to  Zollsdorf, 
and  will  take  with  her  a  load  of  timber,  and  attend 
to  some  other  matters."  She  frequently  repaired  to 
this  place,  and  generally  passed  her  time  there  when 
Luther  was  from  home.  Luther  jocosely  called  her, 
at  times,  Catharine  Luther  von  [of]  Bora  and  Zolls- 
dorf. In  the  last  year  of  his  life,  he  addressed  a 
letter,  when  away  from  home,  "  To  Catharine  Luther, 
the  Zollsdorf  doctor,"  (alluding  to  his  own  title  as 
Dr.  Luther.)  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  one  will 
attempt  to  make  out  that  Luther  reproached  his 
wife  for  leaving  his  house  and  being  a  quack  doctor 
in  a  retired  village  by  herself. 

Some  persons  have  represented  Catharine  as  ex- 
travagant, in  expending  so  much  on  buildings  at 
Zollsdorf.  May  it  not,  with  more  propriety,  be 
regarded  as  a  proof  of  laudable  enterprise  to  help 
support  the  family,  inasmuch  as  the  timber  was 
given  her,  and  her  rents  were  of  course  increased  ? 
How  different  from  this  thrifty,  calculating  woman 
does  Luther  himself  appear  in  the  following  inci- 


DOMESTIC   LIFE.  383 

dent !  A  student,  who  had  finished  his  course  of 
study,  and  was  about  to  leave  Wittenberg  penniless, 
came  to  Luther  for  a  little  aid.  But  Luther's  pocket 
was  empty,  and  his  wife,  who  was  present,  was  as 
destitute  of  money.  Luther  expressed  his  regret 
that  he  was  unable  to  render  him  any  assistance. 
But  as  he  observed  the  sadness  of  the  young  man, 
his  eye  fell  on  a  silver  goblet,  which  he  had  re- 
ceived as  a  present  from  the  elector.  He  looked  at 
his  wife  inquiringly,  and  she  returned  a  look  which 
meant,  "  No."  He,  however,  took  the  costly  gift, 
and  gave  it  to  the  student.  The  latter  refused  it, 
and  Katy  seized  the  opportunity  of  interposing  an- 
other significant  look.  Luther  said,  "  I  have  no  need 
of  silver  cups;  take  it  to  the  goldsmith,  and  get 
what  you  can  for  it,  and  retain  the  money." 

Their  ordinary  style  of  living,  when  without  com- 
pany, was  simple.  The  wife  was  economical,  and 
the  husband,  who  had  been  trained  a  monk,  could 
almost  dispense  with  food,  and  frequently  ate  nothing 
during  the  day  but  bread  and  salt,  and  was  always 
content  with  his  favourite  dish  of  pea-soup  and  her- 
ring. 

Luther  complained  of  being  invited  so  often  from 
home.  He  preferred  to  be  more  in  his  own  family 
circle.  He  loved  to  sit  in  his  own  garden,  his  wife 
with  her  work  at  his  side,  and  his  children  enjoying 
their  sports.  When  he  journeyed,  his  wife  accom- 
panied him,  if  she  could.  She  was  often  his  com- 
panion in  his  study,  taking  an  interest  in  his  writ- 
ings, and  reminding  him  if  he  forgot  to  reply  to  the 
letters  he  received.  When  he  had  important  works 
in  hand,  he  chose  to  seclude  himself.  On  one  occasion, 
when  writing  his  commentary  on  the  twenty-second 
Psalm,  he  shut  himself  up,  with  nothing  but  bread 


384  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

and  salt,  for  three  days  and  nights,  till  Catharine 
was  alarmed  for  him,  and  caused  a  locksmith  to 
open  the  door,  and  there  they  found  Luther  lost  in 
deep  meditation.  He  had  a  weekly  family  enter- 
tainment in  singing  and  playing  on  instruments, 
to  which  other  practised  singers  were  invited. 
Christmas  was  always  a  joyful  evening  in  Luther's 
house.  And  rarely  did  a  fair  go  by  without  fur- 
nishing something  for  the  gratification  of  his  chil- 
dren. 

Luther  was  delighted  with  his  first-born,  John  or 
Jonny  (Hanschen)  as  he  loved  to  call  him.  It  was 
to  this  darling  boy,  when  he  was  but  four  years  old, 
that  he  addressed,  from  Coburg,  in  1530,  the  letter 
which  has  so  often  been  referred  to  as  illustrating 
his  extraordinary  power  to  adapt  himself  to  persons 
of  every  variety  of  capacity  and  condition.  It  is 
as  follows  :  "  Grace  and  peace  in  Christ,  my  darling 
little  son.  I  am  glad  to  see  that  you  study  and  pray 
diligently.  Gro  on  doing  so,  my  Jonny,  and  when  I 
come  home  I  will  bring  with  me  some  fine  things 
for  you.  I  know  of  a  beautiful,  pleasant  garden, 
where  many  children  go,  and  have  little  golden  coats, 
and  gather  from  the  trees  fine  apples  and  pears,  and 
cherries  and  plums;  they  sing  and  play,  and  are 
happy ;  they  have  beautiful  little  horses  with  golden 
bits  and  silver  saddles.  I  asked  the  owner  of  the 
garden,  whose  children  these  were.  He  replied,  'They 
are  children  which  love  to  pray  and  learn,  and  are 
good.'  I  then  said,  'Dear  sir,  I,  too,  have  a  son, 
whose  name  is  Jonny  Luther.  May  he  not  also 
come  into  the  garden,  that  he  too  may  eat  these 
beautiful  apples  and  pears,  and  ride  ou  these  fine 
horses,  and  play  with  the  boys  ?'  The  man  said, 
'  If  he  loves  to  pray  and  learn,  and  is  good,  he  shall 


DOMESTIC  LIFE.  385 

come  into  the  garden,  and  Philly  and  Jussy  [Philip 
and  Justus]  too ;  and  when  they  are  all  together, 
they  shall  have  fifes  and  drums  and  lutes,  and  all 
kinds  of  music,  and  dance  and  shoot  with  their  cross- 
bows.' And  he  showed  me  a  fine  grass  plat  in  the 
garden  for  dancing,  and  there  were  hanging  nothing 
but  golden  fifes  and  drums  and  fine  silver  crossbows. 
But  it  was  early,  and  the  children  had  not  yet  dined; 
and  as  I  could  not  wait  for  their  dancing,  I  said  to 
the  man,  1 0,  my  dear  sir,  I  will  hasten  away,  and 
write  all  about  this  to  my  dear  little  Jonny,  that  he 
may  pray  and  learn  diligently,  and  be  good,  and 
then  come  into  this  garden.  He  has  an  aunt  Lene, 
[Magdalene,]  and  she  must  come  too.'  The  man  said, 
'  That  is  right,  go  and  write  to  him  so.'  Therefore, 
my  dear  little  Jonny,  learn  and  pray  well,  and 
tell  Philip,  [Melancthon's  son,]  and  Jussy,  [Justus 
Jonas's  son,]  to  learn  and  pray  too,  and  then  you 
may  all  come  together  into  the  garden.  And  now 
I  commend  you  to  God.  Greet  aunt  Lene  and 
give  her  a  kiss  for  me.  Your  dear  father,  Martin 
Luther." 

This  John  Luther  was  first  instructed  by  his  fa- 
ther and  by  private  tutors,  and  was  then  sent  to  the 
Latin  school  at  Torgau,  and  afterward  studied  law 
at  Wittenberg  and  Konigsberg,  married  the  daughter 
of  Professor  Cruciger,  and  entered  the  Prussian  ser- 
vice, and  died  at  Konigsberg  at  the  age  of  fifty. 
Luther's  second  child,  a  daughter,  lived  less  than  a 
year.  Upon  her  death,  he  wrote  to  a  friend  :  "  My 
little  daughter  Elizabeth  is  taken  from  me,  and  hath 
left  me  with  a  bleeding  and  almost  womanly  heart, 
so  sad  am  I  on  her  account.  I  never  thought  the 
heart  of  a  father  was  so  tender  toward  his  children. 
Pray  the  Lord  for  me." 

83 


386  LIFE   OF   LUTHER. 

His  favourite  child  was  Magdalene.  She  was 
born  in  1529,  and  died,  very  pious,  at  the  age  of 
thirteen.  The  parting  scene  was  very  touching. 
Luther,  full  of  agony,  fell  on  his  knees  at  her  bed- 
side, and  prayed  earnestly  for  her.  "I  love  her 
dearly,"  he  exclaimed,  "but  as  it  is  thy  will,  gracious 
God,  to  take  her  hence,  I  will  gladly  give  her  up  to 
be  with  thee."  He  then  rose  and  bent  over  her, 
and  said,  "  Magdalene,  my  dear  daughter,  you  would 
be  glad  to  remain  here  with  your  father ;  are  you 
willing  to  depart  and  go  to  that  other  Father?" 
"Yes,  dear  father,"  she  replied,  "just  as  God  will." 
He  turned  away  to  conceal  his  tears,  and,  looking 
upward,  said,  "  If  the  flesh  is  so  strong,  how  will 
it  be  with  the  spirit !  Well,  whether  we  live,  or 
die,  we  are  the  Lord's."  She  fell  asleep  in  his 
arms.  As  she  was  placed  in  her  coffin,  he  said, 
"You,  dear  Lene,  how  well  is  it  with  you!"  and 
again,  "Ah,  dear  Lene,  you  will  rise  again,  and 
shine  like  a  star,  yea,  as  the  sun."  To  his  sym- 
pathizing friends,  he  said:  "You  should  not  lament; 
I  have  dismissed  a  saint,  yea,  a  living  saint  for  hea- 
ven. 0,  that  we  could  so  die  !  Such  a  death  I 
would  willingly  accept  this  very  hour." 

His  fourth  child  was  Martin.  Luther  was  accus- 
tomed to  moralize  over  the  sports  of  his  children.  One 
day,  as  Martin  was  playing  with  the  dog,  the  father 
exclaimed,  "This  boy  preacheth  God's  word  by  his 
deeds  and  acts;  for  God  saith,  have  dominion  over 
the  fishes  of  the  sea,  and  over  the  beasts  of  the  field. 
See  how  the  dog  putteth  up  with  every  thing  from 
him."  At  another  time,  joining  his  amusements, 
he  said :  "  Such  was  our  state  in  Paradise,  simple 

and   upright,   without   guile   or1   hypocrisy 

Therefore,  such  natural  sports  and  jests  are  the  best 


AS  A  PREACHER.  387 

for  children."  "How  must  Abraham's  heart  have 
beaten  when  he  was  about  to  offer  up  his  son !  He 
would  not  mention  it  to  Sarah.  .1  might  contend 
against  God,  if  he  should  make  a  similar  demand 
upon  me."  Catharine,  with  a  mother's  feelings, 
said,  "  I  cannot  believe  that  God  can  desire  parents 
to  destroy  their  children."  "And  yet,"  replied 
Luther,  "  he  could  give  up  his  own  Son  to  die  on 
the  cross."  Martin  studied  theology,  and  was  mar- 
ried, but  led  a  private  life  in  Wittenberg  in  conse- 
quence of  continued  ill  health,  and  died  childless  at 
the  age  of  thirty-three.  Paul  Luther,  the  fifth 
child,  studied  medicine,  and  after  being  a  short  time 
professor  in  Jena,  was  court-physician.  He  married 
a  lady  of  rank,  and  left  four  children.  He  was  the 
ablest  and  most  distinguished  of  Luther's  sons.  So 
robust  was  he  as  a  boy,  that  Luther  said  of  him, 
"  He  must  fight  against  the  Turks."  Through  him 
most  of  the  branches  of  the  family  now  living  have 
descended.  Margaret,  the  youngest  of  the  family, 
was  married  to  George  von  Kunheim,  and  became 
the  mother  of  nine  children. 


SECTION  II. — Luther  ca  a  Preacher. 

WE  should  overlook  one  of  the  most  essential 
traits  in  the  character  of  Luther  as  a  reformer,  if 
we  were  to  omit  the  consideration  of  his  pulpit 
oratory.  In  his  university  lectures,  which  contain 
the  earliest  germ  of  his  reformatory  measures,  he 
laid  the  foundation  of  his  work,  by  leaving  upon  a 
small  but  influential  circle  of  young  men  the  im- 
press of  his  own  mind.  By  his  university  disputa- 
tions, and  by  frequent  conversations,  he  won  over 
his  opponents  with  a  few  exceptions,  in  the  theolo- 


388  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

gical  faculty.  By  the  numerous  learned  treatises 
which  he  had  occasion  to  publish  in  defence  of  his 
Ninety-five  Theses,  he  made  known  the  doctrines  of 
the  Reformation  to  the  literary  world,  both  at  home 
and  abroad.  But  his  pulpit  eloquence  was  a  power- 
ful auxiliary  to  all  his  other  efforts  in  this  cause; 
and,  moreover,  it  carried  the  Reformation  beyond 
the  walls  of  the  university  and  the  barriers  of  the 
Latin  tongue,  (of  which  the  people  knew  nothing,)  to 
the  popular  assembly,  to  the  men  of  all  trades  and 
professions.  When  we  consider  that  he  preached 
almost  every  day,  and  several  times  in  a  day  in  the 
towns  and  cities  through  which  he  passed  in  his 
journeys,  and  that  his  unsurpassed  eloquence  always 
called  out  throngs  to  hear  him,  we  shall  not  be  sur- 
prised that,  in  his  own  times,  so  much  public  im- 
portance was  attached  to  his  preaching. 

To  most  men  it  was  a  novel  spectacle  to  behold 
the  crowded  assembly,  eagerly  listening  to  warm  and 
earnest  preaching  in  the  native  language.  Not  that 
the  church  had  been  wholly  destitute  of  able  evan- 

gslical  preachers;  for  though  there  was  then  no 
hrysostom  to  charm  and  enlighten  metropolitan 
audiences;  no  Basil  or  Gregory  eloquently  to  main- 
tain the  faith ;  no  Augustine  to  be  the  Edwards  of 
his  age;  no  Bernard  to  sway  the  popular  masses, 
and  to  castigate  and  subdue  princes  and  even  popes; 
there  had  been  such  men  as  Tauler  and  Suso  among 
the  Mystics,  and  a  few  of  similar  character  among 
the  Brethren  of  the  Life  in  Common,  who  were  truly 
spiritual  preachers,  and  who  discoursed  to  the  people 
in  the  native  dialect.  But  these  were  rare  instances 
of  popular  and  evangelical  preaching,  and  the  influ- 
ence thus  exerted  was  mostly  of  a  local  character. 
The  greatest  preacher  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 


AS  A  PREACHER.  389 

century  was,  undoubtedly,  Geiler  of  Kaisersberg, 
who  produced  extraordinary  effects  at  Strassburg 
and  along  the  Rhine,  by  the  earnest  and  captivating, 
though  rude  eloquence  of  his  sermons,  delivered  to 
great  concourses  of  the  people.  After  his  death,  in 
1510,  Luther  was  for  a  period  of  about  thirty 
years,  not  only  the  most  celebrated,  but  actually 
the  greatest  pulpit  orator  then  living. 

The  Catholic  religion  is  a  religion  of  show  and 
ceremonies.  It  aims  not  so  much  to  unfold  the 
intellectual  and  rational  part  of  our  nature,  by  means 
of  doctrinal  truth,  as  to  excite  our  wonder  at  its 
mysteries;  our  veneration  for  the  church,  the  priest- 
hood and  the  sacraments;  our  imagination  by  its 
legends  of  a  saintly  mythology,  and  our  sensibilities 
by  its  gorgeous  ritual.  Preaching  is  but  an  inci- 
dental appendage  to  that  system;  the  mass  and  its 
attendant  ceremonies  are  the  central  point  of  attrac- 
tion. Luther  revived  the  primitive  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity, which  demanded  that  all  ceremonies  should 
be  subordinated  to  "the  preaching  of  the  word." 
This  was  the  watch-word  of  the  Protestants — the 
preaching  of  the  pure  word  of  G-od  to  the  people. 
The  altar  of  the  priest  gave  way  to  the  pulpit  of  the 
preacher.  Every  thing  conspired  to  make  Luther 
an  illustrious  example  of  what  he  taught  on  this 
subject.  He  was  of  that  physical  organization 
which  fitted  him  to  command  attention.  His  manly 
form,  his  piercing,  fiery  eye,  his  penetrating  voice, 
and  natural  manner  and  action,  were  all  favourable 
to  eloquence. 

Still  deeper  were  the  foundations  for  distinguished 
pulpit  oratory  laid  in  his  mental  constitution.  His 
intellect  was  powerful  and  acute,  sometimes  pouring 
a  flood  of  light  around  a  subject,  and  sometimes 

33» 


390  LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 

astonishing  and  delighting  his  audience  by  the  ease 
and  celerity  with  which  he  would  penetrate  through 
the  crust  of  scholastic  learning  to  the  very  core  of  a 
disputed  doctrine,  and  expose  it  from  an  interior 
point  of  view.  His  logical  talents,  which  were  of  a 
high  order,  and  which  were  admirably  cultivated  by 
study  and  discipline,  were  wonderfully  aided  by  his 
strong  vein  of  plain  and  practical  sense,  bringing 
him  into  immediate  sympathy  with  every  sound 
mind,  whether  cultivated  or  not. 

There  was  also  a  large  poetical  ingredient  in  his 
composition.  He  had  an  eye  for  every  thing  that 
was  beautiful  and  attractive  in  nature.  There  was 
not  a  tone  in  all  nature's  harmony  which  did  not 
find  an  echo  in  his  heart.  Though  his  poetical 
compositions  are  not  of  the  first  order,  his  sermons 
and  other  prose  writings  glow  and  sparkle  with 
poetic  fire.  To  speak  more  truly,  it  is  genius,  with 
its  nameless  attributes,  that  distinguishes  Luther 
from  so  many  other  good  preachers.  Besides,  he 
was  deeply  sincere  and  truly  in  earnest  in  all  his 
preaching.  He  was  not  a  mere  professional  man, 
aiming  to  elevate  and  adorn  his  profession.  Preach- 
ing was  with  him  what  the  military  art  was  with 
Napoleon,  not  an  end,  but  a  means,  valued  only  by 
the  effect  produced. 

Luther  had  also  experienced  the  power  of  the 
truth  which  he  preached,  and  had,  in  early  life, 
suffered  immeasurably  for  want  of  it.  Saved,  as  he 
was,  by  its  efficacy,  he  proclaimed  it  as  the  only 
means  of  salvation  to  others.  The  genuine  warmth 
of  his  own  feelings,  and  the  singular  capaciousness 
of  his  soul  for  every  natural  and  every  pious  emo- 
tion, gave  him  almost  absolute  dominion  over  the 
emotions  of  others.  The  feelings  of  his  heart,  and 


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AS  A  PREACHER.  391 

the  fact  that  he  always  spoke  from  it,  and  stopped 
when  his  discourse  had  reached  the  height  of  its 
interest,  must  he  considered  as  one  of  the  causes  of 
his  uniform  success. 

But,  more  than  all,  it  was  the  gospel,  of  which  his 
sermons  were  so  full,  that  gave  a  divine  power  to 
his  preaching.  He  had  studied  the  Bible,  and 
digested  its  varied  truths,  as  no  other  man  of  that 
age  had  done.  He  had  translated  the  whole  Bible, 
and  revised  the  translation  frequently ;  he  had  de- 
livered exegetical  or  expository  lectures  in  the  uni- 
versity} he  had  written  commentaries;  and  when 
he  came  to  preach,  he  opened  a  Bible,  every  verse 
of  which  he  had  carefully  studied.  In  his  own 
peculiar  language,  "he  had  shaken  every  tree  in 
this  forest,  and  never  without  gathering  some  fruit." 
If  we  add  to  all  this,  quickness  of  memory,  self- 
possession,  vivacity,  wit,  a  rare  knowledge  of  human 
nature,  and  an  unequalled  power  over  the  language 
of  the  people,  charming  alike  to  the  ruler,  the  scholar 
and  the  peasant,  we  can  account  for  it  that  all  the 
men  of  the  age,  friends  and  foes,  pronounced  him 
the  prince  of  pulpit  orators. 

It  was  the  preaching  of  Luther  that  endeared  him 
to  Frederic  the  Wise,  even  when  he  saw  his  own 
superstitions  unsparingly  exposed.  It  was  his 
preaching  that  made  him  as  absolute  ruler  over  the 
people  at  Wittenberg,  as  Chrysostom  was  at  Antioch 
and  Constantinople,  or  Calvin  at  Geneva.  It  was  his 
preaching  that  so  often  stilled  the  tumult  in  the 
many  towns  and  cities  he  visited  during  the  first  five 
years  after  his  return  from  Wartburg.  Luther  was 
not,  properly  speaking,  a  pastor.  He  preached 
statedly  for  Bugenhagen,  the  pastor  of  the  city 
parish  in  Wittenberg,  in  1528  and  1529,  while  the 


392  LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 

latter  was  acting  as  a  sort  of  missionary  in  Bruns- 
wick and  Hamburg;  also  from  1530  to  1532,  three 
times  a  week,  (Wednesdays,  Saturdays  and  Sundays,) 
while  Bugenhagen  was  acting  the  part  of  reformer 
in  Lubeck;  and  again  from  1537  to  1540,  while  the 
same  pastor  was  employed  in  organizing  the  church 
in  Denmark.  The  sermons  preached  at  this  time  were 
not  committed  to  paper  by  himself,  but  were  written 
down  by  note-takers,  after  the  manner  of  reporters 
of  the  present  day.  A  part  of  them  are  now,  for 
the  first  time,  after  a  period  of  three  centuries, 
in  a  course  of  publication.  What  are  called  his 
Domestic  Postils  were  preached  at  home  to  his  own 
household,  when  he  was  so  ill  as  to  be  unable  to  go 
to  church.  His  Church  Postils  were  written  for  the 
benefit  of  the  churches  and  of  the  clergy  while  he 
was  confined  at  Wartburg,  and  when  there  were  few 
evangelical  preachers  to  be  found,  and  those  few 
were  so  ignorant  of  the  Bible  as  to  be  unqualified  for 
their  work.  All  the  rest  of  Luther's  preaching  (and 
the  amount  was  very  great)  was  either  occasional,  or 
was  limited  to  the  cloister. 

SECTION  III. — Luther  as  a  Promoter  of  Education. 

IN  Germany  the  church  and  the  schools  have  al- 
ways been  connected,  and  the  idea  of  their  separa- 
tion was  not  even  conceived  of  till  the  late  revolu- 
tion. But  schools  are  an  essential  part  of  Protest- 
antism. It  admits  of  no  church  to  think  and  decide 
on  all  matters  of  religion  for  its  members,  no  priest- 
hood to  interpose  as  interpreter  of  the  divine  will 
for  the  laity,  no  pope  nor  council  to  settle  the  con- 
troversy. The  reformers,  in  giving  the  Bible  to 
the  people,  and  in  relying  on  its  grammatical  and 


PROMOTER  OF  EDUCATION.  393 

true  explanation  as  the  only  authority  in  religion, 
made  the  study  of  the  Bible,  and  whatever  other 
studies  are  preparatory  to  it,  indispensable.  Not 
only  the  education  of  the  clergy,  but  a  high  degree 
of  intelligence  among  the  people,  is  involved  in  the 
very  theory  of  Protestantism.  No  man  ever  felt 
this  more  deeply  than  Luther. 

The  education  of  the  young,  next  to  the  preaching 
of  the  gospel,  lay  nearest  to  his  heart.  In  a  letter  to 
the  elector  in  the  year  1526,  he  says  :  "  Since  we  are 

•/  /  •/ 

all  required,  and  especially  the  magistrates,  above  all 
other  things,  to  educate  the  youth  who  are  born  and 
are  growing  up  among  us,  and  to  train  them  up  in 
the  fear  of  God  and  in  the  ways  of  virtue,  it  is  need- 
ful that  we  have  schools  and  preachers  and  pastors. 
If  the  parents  will  not  reform,  they  must  go  their 
way  to  ruin ;  but  if  the  young  are  neglected  and 
left  without  education,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  state, 
and  the  effect  will  be  that  the  country  will  swarm 
with  vile  and  lawless  people,  so  that  our  safety,  no 
less  than  the  command  of  God,  requireth  us  to 
foresee  and  ward  off  the  evil."  He  maintains  in 
that  letter,  that  the  government,  "as  the  natural 
guardian  of  all  the  young,"  has  the  right  to  compel 
the  people  to  support  schools.  "  What  is  necessary 
to  the  well-being  of  a  state,  that  should  be  supplied 
by  those  who  enjoy  the  privileges  of  such  state. 
Now  nothing  is  more  necessary  than  the  training 
of  those  who  are  to  come  after  us  and  bear  rule. 
If  the  people  are  unable  to  pay  the  expense,  and 
are  already  burdened  with  taxes,  then  the  monastic 
funds,  which  were  originally  given  for  such  pur- 
poses, are  to  be  employed  in  that  way  to  relieve  the 
people."  The  cloisters  were  abandoned  in  many 
cases,  and  the  difficult  question,  What  was  to  be 


394  LIFE   OF  LUTHER. 

done  with  their  funds,  Luther  settled  in  this  ju- 
dicious manner.  How  nearly  did  he  approach  to 
the  policy  now  so  extensively  adopted  in  this  coun- 
try, of  supporting  schools  partly  by  taxation  and 
partly  by  funds  appropriated  for  that  purpose  ! 

As  early  as  1520,  three  years  after  the  beginning 
of  the  Reformation,  he  laid  special  stress  on  the  ne- 
cessity of  reforming  and  improving  the  schools,  in 
his  eloquent  address  to  the  Christian  nobility  of  the 
German  nation.  In  1524,  he  wrote  a  remarkable  pro- 
duction entitled  "  An  Address  to  the  Common  Coun- 
cils of  all  the  Cities  of  Germany  in  behalf  of  Chris- 
tian Schools,"  from  which  a  few  passages  may  here  be 
extracted.  After  some  introductory  remarks,  he 
comes  directly  to  his  point,  and  says  to  his  country- 
men collectively : 

"  I  entreat  you,  in  God's  behalf  and  that  of  the 
poor  youth,  not  to  think  so  lightly  of  this  matter  as 
many  do.  It  is  a  grave  and  serious  thing,  affecting 
the  interest  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  and  of  all  the 
world,  that  we  apply  ourselves  to  the  work  of  aiding 
and  instructing  the  young.  ...  If  so  much  be  ex- 
pended every  year  in  weapons  of  war,  roads,  dams, 
and  countless  other  things  of  the  sort  for  the  safety 
and  prosperity  of  a  city,  why  should  we  not  expend 
as  much  for  the  benefit  of  the  {>oor,  ignorant  youth, 
to  provide  them  with  skilful  teachers  ?  God  hath 
verily  visited  us  Germans  in  mercy  and  given  us  a 
truly  golden  year.  For  we  now  have  accomplished 
and  learned  young  men,  adorned  with  a  knowledge 
of  literature  and  art,  who  could  be  of  great  service, 
if  employed  to  teach  the  young.  .  .  .  Surely  it  is  not 
meet  to  neglect  this  divine  favour,  and  let  God 
knock  in  vain  at  our  door.  He  now  standeth  at 
the  door,  and  happy  shall  we  be  if  we  open  unto 


PROMOTER  OP  EDUCATION.  395 

him.  He  now  greeteth  us,  and  happy  is  he  who 
returneth  the  salutation.  Let  us  recall  to  mind  our 
former  wretchedness  and  the  darkness  in  which  we 
were  enveloped.  ...  If  we  let  this  season  pass,  mani- 
festing neither  gratitude  nor  interest,  there  is  reason 
to  fear  that  still  greater  darkness  and  misery  will 
come  upon  us.  Beloved  countrymen,  buy  while  the 
fair  is  held  at  your  door ;  gather  the  harvest  while 
the  sun  shineth,  and  the  weather  is  fair.  Avail 
yourselves  of  the  grace  and  word  of  God  while  they 
are  at  hand.  Know  that  they  are  a  passing  shower, 
which  doth  not  return  where  it  hath  once  been.  .  .  . 
Therefore  seize  at  it,  and  lay  hold  of  it  whosoever 
can.  Idle  hands  will  reap  a  slender  harvest.  .  .  . 

"Why  else  do  we  older  persons  live,  but  to  take 
care  of  the  young,  to  teach  and  train  them  ?  It  is 
not  possible  that  giddy  childhood  shall  provide  for 
its  own  instruction.  Therefore  God  hath  committed 
them  to  us  who  are  old  and  have  experience,  and  he 
will  call  us  to  a  strict  account. 

"  It  is,  however,  a  sin  and  shame  that  it  has  come 
to  this,  that  we  must  stir  up  one  another  to  educate 
our  children  and  the  young.  Nature  impelleth  us 
to  do  it,  as  the  example  of  the  heathen  abundantly 
showeth.  Even  the  irrational  brute  traineth  its 
young  to  what  is  needful.  .  .  . 

"  What  though  we  had  and  did  all  else,  and  were 
ourselves  saints,  if,  in  the  mean  time,  we  should  neg- 
lect that  for  which  we  chiefly  live, — the  care  of  the 
young  ?  Of  all  outward  sins,  I  think  none  greater 
before  God,  or  more  punishable  than  even  this  which 
we  commit  in  respect  to  children,  in  that  we  neglect 
their  education.  Alas  !  that  children  are  born  and 
left  to  grow  up  as  they  will,  with  no  one  to  feel 
anxiety  for  them,  or  train  them  up  !  But,  you  say, 


396  LIFE  OP  LUTHER. 

all  this  concerneth  parents.  What  have  magis- 
trates and  rulers  to  do  about  it  ?  True,  but  what 
if  parents  neglect  it  ?  Who  shall  attend  to  it  then  ? 
Must  they  go  uncared  for,  and  untaught  ?  .  .  .  The 
causes  for  the  neglect  of  children  by  their  parents 
are  numerous. 

"1.  There  are  those  who  are  so  wicked  and  brutish 
that  they  would  not  educate  their  children  if  they 
could.  They  leave  them  as  the  ostrich  doth  her 
young.  And  yet  they  grow  up  among  us  and  live 
in  the  same  place  with  us.  How  can  reason  and 
Christian  charity  allow  them  to  grow  up  uneducated, 
to  become  a  poison  and  pestilence,  corrupting  a  whole 
town  ?  .  .  . 

"2.  The  greater  part  of  parents  are,  alas !  unquali- 
fied, and  know  not  how  their  children  ought  to  be 
educated.  They  themselves  have  learned  nothing 
but  how  to  gratify  their  appetites.  Therefore  there 
must  be  those  who  make  it  a  business  to  instruct 
and  train  children  well. 

"3.  Even  if  the  parents  were  qualified,  and  were 
also  inclined  to  teach,  they  have  so  much  else  to  do 
in  their  business  and  household  affairs  that  they 
cannot  find  the  time  to  educate  their  children.  Thus 
there  is  a  necessity  that  public  teachers 'be  provided. 
Otherwise  each  one  would  have  to  teach  his  own 
children,  which  would  be  for  the  common  people  too 
great  a  burden.  Many  a  fine  boy  would  be  neglected 
on  account  of  poverty ;  and  many  an  orphan  would 
suffer  from  the  negligence  of  guardians.  And  those 
who  have  no  children  would  not  trouble  themselves 
at  all  about  the  whole  matter.  Therefore  it  be- 
cometh  rulers  and  magistrates  to  use  the  greatest 
care  and  diligence  in  respect  to  the  education  of  the 
young." 


PROMOTER  OP  EDUCATION.  397 

In  what  estimation  he  held  the  teacher's  office  we 
learn  from  his  own  lips.  "The  diligent  and  pious 
teacher,"  he  observes,  "who  properly  instructeth 
and  train  eth  the  young,  can  never  be  fully  rewarded 
with  money.  If  I  were  to  leave  my  office  as  preacher, 
I  would  next  choose  that  of  school-master,  or  teacher 
of  boys ;  for  I  know  that,  next  to  preaching,  this  is 
the  greatest,  best  and  most  useful  vocation ;  and  I 
am  not  quite  sure  which  of  the  two  is  the  better  j  for 
it  is  hard  to  reform  old  sinners,  with  whom  the 
preacher  has  to  do,  while  the  young  tree  can  be 
made  to  bend  without  breaking." 

In  pleading  so  earnestly  for  public  ''Christian 
schools,"  Luther  by  no  means  overlooked  the  im- 
portance of  domestic  education,  but  rather  insisted 
on  it  no  less  strenuously.  He  taught  that  the  be- 
ginning in  education  must  be  made  at  home,  and 
that  domestic  influences  must  constantly  be  em- 
ployed in  support  of  the  discipline  of  the  schools. 
Indeed,  with  Luther  education  consisted  not  merely 
in  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  but  in  the  formation 
of  character.  The  former  stood  in  the  relation  of 
means  to  the  latter.  His  views  of  some  of  these 
points  mayj^tsily  be  gathered  from  the  following 
truthful  observations.  "Where  filial  obedience  is 
wanting,"  he  somewhere  remarks,  "there  no  good 
morals,  no  good  government  can  be  found;  for,  if 
in  families  obedience  be  not  maintained,  it  is  in 
vain  to  look  for  good  government  in  a  city,  or  pro- 
vince, or  kingdom,  or  empire.  For  the  family  is- 
the  primary  government,  whence  all  other  govern- 
ment and  dominion  on  earth  take  their  origin.  If 
the  root  be  not  sound,  then  neither  the  tree  nor  the 
fruit  will  be  good."  "  See  to  it,"  he  says  in  another 
place,  "that  your  children  are  instructed  in  spiritual 


398  LIFE   OF   LUTHER. 

things,  that  you  surrender  them  first  to  God,  and 
then  to  worldly  occupations.  But,  alas !  this  order 
is  commonly  reversed.  .  .  .  The  whole  power  of  the 
Christian  church  lieth  in  the  young,  and  if  they  are 
neglected,  it  will  become  like  a  garden  that  is  neg- 
lected in  the  spring  season."  Again,  he  says,  "Are 
we  not  unwise  ?  We  can  merit  heaven  or  hell  in 
our  children,  and  yet  we  regard  it  not.  Of  what 
use  will  your  acts  of  piety  be  to  you,  if  you  neglect 
the  training  of  your  children  ?  .  .  .  Believe  me,  it 
is  much  more  important  that  you  bestow  care  and 
attention  upon  the  education  of  your  children,  than 
that  you  buy  indulgences,  repeat  prayers,  perform 
pilgrimages,  or  make  many  vows.  .  .  .  Those  who 
knowingly  neglect  their  children,  and  let  them  grow 
up  without  the  nurture  and  fear  of  the  Lord,  are  the 
destroyers  of  their  children." 

In  1530,  Luther  published  a  discourse,  the  ob- 
ject of  which  was  to  enforce  the  obligation  of  parents 
to  send  their  children  to  school.  In  this,  he  says, 
"God  hath  given  you  children  and  the  means  of 
their  support,  not  merely  that  you  may  find  your 
pleasure  in  them,  or  bring  them  up  for  worldly 
splendour,  but  he  hath  strictly  commanded  you  to 
train  them  up  for  his  service." 

In  1527,  a  visitation  was  made  of  the  churches 
and  schools  of  the  electorate  of  Saxony,  in  which 
more  than  thirty  men  were  employed  a  whole  year. 
The  result  in  respect  to  education  was,  that  "the 
Saxon  school  system,"  as  it  was  called,  was  drawn 
up  by  the  joint  labours  of  Luther  and  Melancthon; 
and  thus  the  foundation  was  laid  for  the  magnificent 
organization  of  schools  to  which  Germany  owes  so 
much  of  her  present  fame.  The  reformers  were  the 
fathers  of  the  German  system  of  education,  im- 


PROMOTER   OF   EDUCATION.  399 

proved  indeed,  but  never  radically  changed  by  their 
successors  for  a  period  of  three  centuries.  The 
traveller,  that  visits  Eisleben,  sees  in  a  flourishing 
condition  the  very  gymnasium  which  was  esta- 
blished by  Luther  as  the  last  act  of  his  life.  The 
school  of  Pforta,  near  Naumburg,  where  a  greater 
number  of  accomplished  classical  scholars  have  been 
educated  than  in  any  other  gymnasium  or  grammar 
school  in  the  world,  had  a  similar  origin.  It  was  in 
consequence  of  Luther's  counsels  that  the  old  mo- 
nastery of  that  name,  was,  with  all  its  funds,  con- 
verted into  a  learned  school. 

In  the  Saxon  schools,  founded  upon  the  plan  of 
Luther  and  Melancthon,  the  languages  took  the  pre- 
cedence of  all  other  studies.  The  forenoon  session 
was  two  hours  every  day;  the  afternoon  three, 
except  Wednesdays  and  Saturdays,  when  only  the 
musical  exercise  of  one  hour  was  held,  as  it  was 
every  other  afternoon.  The  catechism  was  taught 
every  Saturday  forenoon.  Thus,  of  the  twenty-six 
school  hours  in  the  week,  eighteen  were  devoted  to 
the  languages,  six  to  music,  and  two  to  the  subject 
of  religion.  There  was,  however,  further  provision 
made  for  the  religious  education  of  the  pupils.  They 
went  to  the  village  church  or  to  the  public  chapel 
every  morning,  at  about  five  or  six  o'clock,  sung 
hymns  in  Latin  and  German,  and  read  the  Scriptures 
and  the  catechism  aloud,  in  Latin  and  then  in  Ger- 
man, and  repeated  prayers.  They  had  a  similar  even- 
ing service.  Besides,  the  schools  were  kept  seven  days 
in  the  week ;  or,  in  other  words,  there  were  regular 
Sunday-schools  then,  as  now,  only  the  teachers  were 
the  same  as  on  other  days  of  the  week.  The  pupils 
were,  early  on  Lord's  day  mornings,  conducted  to  the 
church  for  the  matins,  as  all  such  morning  services 


400  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

were  called.  Next,  they  had  a  lesson  from  the 
Bible,  or  the  catechism,  in  the  school-room.  At 
eleven  or  twelve  o'clock,  they  attended  on  the  prin- 
cipal public  service  of  the  day.  Sometimes,  the 
younger  classes  remained  at  the  school-room,  where 
they  received  religious  instruction  better  adapted  to 
their  capacities  than  that  given  in  the  pulpit.  The 
older  pupils  were  carefully  examined  upon  the 
sermons  which  they  had  heard.  The  order  was 
varied  in  different  schools,  as  well  as  the  exercises 
themselves;  but  the  above  general  statement  ia 
sufficiently  accurate  to  illustrate  the  way  in  which 
the  day  was  passed  in  the  schools.  From  all  this, 
it  will  appear  that  the  nineteenth  century  has  made 
less  advance  than  is  commonly  supposed  upon  the 
sixteenth,  in  respect  to  the  religious  education  of 
the  young.  In  respect  to  books  and  organizations, 
there  is  a  great  difference ;  in  respect  to  the  thing 
itself,  the  object  sought,  the  comparison  would  not 
be  discreditable  to  the  reformer.  A  volume  might 
be  made  up  of  Luther's  views  of  education,  begin- 
ning with  domestic  training,  and  ascending  through 
the  lower  schools  to  the  university;  but  enough 
has  been  said  to  indicate  his  comprehensive  views 
in  respect  to  schools. 

SECTION  IV. — Luther  as  a  Lover  of  Music. 

ALLUSION  has  frequently  been  made  in  the  fore- 
going account  to  Luther's  musical  tastes  and  talents. 
He  was  early  known  as  a  melodious  singer ;  and  it 
was  in  this  capacity  that  he  had  won  the  kind  re- 
gards of  Madam  Cotta,  his  first  patroness.  His  last 
evening  before  entering  the  cloister  was  devoted 
to  musical  and  social  pleasures.  It  was  to  be  ex- 


LOVER  OP  MUSIC.  401 

pected,  therefore,  that,  when  the  work  of  the  Re- 
formation was  moving  successfully  on,  sacred  music 
should  be  called  in  to  its  aid :  so  it  was  in  point  of 
fact.  Luther  early  employed  his  poetical  talents  in 
composing  original  hymns,  and  in  translating  and 
adapting  to  his  use  the  better  Latin  hymns.  A 
version  of  the  Psalms,  generally,  was  never  made 
for  public  worship  in  Germany.  Of  hymn-books 
the  Lutheran  church  has  a  plentiful  supply;  of 
psalm-books  none,  though  a  few  psalms  were  ver- 
sified by  Luther  and  appended  to  his  collection  of 
hymns.  In  1524,  the  first  hymn-book  of  Luther, 
accompanied  by  the  music  set  to  the  words,  in 
which  Walther  lent  his  assistance,  was  published. 
Within  twenty  years  from  that  time,  one  hundred 
and  seventeen  collections  of  hymns,  by  Luther  and 
his  friends,  were  printed.  "These  hymns,"  he 
says,  in  the  preface,  "  are  set  to  music  in  four  parts, 
for  no  other  reason  than  because  of  my  desire  that 
the  young,  who  ought  to  be  educated  in  music  as 
well  as  in  other  good  arts,  might  have  something 
to  take  the  place  of  worldly  and  amorous  songs, 
and  so  learn  something  useful,  and  practise  some- 
thing virtuous,  as  becometh  the  young.  ...  I 
would  be  glad  to  see  all  arts,  and  especially  music, 
employed  in  the  service  of  Him  who  created  and 
made  them." 

This  book,  which  is  so  great  a  curiosity  that  it 
was  reprinted  in  1840,  was  used  in  families  and 
social  circles  and  schools,  as  well  as  in  churches. 
In  the  history  of  the  city  of  Hanover,  we  read  that 
the  Reformation  was  first  introduced  there,  not  by 
preachers,  nor  by  religious  tracts,  but  by  the  hymns 
of  Luther,  which  the  people  sung  with  delight.  In 
his  second  edition,  in  1533,  he  complains  that  his 

34* 


402  LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 

hymns  had  been  altered,  and  others  published  under 
his  name.  In  this  new  collection,  therefore,  he 
added  two  to  his  own  hymns  (which,  at  first,  were 
twenty-nine  in  number)  and  several  old  hymns  from 
the  Middle  Ages,  and,  finally,  fifteen  new  ones  by  his 
friends  and  contemporaries,  remarking,  at  the  same 
time,  in  respect  to  the  last,  that,  of  the  many  which 
were  in  circulation,  only  a  few  deserved  a  place  in 
the  collection. 

Luther  himself  composed  music  for  several  of  his 
hymns,  which  was  not  only  good  in  itself,  but 
agreed  beautifully  with  the  sentiment  expressed  by 
the  words.*  The  same  Walther,  mentioned  above, 
says  :  "  I  have  spent  many  a  happy  hour  in  singing 
with  him,  and  have  often  seen  the  dear  man  so 
happy  and  joyful  in  spirit,  while  singing,  that  he 
could  neither  tire,  nor  be  satisfied.  He  conversed 
splendidly  upon  music.  Forty  years  ago,  when  he 
was  arranging  the  mass  [communion]  service  in 
German  at  Wittenberg,  he  sent  for  the  elector's 
old  chorister,  Rupf,  and  myself,  to  confer  with  us 
about  the  music  for  the  Epistles  and  Gospels.  .  .  . 
He  himself  composed  tunes  for  the  epistles  and 
gospels,  and  the  words  of  Christ  at  the  institu- 
tion of  the  supper,  and  sung  them  to  me,  and 
asked  my  opinion  of  them.  He  kept  me  three 
weeks  at  Wittenberg,  writing  the  notes  for  a  few 
gospels  and  epistles,  till  the  first  German  mass 
was  sung  in  the  parish  church.  I  was  obliged  to 
stay  and  hear  it,  and  to  take  a  copy  of  it  with  me 
to  Torgau,  for  the  elector,  at  the  doctor's  command." 
We  select  the  following  from  a  large  mass  of  Lu- 

*  There  appears  to  be  no  evidence  that  "  Old  Hundred" 
was  composed  by  Luther. 


LOVER  OP  MUSIC.  403 

ther's  sayings  in  regard  to  music :  "  It  is  a  beautiful 
and  lovely  gift  of  God;  it  hath  often  so  excited 
and  moved  me,  as  to  give  me  a  desire  to  preach. 
I  have  always  been  fond  of  music.  He  who  under- 
etandeth  this  art  is  the  right  sort  of  man,  and  is  fit 
for  any  thing  else.  It  is  needful  that  music  be 
taught  in  schools.  A  schoolmaster  must  be  able 
to  sing,  or  I  do  not  think  much  of  him.  Music 
cometh  near  to  theology ;  I  would  not  exchange  my 
little  knowledge  of  it  for  much  money.  The  young 
should  be  constantly  exercised  in  this  art,  for  it 
refines  and  improves  men.  Singing  is  the  best  of 
arts  and  exercises ;  it  is  not  of  a  worldly  character, 
and  is  an  antidote  for  all  contentions  and  quarrels. 
Singers  are  not  gloomy,  but  joyful,  and  sing  their 
cares  away.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  in  minds 
which  are  affected  by  music,  are  the  seeds  of  much 
that  is  good ;  and  those  who  are  not  affected  by  it, 
I  regard  as  stocks  and  stones.  .  .  .  Music  effecteth 
what  theology  alone  can  effect  besides — it  giveth 
peace  and  a  joyful  mind.  .  .  .  Therefore  the  pro- 
phets have  employed  no  art  as  they  have  music; 
inasmuch  as  they  have  put  their  theology,  not  into 
geometry,  or  arithmetic,  or  astronomy,  but  into 
music.  Hence  it  cometh,  that,  by  teaching  the 
truth  in  psalms  and  hymns,  they  have  joined  theo- 
logy and  music  in  close  union." 


404 


LIFE  OF  LUTHER. 


[1525. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE     PRINCIPAL     EVENTS    OF   LUTHER'S     LIFE,    FROM    HIS 
MARRIAGE    IN    1525    TO    HIS    DEATH   IN    1546. 

SECTION  I. — From  Luther's  Marriage  to  the  Completion  q. 
'he  Augsburg  Confession  in  1530. 

OTH  the  ene- 
mies and  the 
friends  of  Lu- 
ther had  been 
much  aston- 
ished by  his 
selecting  such 
a  time  as  the 
very  midst  of 
the  turmoil  of 
the  Peasants' 
War  to  cele- 
brate his  mar- 
riage with  a 
fair  nun.  His 
friends  censured  his  imprudence,  his  foes  inter- 
preted the  act  to  his  ignominy.  The  papal  writers 
represented  the  great  beauty  of  Catharine  von  Bora 
as  proving  a  snare  to  Luther,  while  the  Protestant 
writers,  in  defence  of  the  reformer,  detracted  quite 
as  much  from  her  beauty  as  is  consistent  with  the 
likenesses  taken  of  her  by  Cranach. 

The  death  of  Frederic,  Elector  of  Saxony,  had 


M.  41.]  DEATH   OP  FREDERIC.  405 

emboldened  the  Catholic  princesr  who  hoped  that 
the  fall  of  this  pillar  of  Protestantism  would  greatly 
weaken  the  cause  of  Luther.  The  latter,  not  yet 
knowing  the  firmness  of  the  new  elector,  who  proved 
himself  so  heroic  at  the  presentation  of  the  Augs- 
burg Confession  to  the  diet  in  1530,  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  attempt  a  reconciliation  with  Henry,  King 
of  England,  and  George,  Duke  of  Saxony,  the  bit- 
terest of  his  enemies  on  the  throne,  and  therefore 
wrote  them  respectively  very  humble  letters,  which, 
however,  instead  of  answering  their  purpose,  were 
received  with  scorn. 

The  year  1527  was  one  of  sadness  to  Luther. 
His  friends  were  persecuted,  and  some  of  them  put 
to  death,  and  he  himself  fell  into  a  state  of  melan- 
choly and  despondency,  of  which  Bugenhagen  and 
Justus  Jonas  have  left  us  a  memorable  detailed  ac- 
count. How  far  all  this  was  the  effect  of  bodily 
disease  and  other  natural  causes,  or  how  far  it  was 
a  visitation  from  the  evil  spirit,  as  Luther  himself 
believed,  it  is  not  our  province  to  determine.  About 
the  same  time  an  epidemic,  or  the  plague,  as  it  was 
termed,  raged  so  at  Wittenberg  that  the  university 
was  temporarily  removed  to  Jena.  Near  the  mid- 
dle of  the  year  1527,  the  great  work  of  visitation 
was  begun  by  Melancthon  and  others,  and  ended  in 
1529.  The  surprising  ignorance  which  Luther 
found  as  well  among  the  priests  as  the  people,  in- 
duced him  in  the  following  year  to  write  those  mo- 
numents of  his  genius  as  a  popular  and  catechetical 
writer,  the  Larger  and  the  Smaller  Catechism.  What 
he  did  for  schools  need  not  here  be  repeated.  Mean- 
while, the  controversy  on  the  real  presence  of  Christ 
in  the  eucharist,  between  Luther  and  Zwingle  and 
their  respective  adherents,  had  grown  so  warm  and 


406  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1525. 

threatened  such  serious  consequences,  that  Philip, 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  a  man  of  enlarged  views  and 
enlightened  policy,  more  so  perhaps  than  any  other 
of  the  Protestant  rulers,  proposed  to  have  both  par- 
ties meet  for  friendly  conference,  and  such  a  meeting 
finally  took  place  in  the  Marburg  Colloquy,  October 
1,  1529,  but  to  no  very  good  purpose. 

The  diet  of  Spire,  which  was  held  in  the  same 
year,  had  come  to  a  decision  unfavourable  to  the 
interests  of  the  evangelical  party,  which  called  forth 
the  Protest  that  has  since  given  name  to  the  oppo- 
sers  of  papal  error  and  corruption.  As  there  were 
now  ominous  indications  of  a  combined  hostility  of 
the  Papal  rulers  against  the  Protestants,  it  was 
proposed  by  the  latter  to  enter  into  a  league  for 
mutual  defence.  Luther  opposed  the  measure,  say- 
ing, "He  would  rather  die  ten  times  than  have  the 
consciousness  that  the  gospel  preached  by  him  was 
the  occasion  of  bloodshed ; "  a  fresh  proof  that  Luther 
trusted  not  in  the  power  of  the  sword,  but  in  the 
power  of  truth ;  yet  what  (to  human  view)  would  have 
become  of  the  Protestant  states  of  Germany,  if  they 
had  followed  his  views  in  respect  to  defensive  war? 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1530,  the  elector  wrote  to 
Luther  and  other  Wittenberg  theologians,  inform- 
ing them  that  the  emperor  had  called  a  diet  to  be 
held  at  Augsburg,  April  8,  at  which  his  majesty 
was  to  be  present  in  person.  Inasmuch  as  it  was 
intended  to  make  this  diet  answer  the  purpose  of  a 
council  in  settling  the  difficulties  between  the  reli- 
gious parties,  the  elector  said  :  "It  is  necessary  that 
we  have  a  clear  understanding  among  ourselves, 
touching  the  articles  to  be  maintained  as  well  of 
rites  and  ceremonies  as  of  faith,  so  that  both  we  and 
other  members  of  the  diet  who  have  embraced  the 


JE.  41.]  DIET   OP  AUGSBURG.  407 

pure  evangelical  doctrines,  may  know  how  far  we 
can,  with  propriety  and  a  good  conscience,  be  a  party 
in  the  transactions."  He  directed,  therefore,  that 
they  draw  up  such  articles  as  should  seem  to  them 
best,  and  appear  with  them  before  him  at  Torgau, 
on  the  20th  of  March.  He  also  instructed  Luther, 
Jonas  and  Melancthon  to  make  arrangements  to  be 
absent  from  the  university,  and  to  accompany  him, 
together  with  Spalatin  and  Agricola,  as  far  as  Co- 
burg,  on  the  way  to  Augsburg.  They  entered  upon 
this  journey,  April  3,  and  Luther  preached  on  the 
way  at  Weimar,  Saalfeld,  Grrafenthal,  Neustadt,  and 
frequently  at  Coburg.  On  the  21st,  the  elector  and 
the  rest  of  the  company  proceeded  to  Augsburg, 
while  Luther,  for  reasons  unknown  to  him,  was  left 
behind  to  remain  at  Coburg.  The  elector  thought 
it  more  prudent  to  employ  the  mild  and  peaceful 
Melancthon  in  negotiating  with  the  Papists,  having 
Luther,  at  the  same  time,  within  reach,  to  be  con- 
sulted whenever  it  should  appear  necessary.  Luther 
was  accordingly  conducted  to  the  electoral  palace, 
situated  on  a  bold  eminence,  for  a  residence  of  nearly 
six  months.  He,  his  companion  Dieterich,  and  his 
servant  Cyriac,  resided  here  alone  with  no  company 
but  the  keepers  and  attendants  and  occasional  visit- 
ers,  and  had  the  whole  of  the  great  building  which 
crowns  the  hill  and  the  fortress  to  themselves.  Be- 
ing here  without  books  for  several  weeks,  he  amused 
himself  in  a  playful  description  of  a  diet  held  by 
the  birds  which  congregated  about  his  lofty  abode. 

Here  the  old  complaint  from  which  he  had  suffered 
so  much,  that  of  a  roaring  noise  in  his  head,  especially 
in  his  left  ear,  returned  upon  him;  and,  as  usual, 
Satan  came  with  it,  armed  with  the  fiery  darts  of 
temptation.  Notwithstanding  Luther's  ill  health 


408  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1525. 

and  dejection,  he  translated  the  prophetical  writings, 
wrote  the  well-known  sermon  enforcing  upon  parents 
the  duty  of  sending  their  children  to  school,  and 
other  treatises,  besides  a  great  amount  of  letters  to 
the  elector  and  to  his  friends  concerning  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  diet.  Though  Melancthon  was  the 
chief  agent  in  drawing  up  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
and  the  Apology  or  defence  of  it,  it  was  Luther, 
standing  behind  the  curtain,  that  exercised  control 
over  the  minds  of  the  evangelical  princes  and  theolo- 
gians. As  formerly  in  his  Patmos,  so  here  in  his 
Sinai,  as  he  called  it,  his  was  the  ruling  spirit. 

The  letters  of  Luther,  from  the  time  of  his  mar- 
riage to  that  of  his  death,  are  so  numerous  and  so 
abound  in  incident  that  they  serve  well  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  a  minute  journal.  It  will  be  proper, 
therefore,  to  take  advantage  of  this  circumstance, 
and  follow  him  through  some  of  the  scenes  already 
alluded  to. 

In  a  letter  to  Amsdorf,  now  pastor  at  Magdeburg, 
written  June  21,  1525,  after  saying  that  the  report 
of  his  sudden  marriage  with  Catharine  von  Bora  is 
true,  and  that  he  took  this  step  partly  in  compliance 
with  the  wish  of  his  father,  partly  to  confirm  his 
own  teaching  by  example,  and  partly  to  show  some 
degree  of  boldness  at  a  time  when  everybody  is  ter- 
ror-struck, adding,  incidentally,  that  he  loves  his 
wife,  though  he  is  not  enamoured  or  fired  with  pas- 
sion, he  thus  speaks  of  the  Peasants'  War,  which  was 
then  raging:  "Meiningen,  Mellerstadt,  Neustadt, 
and  Marstadt,  with  ten  other  towns,  [in  the  south- 
west of  Saxony,]  have  surrendered  to  the  elector, 
and  he  is  restoring  peace  and  order  there.  It  is  as- 
certained that  in  Franconia,  about  eleven  thousand 
peasants  are  slain  in  three  different  places,  sixty-one 


M.  41.]  PEASANTS'  WAR.  409 

bombs  taken,  and  the  citadel  of  Wirtemberg  liberated. 
The  Margrave  Casimir  [of  the  house  of  Branden- 
burg, which  possessed  one  or  two  principalities  in 
the  vicinity  of  Bayreuth]  is  proceeding  furiously 
against  his  subjects,  for  having  violated  their  faith. 
In  the  duchy  of  Wirtemberg  six  thousand  have 
been  slain ;  in  other  parts  of  Suabia  ten  thousand. 
The  Duke  of  Lorraine,  it  is  said,  hath  put  to  the 
sword  twenty  thousand  in  Alsace.  Thus  the  mise- 
rable peasants  are  everywhere  cut  down.  How  it  is 
in  Bamberg,  we  shall  soon  hear.  But  in  Breisgau 
[Baden]  the  insurrection  is  still  in  progress,  and 
also  in  the  Tyrol,  so  much  so  that  from  Inspruck  to 
Trent  all  is  in  a  state  of  commotion,  and  the 
Bishops  of  Brixen  and  of  Trent  are  put  to  flight. 
Duke  George  is  about  to  hold  a  conference  at  Dessau 
with  the  Margrave  and  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz. 
The  report  is,  that,  inflated  with  his  success,  he  will 
pursue  me.  He  thinketh  me  to  be  like  unto  Muncer 
in  doctrine.  But  Christ  will  bestow  his  grace.  See 
that  he  do  not  make  an  attack  upon  Magdeburg." 

In  the  following  letter  to  the  elector  (July  20) 
are  some  interesting  facts  relating  to  Spalatin: 
"George  Spalatin  hath  informed  me  that  he  is 
called  on  by  your  grace  to  take  into  farther  consi- 
deration the  proposal  to  make  him  preacher  at 
Altenburg,  and  desireth  me  to  write  your  grace  on 
this  behalf.  I  therefore  humbly  submit  unto  you, 
that  I  remain  of  the  same  opinion  as  before.  For 
he  is  a  man  of  learning,  a  comely  speaker,  of  good 
manners  and  morals,  and,  what  affecteth  me  most, 
is  of  a  pure  and  upright  heart,  and  will  deal  faith- 
fully with  the  word  of  God  and  with  souls.  Whether 
his  health  is  too  feeble,  the  experiment  must  show." 

To  Brismann,  of  Konigsberg,  he  writes,  Aug.  16 : 

35 


410  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1525. 

"If  the  poison  of  Carlstadt  or  Zwingle  concern- 
ing the  sacrament  reacheth  unto  you,  be  on  your 
guard  against  it.  ...  Muncer  and  the  peasants  have 
so  prostrated  the  gospel  with  us,  and  so  aroused  the 
Papists,  that  it  seemeth  as  if  it  must  all  be  built  up 
again.  For  which  reason  I  have  testified  to  the 
gospel  not  only  by  word  but  by  deed,  in  marrying 
a  nun  in  the  face  of  my  enemies,  who  are  triumph- 
ing and  crying  '  lo !'  <Io !'  that  I  might  not,  though 
old  and  unsuitable,  seem  to  yield  up  the  ground ; 
and  I  shall  do  some  other  things,  if  I  am  able, 
which  will  trouble  them  and  make  known  God's 
word. 

"Duke  George,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  and 
the  two  Dukes  of  Brunswick  have  sworn  to  each 
other  that  they  will  restore  the  old  order  of  things. 
Our  Elector  John,  though  much  belaboured  by 
George,  standeth  firm,  so  that  the  latter  is  almost 
beside  himself  and  bursting  with  anger.  The  Land- 
grave of  Hesse  is  also  believed  to  stand  firm,  though 
he  hath  been  visited  and  urged  by  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick, as  delegate  from  the  council  of  princes.  The 
imperial  cities  are  now  consulting  how  they  shall 
stand  by  the  gospel,  although  threatened  by  angry 
princes." 

That  the  university  should  not  prosper  under  such 
circumstances  was  almost  a  matter  of  course.  Lu- 
ther wrote  to  Spalatin,  September  6,  not  a  little 
alarmed  :  "  The  report  hath  come  to  our  ears  that 
the  elector's  mind  is  alienated  from  our  university, 
and  that  he  is  displeased  with  our  movements  as 
unjustifiable.  We  have  great  difficulty  in  keeping 
our  students,  who  will  rush  forth  at  every  gate  and 
go  into  all  the  world,  if  these  reports  are  found  to 
be  true." 


JE.  41.]  EXTEACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  411 

The  next  week  he  wrote  to  the  elector :  "  Although 
I  and  all  the  rest  confidently  rely  on  your  grace's 
promise  concerning  the  university,  still  we  per- 
ceive that  you  are  hindered  by  other  necessary 
occupations,  and  particularly  by  the  assembly  of 
the  estates.  I  cannot,  therefore,  omit  to  remind 
you  of  it,  and  to  beg  that  you  will  send  some  one 
to  us,  or  write  and  inform  us  of  your  purposes. 
Otherwise,  since  many  lectures  are  dropped,  and 
some  not  being  yet  paid  for  are  likely  to  be  discon- 
tinued, there  will  be  reason  to  fear  that  we  shall  be 
unable  to  retain  the  students." 

To  his  friend  Stiefel  he  wrote,  September  29:  "I 
have  this  night  caused  thirteen  nuns  to  be  removed 
out  of  Duke  George's  dominions,  and  thus  snatched 
from  the  raging  tyrant  the  spoils  of  Christ.  Our 
princes  [the  elector  and  his  son]  have  openly  es- 
poused the  gospel.  Master  Eberard  [prior  of  the 
cloister  at  Wittenberg]  is  made  Bishop  at  Altenburg 
with  Spalatin.  The  income  of  the  monastery  we 
have  resigned  to  the  elector,  and  I  live  as  a  private 
householder,  remaining  in  the  monastery." 

On  occasion  of  Spalatin's  marriage,  Luther  wrote, 
December  6 :  "  Grace  and  peace  in  the  Lord,  and 
joy  in  your  sweet  wife,  also  from  the  Lord.  As 
disagreeable  as  your  marriage  is  to  your  Baalitish 
brethren,  [the  priests  of  Altenburg,]  so  agreeable  is 
it  to  me.  God  hath  granted  me  nothing  more  agree- 
able, the  gospel  excepted,  than  the  privilege  of  hear- 
ing and  knowing  that  you  are  a  husband.  With 
what  feelings  and  for  what  causes  I  was  detained 
from  attending  your  joyful  wedding,  Master  Eberard 
will  explain.  I  cannot  now  travel  so  safely  as  I 
could  under  a  prince  who  had  not  declared  his 
views.  ...  I,  in  my  poverty,  would  have  sent  you 


412  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1525. 

that  gold  cup  which  you  gave  me  at  my  marriage, 
had  I  not  feared  it  would  offend  you.  I  therefore 
send  you  all  that  remains  of  those  presents,  not 
knowing  whether  it  came  from  you  or  not.  My 
affection  you  will  regard  as  much  in  a  small  gift  as 
in  a  great  one."  So  violent  was  the  opposition  of 
the  canons  and  priests  at  Altenburg  to  this  infrac- 
tion of  the  papal  law,  requiring  celibacy  in  the 
clergy,  that  it  was  necessary  for  Luther  to  request 
protection  for  his  friend  of  the  elector. 

The  following  letter  to  Link  of  Nuremberg, 
written  near  the  close  of  December,  shows  what 
different  cares  and  thoughts  often  occupied  Luther's 
mind :  "  The  King  of  England,  to  whom,  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  King  of  Denmark,  I  wrote  an  humble 
and  suppliant  letter,  with  pleasant  anticipations  and 
good  and  pure  intentions,  hath  replied  to  me  with  a 
bitterness  which  showeth  that  he,  like  Duke  George, 
rejoiceth  at  an  opportunity  for  revenge.  So  impo- 
tent and  womanly  are  the  minds  of  these  tyrants, 
so  sordid  and  vulgar,  that,  thanks  to  Christ,  and 
joy  to  myself!  it  is  sufficient  revenge  for  me  to 
despise  Satan,  their  god,  together  with  themselves. 

"I  rejoice  at  the  promise  you  make  of  sending 
me  garden  seeds  in  the  spring.  Send  as  many  as 
you  can.  I  desire  them,  and  shall  expect  them.  If 
there  is  any  thing  I  can  send  you  in  turn,  order  it 
and  it  shall  be  done.  For  while  Satan  and  his  sub- 
jects rage,  I  will  laugh  and  contemplate  gardens, 
which  are  God's  blessings,  and  enjoy  them  to  hia 
praise. 

"Because  with  us  barbarians  there  are  no  arts 
nor  exercise  of  the  ingenuity,  I  and  my  servant 
Wolfgang  have  taken  up  the  art  of  turning.  We 
send  you  this  gold  piece,  that  you  may,  at  your  con- 


M.  42.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  413 

venience,  procure  some  instruments  for  hollowing 
and  turning,  together  with  two  or  three  screws  for 
the  lathe,  which  any  turner  will  show  you.  We 
have  instruments  here,  but  we  wish  to  get  some 
more  elegant,  after  your  Nuremberg  fashion.  If 
they  cost  more,  the  money  shall  be  sent,  though  I 
think  all  such  things  are  cheaper  with  you  than 
with  us.  Thus,  if  the  world  shall  be  unwilling  to 
support  us  to  preach  the  gospel,  we  will  learn  to 
live  by  the  labour  of  our  hands,  and  then,  after  the 
example  of  our  heavenly  Father,  serve  the  unwor- 
thy and  ungrateful." 

In  a  similar  strain  he  wrote  to  Amsdorf,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  new  year,  January  3,  1526 :  "By 
Bruno,  the  bearer  of  this,  I  send  you  seven  florins, 
my  dear  Amsdorf,  to  pay  for  the  butter  and  dried 
fish.  For  though  I  have  lost  your  letter,  I  recollect 
that  this  is  about  the  amount  due  you.  I  wrote  to 
Duke  George  a  very  humble  and  candid  letter,  and 
he  answered  me,  according  to  his  character,  with  that 
stolidity  and  rustic  ferocity  which  runs  in  his  Bohe- 
mian blood.  The  letter  is  every  way  worthy  of 
himself.  You  shall  see  a  copy  of  it.  It  is  currently 
reported  that  you  have  taken  that  Suabian  damsel, 
my  former  flame,  for  your  wife.  It  will  be  odd  if 
you  retaliate  upon  me  by  such  a  secret  movement." 

Of  the  use  he  made  of  his  influence  with  the 
elector,  we  have  a  good  example  in  a  letter,  written 
about  the  middle  of  April :  "  First,"  says  he,  "  I 
present  a  request  from  a  young  singer  by  the  name 
of  Holzwart,  whom  your  grace  hath  supported  one 
year,  with  the  encouragement  that  you  would  do 
better  by  him,  if  you  could,  afterward,  as  the  peti- 
tion showeth.  He  appeareth  to  have  good  talents. 
All  which  is  referred  to  your  good  pleasure. 

35* 


414  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1526. 

"  Secondly,  a  request  already  made  for  a  nun  of 
Nimptschen,  near  Grimma,  by  the  name  of  Alsey 
Gaudelitz,  that  she  may  recover  something  from  the 
cloister  to  which  she  gave  much.  No  answer  hath 
yet  been  received. 

"  Thirdly,  God  hath  sent  us  two  guardians  [supe- 
riors in  a  monastery]  from  France.  They  were 
plundered  on  their  way,  as  they  were  coming  hither, 
to  study  theology.  The  pastor  and  myself  are  sup- 
porting them,  relying  upon  your  gracious  aid,  hop- 
ing you  would  give  them  five  or  six  gulden.  If 
you  cannot,  then  we  must  dismiss  them  after  giving 
what  we  can,  and,  after  all,  beg  it  again  from  your 
grace.  God  sendeth  us  many  poor,  and  we  are  poor 
ourselves,  and  yet  are  provided  for. 

"  Fourthly,  the  request  of  a  pious  man,  whom  I 
have  thought  of  sending  as  preacher  to  Arnstadt. 
.  .  .  He  hath  been  here  three  years,  and  I  have 
helped  him  what  I  could ;  for  what  I  do  is  from 
your  grace's  bounty,  for  I  have  nothing  of  my  own 
to  give.  I  wish  your  grace  would  grant  him  some- 
thing, for  he  possesseth  piety,  learning  and  talents, 
but  is  poor  and  destitute,  and  I  cannot  do  so  much 
for  him  as  is  necessary.  I  refer  it  to  your  good 
pleasure. 

"  Finally,  I  entreat  for  myself,  as  formerly,  that 
your  grace  will  not  suffer  the  singing  to  be  so  neg- 
lected. •  The  persons  belonging  to  the  choir  [boys] 
are  growing  up,  and  the  art  of  music  deserveth, 
moreover,  to  be  sustained  by  princes  and  lords. 
More  than  enough  to  support  them  here  is  applied 
elsewhere,  without  so  great  need.  The  monastic 
funds  might  usefully,  and  with  the  approbation  of 
God,  be  applied  to  support  such  persons. 

"  Enough  for  once ;  please  receive  it  graciously." 


M.  42.]  EXTRACTS   FROM   LETTERS.  415 

The  history  of  a  certain  cup  or  vessel,  presented 
to  Luther,  is  not  only  amusing,  but  strikingly  illus- 
trative of  the  times  and  of  the  character  of  the  par- 
ties concerned.  Luther,  in  a  note  to  his  friend 
Hausmann,  pastor  at  Zwickau,  dated  March  27, 
1526,  says:  "I  thank  you  for  the  vessel.  I  did  not 
expect  it  would  be  done  up  with  so  much  labour 
and  care,  for  it  was  well  enclosed  in  a  wicker-work 
of  vines.  But  you  excited  the  desire  of  my  Katy 
too  much,  as  is  wont  to  be  the  case  with  these  wo- 
men. I  am  delighted  with  the  minerals,  but  am 
unwilling  to  take  them  away  from  you.  You  have 
others  to  whom  you  can  give  them.  If  there  is  any 
thing  else,  don't  waste  it  upon  my  curiosity."  In 
a  letter,  written  about  three  weeks  afterward  to 
Agricola,  at  Eisleben,  recommending  a  young  man 
about  to  open  a  school  there,  he  says :  "  That  vessel 
from  Zwickau,  oh !  how  changed  it  is  since  you  saw 
it,  and  how  beautiful !  But  concerning  this  and  the 
cup  presented  me  by  Meinhard,  at  another  time. 
For  of  these  magnificent  things  I  cannot  write  to- 
day, and  so  briefly."  A  month  later  he  writes  to 
the  same :  "I  send  you  that  pewter  and  glass  vessel 
before  it  finds  another  owner."  And  then  in  a  post- 
script, adds:  "Behold,  when  I  was  ready  to  give 
the  letter  to  the  messenger,  and  looked  for  the  cup, 
my  Katy,  that  enemy  in  ambush,  had  carried  it  off. 
I  would  have  got  hold  of  it,  but  our  provosts  and 
plebeians,  [probably  certain  members  of  the  house- 
hold,] who,  perhaps,  have  taken  it  in  charge,  con- 
spired together  and  hindered  me.  It  must  be  put 
off,  therefore,  till  she  gets  up  from  childbed,  and 
when  she  brings  it  forth  I  will  seize  it  for  you." 
The  end  of  the  story  is  given  in  a  subsequent  letter 
to  Hausmann  :  "My  chain  [wife]  tenaciously  holds 


416  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1526. 

the  glass  vessel  ornamented  and  presented  me  by 
yourself.  Otherwise,  Agricola  of  Eisleben  would 
have  begged  it  away  from  me." 

A  day  or  two  afterward,  we  find  him  writing  to 
the  elector  the  following  request,  in  behalf  of  an 
old  schoolmaster  of  his :  "  The  bearer  of  this,  Mr. 
Bigand,  hath  given  up  his  parish  at  Waltershausen 
to  the  town-council,  in  consequence  of  an  agree- 
ment, made  by  yourself,  to  allow  him  thirty  florins 
annually  from  the  church  funds.  Now  the  money 
doth  not  come,  perhaps  the  council  have  not  those 
funds  in  charge,  and  this  old  man  must  wander 
abroad  for  his  living.  As  he  was  my  school- 
master, whom  it  is  my  duty  to  honour,  I  humbly 
beg  your  grace  not  to  suffer  my  old  schoolmaster 
to  be  deprived  of  his  money,  but  graciously  to 
aid  him,  that  he  may  not  be  left  to  beg  in  his  old 
age." 

At  the  close  of  a  note  to  his  brother-in-law, 
Riihel,  he  thus  announces  the  birth  of  his  first-born : 
"Please  say  to  Agricola,  for  me,  that  my  dear 
Katy  hath,  by  the  great  blessing  of  God,  borne  me 
a  son,  John  Luther,  yesterday,  at  two  o'clock,  the 
very  day  when  dat  [he  gives]  standeth  in  the  calen- 
dar; and  that  he  must  not  wonder  that  I  storm  him 
so  early  with  this  intelligence,  for  he  himself  ought 
to  think,  about  this  time,  what  it  is  to  have  sons. 
Greet  the  dear  mother  of  your  children,  and  Agri- 
cola's  Elsey..  My  sick  Katy  is  the  cause  of  my 
sending  you  only  this  scrawl."  Referring  to  the 
same  event  in  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  he  speaks  of 
being  a  "  happy  husband,  and  having,  by  the  great 
blessing  of  God,  been  presented  with  a  son  from  the 
best  of  wives  and  the  most  excellent  of  women;" 
and  closes  by  saying,  "  When  you  come  to  see  us, 


IE.  42.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  417 

will  you  still  find  the  old  monuments  of  our  friend- 
ship and  intimacy  ?  I  have  planted  a  garden,  and 
built  a  fountain.  Come,  and  you  shall  be  crowned 
with  lilies  and  roses."  To  Agricola  he  writes  again, 
"  I  have  received  your  letter,  in  which  you  say  my 
mother  was  hindered  from  coming  to  me.  Let 
Christ  do  what  he  pleaseth,  and  it  will  be  well. 
Little  John  Luther  is  doing  well,  though  he  is 'a 
slender  child,  and  hath  too  little  nourishment  from 
his  mother." 

As  a  specimen  of  his  ecclesiastical  correspondence, 
we  will  present  a  letter,  addressed  August  8,  1526, 
to  the  Council  of  Miihlhausen,  which  was  the  head- 
quarters of  Muncer's  army  the  previous  year : 
"  Grace  and  peace  in  Christ,  honourable,  wise  and 
dear  sirs.  At  the  command  of  our  gracious  lord, 
Duke  John,  Elector  of  Saxony,  I  have  selected  a 
preacher  for  his  grace  to-  send  to  you.  That  individual, 
John  Mantel,  reader  in  our  church  at  Wittenberg, 
now  cometh  to  you,  who,  as  far  as  God  giveth  unto 
men  to  do,  will,  I  hope,  take  the  care  of  you,  as  a 
learned,  affable,  quiet,  pious  man.  I  beg  you, 
therefore,  to  receive  and  regard  him  in  a  Christian 
manner,  as  I  doubt  not  you  will.  And  may  Christ 
graciously  look  upon  you  and  help  you,  after  all  your 
wretchedness,  that  rebellion  may  cease,  and  that 
you  may  learn  to  follow  his  pure  and  holy  word. 
I  would  gladly  have  come  with  him,  but  our  cir- 
cumstances here  would  not  allow  it." 

August  28,  he  replies  to  an  inquiry  of  Link,  re- 
specting parental  authority,  and  maintains  that  it 
ought  always  to  be  asserted,  though  not  always  ex- 
ercised, and  then  subjoins  the  following  intelligence: 
"  The  diet  of  Spire  is  held  as  the  Germans  are  wont 
to  hold  diets,  with  drinking  and  sports,  and  nothing 


418  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1527. 

more.  Here  there  is  nothing  new,  save  that  Wit- 
tenberg is  fortified  with  such  great  labour,  that, 
comparing  the  past  with  the  present,  you  would 
hardly  know  it.  I  am  now  lecturing  on  Ecclesiastes, 
which  is  stubborn  and  refuses  to  be  explained,  so 
full  is  it  of  Hebraisms  and  of  the  obscurities  of  an 
unknown  tongue ;  nevertheless,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  I  shall  break  through  the  obstacles.  Pray  for 
me;  and  farewell,  both  you  and  your  rib,  whom 
may  God  bless  in  her  approaching  crisis.  My  son 
is,  by  the  mercy  of  God,  living  and  well.  Philip 
[Melancthon,]  who  is  a  little  better,  and  would  be 
better  still  if  he  could  have  a  respite  from  his 
labours,  saluteth  you." 

An  interesting  and  lasting  friendship  commenced 
with  the  incident  referred  to  in  the  subjoined  note  : 
"  April  22.  To  Frederic,  abbot  at  Nuremberg. 
Grace  and  peace.  Though  we  are  unknown  to  each 
other,  I  write  to  you,  most  excellent  sir,  because  of 
what  Link,  my  friend,  and  more  than  a  friend  to 
you,  hath  done  in  sending  to  me,  in  your  name,  a 
brass  clock,  a  most  acceptable  present.  This  hath 
compelled  me  to  become  a  disciple  of  our  mathe- 
maticians, to  learn  the  forms  and  rules  of  one 
single  clock ;  for  I  never  before  saw  such  an  one,  so 
little  am  I  acquainted  with  mathematical  affairs. 
Would  that  I  had  the  power  to  respond  in  like 
manner  to  the  kindness  expressed  by  this  gift; 
nothing  would  please  me  more." 

In  other  letters,  which  cannot  be  quoted,  he 
speaks  of  having  received  garden-seeds,  ("all  of 
which,  except  the  melons  and  cucumbers,  grew 
well,")  and  the  turning  instrument  for  which  he 
wrote,  together  with  a  quadrant  and  a  wooden  clock. 
"  Send  me,"  he  says,  in  another  letter,  "  seeds  for 


JE.  43.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  419 

my  garden  in  as  great  variety  as  you  can;  for,  if  I 
live,  I  will  be  a  horticulturist." 

Many  of  Luther's  letters  refer  to  schools,  and 
show  an  intense  interest  in  teachers,  both  in  the 
higher  and  in  the  lower,  in  public  and  in  private 
schools.  A  letter  written  May  2,  1527,  to  Elsey 
von  Kanitz,  requesting  her  to  open  a  girl's  school  in 
Wittenberg,  presents  the  reformer  in  an  interesting 
light.  "  My  dear  friend  in  Christ/'  he  says,  "  I 
wrote  to  your  dear  aunt  Anna  von  Plausig,  request- 
ing her  to  send  you  to  me  for  a  time ;  for  I  have 
desired  to  employ  you  in  teaching  young  girls,  and 
through  you  to  give  an  example  for  others  to  follow. 
You  shall  be  in  my  house  and  sit  at  my  table,  so 
that  you  shall  have  no  risk  nor  trouble.  I  beg  you, 
therefore,  not  to  decline  the  proposal." 

Luther  and  his  wife  appear  to  have  been  tenderly 
attached  to  the  wife  of  John  Agricola,  school- 
teacher at  Eisleben.  A  letter  written  to  Agricola, 
in  May,  1527,  contains  expressions  of  tenderness 
such  as  are  often  found  in  Luther's  correspondence. 
"  It  seemeth  to  us  best,"  he  says,  at  the  close, 
"  that  your  Elsey  should  come  and  spend  some  days 
with  us,  for  the  sake  of  a  change  in  the  climate, 
[Wittenberg  was  about  seventy  miles  to  the  north- 
east of  Eisleben.]  Consult  together  concerning  this 
matter,  for  we  will  gladly  do  whatsoever  can  in  any 
way  be  beneficial  to  the  wife  who  is  so  ageeable  to 
you,  and  to  the  woman  who  is  so  sincere  and  vir- 
tuous. My  Katy,  who  is  troubled  again  with  vomit- 
ting,  nausea,  and  dizziness  of  the  head,  but  not 
very  ill,  heartily  saluteth  you  and  your  Elsey.  My 
little  Johnny  is  lively  and  robust,  and  eats  and 
drinks  like  a  hero.'' 

This  amiable  lady  appears  to  have  suffered  much, 


420  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1527. 

and  to  have  become  dejected,  especially  as  her  hus- 
band was  at  that  time  called  from  home ;  for  we  find 
Luther  writing  to  her,  June  10th,  thus:  "Dear 
Elsey.  Grace  and  peace.  I  had  it  in  mind  lately  to 
write  to  you,  but  Mr.  Matthes  was  away  before  I  was 
aware  of  it.  By  this  time  I  suppose  your  husband 
hath  returned  home,  so  that  it  is  not  so  ill  with  you. 
You  must  not  be  so  desponding  and  fearful,  but  re- 
member that  Christ  is  near  to  help  you  to  bear  your 
sufferings.  For  he  hath  not  so  forsaken  you  as  your 
flesh  and  blood  suggest.  Cry  unto  him  earnestly, 
and  be  assured  he  will  hear  you ;  for  you  know  it  is 
his  way  to  help,  strengthen  and  comfort  all  who 
desire  it.  Be  comforted  then,  and  consider  that  he 
hath  suffered  more  for  you  than  you  can  ever  suffer 
for  him.  We  will  also  pray,  and  pray  earnestly, 
that  God  will  accept  you  through  his  Son,  and 
strengthen  you  in  body  and  in  soul.  Greet  your 
husband  and  all  yours  in  our  name." 

Luther's  heart  was  full  of  benevolence,  and  no 
opportunity  for  benefiting  the  poor  was  allowed  to 
pass  unimproved.  The  Franciscan  cloister,  which 
had  been  the  burial-place  for  the  electoral  family 
time  out  of  mind,  was  now  vacant,  the  monks  having 
left  their  cells.  The  elector  had  given  a  part  of  the 
grounds  and  buildings  to  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Burger.  Luther  wrote  to  the  former :  "  We  have 
conversed  with  Burger  about  it,  and  he  is  willing  to 
give  the  place  up  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor,  in  the 
hope  that  you  will  bestow  upon  him  another  in  its 
place.  Since,  then,  the  cloister,  as  the  burial-place 
of  princes,  cannot  be  better  used  .  .  .  than  in  the 
service  of  God  and  for  the  relief  of  the  poor,  in  whom 
Christ  himself  is  served ;  therefore  I  humbly  request, 
in  conjunction  with  the  city-council,  that  your  grace 


M.  43.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  421 

will  grant  that  the  cloister,  together  with  the  grounds 
and  buildings  of  Burger,  be  given  to  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  as  a  retreat  and  residence  for  the  poor,  as  the 
members  of  his  body." 

A  melancholy  period  in  Luther's  life  now  ensues. 
The  plague  appeared  at  Wittenberg,  and  the  people 
fled  in  terror;  the  university  was  removed  to  Jena, 
and  Luther,  overcome  in  body  and  in  mind,  passed 
through  a  scene  of  deepest  gloom,  agony  and  despair. 
He  writes  to  Melancthon,  August  2 :  "  For  more 
than  a  week  I  have  been  tossing  in  death  and  hell, 
so  prostrate  in  body  as  to  tremble  all  over.  Christ 
hath  been  almost  wholly  lost,  and  I  have  been  agi- 
tated with  the  billows  and  storms  of  despair  and  blas- 
phemy against  God.  But  God,  moved  by  the  prayers 
of  the  saints,*  hath  begun  to  have  compassion  on  me, 
and  hath  delivered  me  from  the  lowest  hell.  Pray 
continually  for  me,  as  I  do  for  you.  I  believe  my 
conflict  will  concern  others  as  well  as  myself.  The 
plague  is  here,  we  are  fully  persuaded,  but  we  hope 
it  will  be  mild  and  gentle  with  us,  the  tender  flock 
of  Christ,  already  afflicted  with  the  hatred  of  the 
whole  world  and  our  own  sufferings,  to  say  nothing 
of  our  poverty  and  other  humbling  circumstances." 
Ten  days  later,  he  writes  to  Justus  Menius:  "Cease 
not  to  pray  earnestly  for  me  and  to  comfort  me,  for 
this  conflict  is  above  my  power.  Thus  far  Christ 
hath  been  a  faithful  Saviour,  nor  do  I  despair  that 
he  will  be  so  for  evermore.  I  have  been  sick,  not 
only  in  body,  but  much  more  in  soul,  Satan  and  his 
angels  have,  with  the  permission  of  God  my  Saviour, 
so  vexed  and  tormented  me."  To  Spalatin  he  says, 
in  a  letter  dated  August  19th:  "The  plague  hath 

*  His  Christian  friends. 
30 


422  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1527. 

indeed  begun  here,  but  it  is  mild,  though  with  the 
people  there  is  a  wonderful  fear  and  fleeing  away,  so 
that  I  never  saw  the  like  of  Satan's  work  before.  He 
rejoiceth  that  he  can  so  terrify  men's  hearts  as  to 
disperse  and  ruin  this  our  university,  which  he,  not 
without  cause,  hateth  above  all  others.  Still,  in  all 
this  time,  there  have  been  but  eighteen  deaths  in  the 
town,  including  children.  In  the  fisher's  quarter 
[south]  it  hath  raged  vehemently;  in  our  quarter 

£east]  there  hath  been  no  death,  though  all  are  buried 
ere.  .  .  .  Justas  Jonas's  little  son  John  is  dead. 
Jonas  himself  hath  gone  to  his  native  place, .  .  .  so  that 
Bugenhagen  and  I  are  here  alone  with  the  chaplains." 
An  evangelical  preacher  at  Halle,  George  Winkler 
by  name,  had  been  murdered,  at  the  instigation, 
as  some  supposed,  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  who 
was  unwilling  that  the  light  should  break  in  upon 
this  favourite  residence  of  his.  Luther,  though  still 
troubled  with  fierce  temptation,  wrote  a  letter  of 
encouragement  to  the  Christians  of  Halle :  "  I  have 
long  purposed,"  he  says,  "my  dear  friends,  to  write 
to  you  a  letter  of  consolation  for  the  calamity  which 
Satan  hath  brought  upon  you  by  the  murder  of  the 
good  and  pious  Master  George,  thereby  depriving 
you  of  a  faithful  preacher,  and  of  the  word  of  God ; 
but  I  have  in  divers  ways  been  hindered,  chiefly 
by  my  own  illness;  and  though  I  am  not  yet 
through  with  my  difficulties,  I  can  wait  no  longer. 
For  though  we  would  not  be  comforted,  still  it 
would  be  wrong  to  be  silent  concerning  such  a  scan- 
dalous and  treacherous  murder,  and  so  let  it  pass, 
and  leave  the  blood,  whereby  the  word  of  God  hath 
been  testified,  to  be  buried  in  the  ground.  Therefore 
I  will  publish  it,  and  help  it  to  cry  unto  heaven,  so 
that,  as  much  as  in  us  lieth,  such  a  murder  shall 


JE.  43.]  EXTRACTS   FROM   LETTERS.  423 

not  keep  silence,  till  God,  the  merciful  father  and 
the  just  judge,  hear  it,  as  he  did  Abel's ;  and  take 
vengeance  on  the  old  enemy,  murderer  and  traitor, 
who  hath  instigated  this  act,  and  cause  that  the  blood 
of  Master  George  be  a  seed  sown  in  the  earth  by 
Satan  and  his  emissaries,  which  shall  bring  forth  a 
hundred  fold;  so  that,  instead  of  one  murdered 
George,  a  hundred  true  preachers  shall  spring  up, 
who  shall  do  Satan  a  thousand  times  more  harm  than 
one  man  could  do." 

The  following  letter  to  Amsdorf  has  a  peculiar 
interest,  as  being  written  on  the  tenth  anniversary 
of  his  attack  upon  Tetzel's  indulgences:  "Grace 
and  peace.  It  please th  the  Lord,  my  dear  Ams- 
dorf, that  I,  who  have  formerly  comforted  so  many 
others,  should  myself  now  be  destitute  of  all  com- 
fort. One  thing  I  ask,  and  do  you  ask  the  same 
with  me,  namely,  that  my  Christ  do  with  me  what  he 
will,  only  that  he  leave  me  not  to  be  ungrateful  and  to 
become  his  enemy,  whom  I  have  heretofore  preached 
and  adored  with  such  zeal  and  fervour,  although  I 
have,  in  the  mean  time,  offended  him  with  many  and 
great  sins.  Satan  seeketh  to  have  another  Job  given 
over  to  him.  .  .  .  My  house  beginneth  to  be  an  hos- 
pital. Anna,  wife  of  Augustine  [Schurf,]  hath  had 
the  plague,  but  is  recovering.  .  .  .  For  my  Katy, 
who  is  in  critical  circumstances,  I  have  great  fears. 
My  little  John  is  sick,  and  hath  eaten  nothing  for 
three  days.  .  .  .  Thus  we  have  fightings  without, 
and  fears,  great  fears  within;  Christ  visiteth  us. 
One  solace  remaineth,  which  we  can  oppose  to  Satan, 
namely,  that  we  have  the  word  of  God  for  saving 
the  souls  that  believe,  however  it  may  be  with  our 
bodies.  Commend  us  to  the  brethren,  and  pray  for 
us,  that  we  may  patiently  bear  the  hand  of  the 


424  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1527. 

Lord  that  is  upon  us,  and  conquer  the  power  and 
devices  of  Satan,  whether  by  our  death  or  by  our 
life.  Wittenberg,  All-saints'  day,  the  tenth  year 
from  the  trampling  down  of  indulgences." 

The  last  day  of  the  year  1527,  he  says:  "We 
are  all  well,  except  Luther  himself,  who,  though 
well  in  body,  suffereth  without  from  all  the  world, 
and  within  from  Satan  and  all  his  angels."  The  fol- 
lowing letter,  in  which  he  playfully  rebukes  Justus 
Menius  and  his  other  Erfurt  friends  for  not  visiting 
him  when  he  was  at  Weimar,  near  by  them,  brings 
the  author  before  us  again  in  his  old  and  easy  attire : 
"I  expected  some  of  you  would  come  and  visit  me 
here,  and  wonder  what  could  hinder  you,  since  there 
was  no  obstacle  in  the  length  nor  breadth  nor  height 
of  the  way,  for  the  sky  and  sun  were  serene  above. 
I  will  excuse  you  for  this  neglect,  if  you  will  some 
time  explain  to  me  the  reason  of  such  a  breach  of 
the  laws  of  friendship,  charity  and  humanity.  Er- 
furt is  Erfurt;  Erfurt  will  be  Erfurt;  Erfurt  always 
was  Erfurt.  What  else  can  I  think  or  say  ?  Greet 
the  brethren  for  me,  and  your  Eve  and  Abels  and 
Seths." 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  speak  of  Nurem- 
berg as  a  renowned  and  refined  city,  which  shone 
like  a  bright  star  in  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 
There  lived  Pirkheimer,  the  patrician  and  scholar; 
there  preached  Link  and  Osiander;  there  was  the 
great  Du'rer,  the  painter,  and  Eoban  Hess,  the  ele- 
gant scholar  and  poet,  and  Carnerarius,  the  classical 
teacher,  and  Baumgartner  and  others.  Du'rer  died 
April  6, 1528,  and  his  death  called  forth  a  beautiful 
elegy  from  his  friend  Hess,  a  copy  of  which  Luther 
thus  acknowledged :  "  I  have  received  a  second  letter 
from  you,  together  with  an  Elegy  on  Diirer,  and 


JE.  44.]  EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  425 

thus,  contrary  to  my  expectation,  you  are  in  advance 
of  my  reply  to  your  former  letter.  For  I  had  re- 
solved to  reply  by  the  first  carrier  I  should  find.  As 
to  Du'rer,  it  is  a  pious  act  to  mourn  over  the  loss  of 
so  excellent  a  man.  But  it  is  yours  to  pronounce 
him  happy  that  Christ  hath  taken  him  away  so  well 
prepared,  and  by  so  peaceful  an  end,  from  times  so 
turbulent,  and  to  be,  perhaps,  more  turbulent  still, 
lest  he,  who  was  worthy  of  the  happiest  times,  should 
live  to  see  the  most  wretched.  Let  him  rest  in  peace, 
then,  with  his  fathers.  I  thank  you  next  for  the 
love  which  breathes,  or  rather  flames  and  burns  in 
every  word  of  both  your  letters.  Not  that  I  am 
worthy  of  such  praise  or  love,  but  because  I  cheer- 
fully suffer  myself  to  be  exalted  by  the  testimony 
and  favour  of  the  good  against  Satan  and  his  minis- 
ters, who  diligently  and  incessantly  seek  my  blood 
and  extinguish  me,  so  that  I  can  boast  of  going  the 
way  of  Paul,  through  honour  and  dishonour,  through 
good  report  and  evil  report.  .  .  .  Blessed  be  my 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  hath  willed  I  should  be 
such,  not  that  1  should  boast,  but  that  many  through 
me  should  be  saved  from  these  pestilent  spirits.  .  .  . 
When  I  see  this  prayer,  which  I  breathe  every  hour, 
fulfilled,  I  think  myself  happy;  and  regard  it  as  an 
abundant  reward  of  my  labours  to  know  that  I  live 
only  to  serve  others.  I  rejoice,  therefore,  not  so 
much  in  the  praise  which  you,  in  your  partiality, 
abundantly  bestow,  as  in  the  truth  to  which  you 
testify  by  your  candour  and  too  great  affection  for 
me,  and  thus  with  great  openness  and  simplicity 
confess  Christ.  For  what  can  be  more  delightful  to 
hear  than  that  you,  and  others  like  you,  stand  strong 
against  Satan  by  a  substantial  and  pure  knowledge 
of  Christ,  when  so  many,  whom  we  hoped  would 


426  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1528. 

be  pillars,  fall,  and  are  now  worse  enemies  to  us  than 
the  Turks  ?  I  therefore  pray  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
that  he  will  crown  you  with  his  benedictions,  and 
preserve  you,  with  us,  perfect  and  unblamable  to  his 
glorious  appearing.  Of  news  I  have  nothing  to  send 
you  to  your  emporium,  for  Nuremberg  itself  is  the 
eye,  as  it  were,  and  ear  of  Germany,  which  seeth 
and  heareth  every  thing,  a  part  of  which,  perhaps, 
never  cometh  to  our  knowledge.  Salute  your  dearest 
doe,  together  with  your  dear  fawns.  The  blessing 
of  the  Lord  be  upon  you."  How  beautifully  does 
Luther  here  place  himself  almost  within  the  soul  of 
the  Nuremberg  poet,  and  appropriate  to  himself,  for 
the  time  being,  the  qualities  of  his  mind  !, 

To  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  dated  Wittenberg,  "in 
the  aerial  and  ethereal  house,"  (in  allusion  to  the 
name  of  the  owner  Luft,  which  means  air,)  he 
appends  this  postscript :  "Pomeranus,  [Bugenhagen, 
of  Pomerania,]  who  goeth  to  Brunswick,  saluteth 
you,  and  desireth  you  to  pray  for  him.  Justus 
Jonas,  fighting  against  the  gravel,  saluteth  you,  and 
desireth  you  to  pray  that  he  may  get  the  victory. 
Casper  Cruciger  saluteth  you,  and  desireth  you  to 
pray  for  him  that  his  hopes  may  be  realized ;  that  is, 
if  you  do  not  understand  it,  that  Duke  George  may 
be  converted  to  Christ,  or  be  bruised  by  Christ. 
John  Mantell  saluteth  you,  recently  bereaved  of  a 
little  son,  the  same  day  on  which  Bugenhagen  lost 
his  elder  son  Michael,  having  lost  his  younger  son 
John  two  weeks  before,  and  desireth  you  to  pray 
that  for  one  son  he  may  receive  many.  My  Eve, 
joyful  and  well,  with  all  of  this  convivial  company, 
saluteth  you,  and  desireth  you  to  pray  for  her  that 
her  third  offspring  may  come  safely  to  the  world." 

The  visitation  of  the  churches  for  the  purpose  of 


JE.  45.]  EXTRACTS  FROM   LETTERS.  427 

doing  away  the  evils  of  the  papal  system,  and  intro- 
ducing the  evangelical  in  its  stead,  continued  after 
several  interruptions  into  the  year  1529.  In  February, 
Luther,  who  was  still  engaged  in  that  work,  in  which 
more  than  thirty  men  had  been  employed,  wrote  to 
Spalatin  the  following  lines,  which  give  us  some 
idea  of  the  state  of  the  people  at  that  time :  "  We 
desire  to  know  what  you  are  doing  in  the  visitation 
and  how  you  succeed,  and  we  are  surprised  that  you 
do  not  mention  this  in  your  letter.  We,  on  our  part, 
confer  a  living  when  it  is  necessary;  and  though  it 
is  small,  yet  it  is  an  aid  to  the  poor  pastors  to  have 
two  acres  to  cultivate.  Furthermore,  we  strenuously 
require  a  contribution  from  each  individual.  But 
the  condition  of  the  churches  is  most  wretched ;  the 
peasants  learn  nothing,  know  nothing,  pray  for 
nothing,  do  nothing,  except  abuse  their  liberty, 
neither  confessing  nor  communing,  just  as  if  they 
were  set  free  from  all  religion.  For  they  have 
neglected  their  own  papal  ordinances ;  they  despise 
ours;  so  that  the  administration  of  the  papal  bishops 
is  horrid  to  contemplate." 

Luther,  who  believed  that  all  physical  evils, 
bodily  pains,  diseases,  epidemics,  earthquakes  and 
calamities  of  every  sort,  were  produced  by  a  direct? 
invisible  agency  of  Satan,  and  who  had  full  faith 
in  astrology,  was  led  by  the  strange  and  frightful 
character  of  the  times,  and  by  singular  appearances 
in  the  heavens,  to  believe  that  the  end  of  the  world 
was  at  hand.  After  describing  the  Northern  Lights, 
as  they  appeared  on  a  certain  evening,  he  says, 
"God  knoweth  what  these  signify."  At  another 
time,  referring  to  the  same  and  to  a  meteor  which 
was  seen  at  Breslau,  and  to  some  other  peculiar  ap- 
pearances in  the  heavens,  he  says,  "I  believe  these 


428  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1529, 

signify  that  the  end  of  the  world  is  at  the  door." 
This  opinion  is  often  repeated  in  his  letters,  but  it 
is  unnecessary  to  accumulate  quotations. 

The  following  letter  to  Matthias,  Bishop  of 
Dantzic,  gives  us  a  more  pleasing  view  :  "Reverend 
father  and  venerable  in  the  Lord,  your  letters  and 
present  were  very  agreeable  and  acceptable  to  me  in 
the  Lord,  since  I  thereby  learned  that,  in  your  old 
age  and  before  the  end  of  life,  you  have  been  capti- 
vated and  illuminated  by  the  gospel  of  Christ,  which 
I  regard  as  the  miraculous  grace  of  God,  knowing 
as  I  do  how  dignitaries  of  your  order  are  wont  to 
resist  the  word  of  God.  The  Lord  Jesus,  who  hath 
begun  a  good  work,  perfect  it.  As  you  have  a  de- 
sire to  see  me,  so  it  would  give  me  in  turn  great 
joy  in  Christ  to  see  your  venerable  gray  hairs  con- 
fessing Christ  amidst  this  herd  of  hostile  dignitaries, 
who  dare  to  oppose.  It  is  not  in  my  power,  how- 
ever, to  go  to  see  you.  May  God,  who  is  able  to 
do  it,  grant  that  we  may  meet  at  least  once ;  and 
may  he  mercifully  bless  and  keep  you." 

A  letter  to  Amsdorf,  dated  May  31, 1529,  breathes 
the  same  pure  spirit  of  love.  He  there  says  :  "  There 
is  nothing  new  with  us  which  you  do  not  already 
know.  These  ministers  of  the  word  at  Goslar,  [the 
old  capital  of  Hanover,]  I  send  to  you,  that  they 
may  relate  to  you  the  condition  of  the  church  there. 
I  beg  you  to  receive,  and  hear  them  kindly.  They 
seem  to  be  good  men,  who  deserve  the  favour  of  the 
pious;  and  it  is  meet  for  you  to  know  these  things, 
inasmuch  as  you  first  laid  the  foundations  of  piety 
there,  and  have  not  unsuccessfully  built  thereon. 
It  will  animate  these  trembling  believers  to  per- 
ceive our  agreement  and  joy  in  this  matter;  and 
it  will  confound  Satan  and  his  instruments,  or,  at. 


IE.  45.]  EXTRACTS    FROM   LETTERS.  429 

least,  impede  them.  Therefore  cherish  and  com- 
fort them  in  the  bowels  of  Christ.  They  who  dread 
offences  and  are  so  solicitous  for  peace  cannot  but 
have  great  confidence  in  Christ." 

To  the  Christians  in  jftoslar  he  wrote  in  the  same 
spirit,  saying,  "I  rejoice  over  you  from  the  heart, 
and  pray  God,  the  Father  of  all  grace,  to  uphold 
and  prosper  you  in  this  way."  June  14,  Luther 
wrote  to  Justus  Jonas,  who  was  then  occupied  abroad 
in  the  work  of  visitation  thus  :  "  The  wall  of  your 
house  [in  the  west  part  of  the  town]  must  wait  for 
bricks  to  be  made  in  the  senate's  furnace.  We  have 
betrothed  Dr.  Augustin  [Schurf 's]  sister  to  [profes- 
sor] Milich.  Bugenhagen  writes  that  he  will  soon 
return  [from  Hamburg,]  and  when  he  cometh,  I 
[his  substitute  as  city  preacher]  can  act  with  you  in 
the  work  of  visitation,  if  it  shall  still  be  necessary. 
Philip  [Melancthon]  is  wasting  away  under  his 
anxiety  for  the  church  and  the  state." 

How  perfectly  overwhelmed  Luther  was  with 
labours  and  cares,  may  be  learned  from  the  clos- 
ing part  of  a  letter  to  Link,  in  which  he  says,  "  You 
complain  in  your  last  letter  that  I  have  not  replied 
to  your  inquiry.  Be  not  surprised.  If  you  wish 
for  a  reply,  write  and  admonish  me  again.  For  I 
am  every  day  so  overwhelmed  with  letters,  that  my 
table,  benches,  foot-stools,  desks,  windows,  cases, 
boards  and  every  thing  are  full  of  letters,  inquiries, 
causes,  complaints,  petitions,  &c.  On  me  falleth  the 
whole  weight  of  the  church  and  the  state,  as  neither 
the  ecclesiastics  nor  magistrates  perform  their  duties. 
You  at  Nuremberg  sit  and  play  in  Paradise,  because 
you  have  magistrates  who  provide  all  things  for  you 
to  enjoy  in  security  and  peace." 

We  find  another  striking  proof  that  Luther  took 


430  LIFE    OF   LUTHER.  [1529. 

a  deep  interest  in  education,  and  that  his  opinion 
was  of  great  weight  on  this  subject,  in  the  following 
instructive  letter,  written  to  Margrave  George  of 
Brandenburg,  July  18,  1529. :  "I  have  long  de- 
layed, though  unwillingly,  to  reply  to  you,  for  at 
first  I  had  not  the  time,  when  the  messenger  was 
here,  and  afterward  I  had  no  way  to  send.  .  .  .  But 
now  I  will  tell  you  what  Melancthon  and  my- 
self, upon  mature  consideration,  think  best  to  be 
done. 

"  First,  we  think  the  cloisters  and  foundations  may 
continue  to  stand  till  their  inmates  die  out.  .  .  . 
Secondly,  it  would  be  exceedingly  well  to  establish 
in  one  or  two  places  in  the  principality  a  learned 
school,  in  which  shall  be  taught,  not  only  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  but  law,  and  all  the  arts,  from  whence 
preachers,  pastors,  clerks,  counsellors,  &c.  may  be 
taken  for  the  whole  principality.  To  this  object 
should  the  income  of  the  cloisters  and  other  reli- 
gious foundations  be  applied,  so  as  to  give  an  ho- 
nourable support  to  learned  men,  two  in  theology, 
two  in  law,  one  in  medicine,  one  in  mathematics, 
and  four  or  five  for  grammar,  logic,  rhetoric,  &c.  .  .  . 
Thirdly,  in  all  the  towns  and  villages  good  schools 
for  children  should  be  established,  from  which  those 
who  are  adapted  to  higher  studies  might  be  taken 
and  trained  up  for  the  public." 

For  a  present  of  garments  from  the  elector, 
Luther  makes  this  singular  acknowledgment,  under 
date  of  August  17 :  "I  have  long  delayed  to 
thank  your  grace  for  the  clothes  and  garments 
which  were  sent  to  me.  I  humbly  beseech  your 
grace  not  to  believe  those  who  represent  that  I  am 
in  want.  I  have,  alas  !  more,  especially  from  your 
grace,  than  I  can  with  good  conscience  receive.  It 


&.  45.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  431 

is  not  meet  for  me,  a  preacher,  to  have  abundance, 
neither  do  I  desire  it.  Therefore,  when  I  perceive 
your  grace's  too  great  liberality  to  me,  I  am  not 
without  fear ;  for  I  do  not  wish  to  be  found  here  in 
this  life  among  those  to  whom  Christ  saith,  '  Wo ! 
unto  you  that  are  rich,  for  ye  have  received  your 
consolation.'  And,  furthermore,  to  speak  after  a 
worldly  manner,  I  desire  not  to  be  burdensome  to 
your  grace,  knowing  you  have  so  many  occasions  to 
give,  that  you  cannot  have  much  to  spare ;  for,  if 
there  be  too  much,  it  rendeth  the  sack.  Though 
the  brown  cloth  would  of  itself  be  too  much,  yet  I 
will,  out  of  gratitude  and  honour  to  your  grace,  wear 
the  black  garment  also,  notwithstanding  it  is  too 
valuable,  so  that  I  would  never  wear  it,  if  it  were 
not  a  present  from  your  grace.  I  beg  you,  therefore, 
wait  till  I  complain  and  ask,  so  that  I  may  not,  by 
your  forwardness  to  me,  be  prevented  from  begging 
for  others,  who  are  far  more  worthy  of  such  favours. 
For  your  grace  hath  already  done  too  much  for  me. 
May  Christ  graciously  and  abundantly  repay  it." 

We  must  not  omit  to  give,  at  least  one  specimen 
out  of  a  hundred,  of  Luther's  contempt  for  the 
Zwinglian  party,  with  what  reason  the  reader  can 
judge.  While  at  Marburg  to  see  if  there  could  be 
a  union  formed  with  that  party,  he  wrote  to  his 
wife  this  charitable  letter  :  "  Dear  lord  Katy,  know 
that  our  friendly  colloquy  at  Marburg  is  ended, 
and  that  we  were  nearly  agreed  in  all  points,  save 
that  the  other  party  will  recognise  nothing  but 
bread  in  the  supper,  and  will  not  admit  that  Christ 
is  present  except  spiritually.  To-day  the  land- 
grave trieth  to  see  if  we  cannot  be  agreed,  or, 
if  not  agreed,  that  we  recognise  each  other  as 
brethren  and  members  of  Christ.  He  laboureth 


432  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1529. 

hard  for  this;  but  we  want  nothing  of  this  brother- 
ing  and  fellowship,  though  we  are  for  peace  and 
good-will.  .  .  .  Say  to  Bugenhagen  the  best  argu- 
ments were  those  of  Zwingle,  '  That  a  body  cannot 
exist  without  space ;  therefore  the  body  of  Christ 
is  not  in  the  bread;'  and  of  (Ecolampadius,  'That 
the  sacrament  is  a  symbol  of  the  body  of  Christ.' 
I  think  God  hath  blinded  them  that  they  could 
bring  forward  nothing  better.  I  have  much  to  do, 
and  the  messenger  is  in  haste.  Say  good  night  to 
all,  and  pray  for  us.  We  are  all  safe  and  sound, 
and  live  like  princes.  Kiss  Lene  and  Jonny  for 
me." 

Luther's  father,  who  had  reached  to  an  advanced 
age,  was  taken  ill,  and  his  sickness  was  the  occasion 
of  a  letter  from  his  son,  full  of  tenderness  and  love. 
He  begins  thus  :  "  To  my  dear  father,  John  Luther, 
citizen  of  Mansfeld,  grace  and  peace  in  Christ  Jesus 
our  Lord  and  Saviour,  Amen.  Dear  father,  my 
brother  Jacob  hath  written  to  me  how  that  you  are 
dangerously  sick.  Since  the  air  now  is  bad,  and  it  is 
everywhere  dangerous,  and  your  time  of  life  is  such, 
I  am  made  very  anxious  about  you.  For  though 
God  hath  given  you  a  firm  and  strong  body  and 
hitherto  preserved  it,  yet  your  age  [probably  not 
less  than  eighty]  giveth  me,  at  this  time,  anxious 
thoughts,  although,  aside  from  such  things,  none 
of  us  are  sure  of  life,  or  ought  to  be.  I  should  be, 
beyond  expression,  glad  to  visit  you  personally,  but 
my  good  friends  oppose  and  have  dissuaded  me,  and 
I  myself  must  remember  that  I  ought  not  to  rush 
into  danger,  presuming  on  God ;  for  you  know  what 
kind  of  favour  I  have,  from  both  lords  and  peasants. 
It  would  be  the  greatest  joy  to  me  if  it  were  pos- 
sible for  you  and  mother  to  come  hither  to  us,  which 


JE.  45.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  433 

my  Katy  desireth  with  tears,  as  do  we  all.  I  have 
therefore  sent  [my  servant]  Cyriac  to  you  to  see 
whether  your  health  will  allow  you  to  come.  For 
in  what  way  soever  God  shall  dispose  of  you,  whether 
for  this  life,  or  for  another,  I  desire  heartily,  as  I 
ought,  to  be  present  with  you,  and,  by  filial  faith- 
fulness and  attention,  according  to  the  fifth  com- 
mandment, to  show  myself  thankful  unto  God  and 
unto  you."  He  then  goes  on  to  comfort  his  father 
with  "  those  divine  truths  which  God  had  already 
given  him  to  know,"  and  to  express  the  desire  and 
hope  that  God  would  "  carry  on  to  its  completion,  in 
the  life  to  come,  the  work  which  had  been  begun 
in  him."  "  For,"  he  adds,  "  he  hath  already  sealed 
in  you  these  doctrines  and  this  faith,  and  confirmed 
them  by  signs,  inasmuch  as  you  have  with  us  all 
suffered  much  abuse,  reproach,  scorn,  contempt, 
hatred,  enmity  and  peril." 

Luther  has  been  accused  of  inhumanity  toward 
the  Anabaptists;  and  when  we  compare  him  with 
the  mild  Brentz,  who  opposed  putting  them  to  death 
for  their  sentiments,  and  with  religious  men  of  mo- 
dern times,  we  must,  in  part  at  least,  admit  the 
charge.  But  in  this  he  was  not  alone.  Most  of  the  Re- 
formers, having  been  brought  up  in  the  papal  church, 
were  led  to  countenance,  to  some  extent,  her  revolt- 
ing doctrines  and  practices  in  respect  to  those  whom 
she  denounced  as  heretics.  They  conscientiously- 
held  opinions  which  would  be  repudiated  by  all  en- 
lightened Christians  at  the  present  day.  Without 
dwelling  on  these  painful  details,  we  will  adduce  one 
brief  letter,  as  giving  a  fair  specimen  of  Luther's 
feelings,  and  thus  dismiss  the  subject.  The  letter 
is  addressed  to  Menius  and  Myconius  in  1530.  "I 
am  pleased,"-  he  says,  "that  you  intend  to  publish 

87 


434  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1530. 

a  book  against  the  Anabaptists  as  soon  as  possible. 
Since  they  are  not  only  blasphemous,  but  also  sedi- 
tious men,  let  the  sword  exercise  its  right  over  them. 
For  this  is  the  will  of  God,  that  he  shall  have  judg- 
ment who  resisteth  the  power.  Let  us  not,  there- 
fore, think  better  of  these  men  than  Grod  himself 
and  all  the  saints  have  done."  Yes,  the  saints  made 
themselves  like  unto  God,  and  assumed  the  prero- 
gative, not  only  of  punishing  those  who  were  actually 
guilty  of  sedition,  but  of  putting  to  death  heretics 
whose  sentiments  were  judged  to  be  seditious  in 
their  tendency. 

The  diet  of  Augsburg,  so  important  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Reformation,  is  first  alluded  to  by  Lu- 
ther, in  a  letter  to  Justus  Jonas,  March  14,  1530, 
in  these  words :  "  The  elector  hath  written  to  us, 
that  is,  to  you,  Bugenhagen,  Melancthon  and  my- 
self, instructing  us  to  lay  all  other  business  aside  and 
come  together,  and,  before  next  Sunday,  prepare 
whatever  is  necessary  for  the  coming  diet  of  April  8. 
For  the  Emperor  Charles  will  come  thither  in  per- 
son, as  he  writeth  in  his  mandate,  to  adjust,  in 
a  friendly  manner,  all  our  religious  differences. 
Wherefore,  though  you  are  absent,  we,  the  other 
three,  shall  do  to-day  and  to-morrow  what  we  can. 
It  will  be  your  duty,  in  order  to  comply  with  the 
will  of  the  elector,  to  put  your  work  [of  visitation] 
into  the  hands  of  your  associates,  and  be  with  us 
here  to-morrow.  Every  thing  must  be  hastened. 
May  Christ  breathe  upon  us,  that  all  things  may  be 
done  to  his  glory." 

He  says  to  another  friend,  April  2  :  "I  am  about 
%o  go  as  far  as  Coburg  with  the  elector.  Melancthon 
and  Jonas  will  also  go,  and  we  shall  wait  there  till 


M.  46.]  EXTRACTS   FROM  LETTERS.  435 

it  shall  be  known  what  will  be  undertaken  at  Augs- 
burg." The  same  day  he  writes  to  his  young  friend 
Cordatus,  who  had  experienced  much  trouble  at 
Zwickau,  and  was  now,  moreover,  afflicted  with  the 
loss  of  a  son :  "As  to  what  I  hear  of  your  purpose 
to  hasten  away  to  the  diet,  I  would  say,  I  disap- 
prove of  it  altogether.  First,  I  have  not  been  cited 
thither,  but  I  am  to  go  with  the  elector  only  to  the 
border  of  his  dominions.  Secondly,  the  cause  of  the 
gospel  will  be  managed  in  a  very  dilatory  way,  if  at 
all ;  for  princes  are  not  wont  to  act  with  despatch 
in  matters  of  religion ;  and  the  Turkish  question 
will,  moreover,  have  the  precedence  there.  You 
might,  if  you  should  wish,  make  a  flying  excursion 
thither,  at  a  suitable  time,  and  let  your  Zwickau 
men  get  a  little  cool  and  gentle.  Salute  the  com- 
panion of  your  grief,  and  endeavour  to  rejoice  rather 
in  a  living  Christ  than  mourn  over  a  son  deceased, 
or  rather  living,  but  removed.  My  Katy  and  all 
the  family  salute  you." 

His  next  letter  is  dated  at  Coburg,  April  18, 
and  directed  to  Hausmann,  pastor  at  Zwickau : 
"Say  to  Cordatus,"  he  writes,  "that  we  still  re- 
main here,  not  knowing  when  we  shall  proceed  far- 
ther. Yesterday,  a  messenger  and  letters  reached 
us,  informing  us  that  the  emperor  was  at  Mantua, 
where  he  was  to  pass  the  festival  of  Easter,  tt  is, 
moreover,  said,  that  the  Papists  are  labouring  to 
prevent  the  meeting  of  the  diet,  out  of  fear  that  it 
will  pass  decisions  against  them.  The  pope  is  angry 
with  the  emperor  for  wishing  to  meddle  with  eccle- 
siastical affairs,  and  to  give  the  parties  a  hearing; 
for  they  had  hoped  he  would  act  the  part  of  execu- 
tioner for  them,  and  restore  all  things.  They  wish 
not  to  change,  nor  to  lose  any  thing,  nor  even  to  be 


436  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1530. 

judged  or  examined,  but  simply  that  we  be  con- 
demned or  destroyed,  and  they  reinstated,  and  thus 
destroyed.  So  they  will  go  to  utter  ruin.  ...  I 
am  commanded  by  the  elector  to  remain  at  Coburg, 
I  know  not  why,  while  the  rest  proceed  to  the  diet. 
Thus,  every  thing  groweth,  from  day  to  day,  more 
and  more  uncertain." 

To  Melancthon,  after  he  had  left  Coburg  for 
Augsburg,  Luther  writes :  "  We  have  come  at  length 
to  our  Sinai,  my  dear  Philip ;  but  we  will  make  of 
this  Sinai  a  Zion,  and  build  here  three  tabernacles, 
one  for  the  Psalms,  one  for  the  Prophets,  and  one 
for  JEsop,  [three  works  to  be  prepared  for  the 
press.]  But  this  last  is  temporal.  The  place  is 
exceedingly  lovely  and  convenient  for  study,  save 
that  your  absence  maketh  it  gloomy.  ...  I  pray 
Christ  to  give  you  quiet  sleep,  and  to  liberate  and 
keep  your  heart  from  cares,  that  is,  from  Satan's 
fiery  darts.  These  things  I  write  because  of  my 
leisure,  for  I  have  not  yet  received  my  desk,  papers, 
&c.,  nor  have  I  seen  either  of  the  keepers.  No- 
thing is  wanting  to  make  the  solitude  complete. 
That  immense  building  which  towers  over  the  whole 
fortress  is  all  ours,  with  the  keys  to  all  the  apart- 
ments. More  than  thirty  persons  are  said  to  take 
their  food  here,  of  whom  twelve  are  night  guards, 
and  two  watchmen  in  the  different  towers.  But 
what  of  all  this  ?  Why,  simply,  that  I  have  no- 
thing else  to  write." 

A  mind  like  Luther's  could  not  remain  inactive, 
and,  for  want  of  other  employment,  he  suffered  his 
fancy  to  picture  to  itself  a  diet  of  birds,  as  he  saw 
them  congregate  before  his  window,  much  as  he  saw 
persecuting  bishops  in  the  huntsmen  and  hounds 
while  engaged  in  the  chase  at  Wartburg.  The  reader 


M.  46.]  EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  437 

will  easily  recognise  the  satire.  The  sportive  letter 
which  we  are  about  to  present  was  addressed  to  his 
table  companions  at  Wittenberg,  and  reads  thus: 
"  Grace  and  peace  in  Christ,  dear  friends.  I  have 
received  your  joint  letter,  and  learned  how  you 
all  are.  That  you  may  know,  in  turn,  how  things 
art  here,  I  give  you  to  understand  that  we,  that 
is,  I,  Master  Veit  Dietrich  and  Cyriac,  do  not  go 
to  the  Augsburg  diet,  though  we  are  attending 
another  one  in  this  place.  There  is,  directly  before 
my  window,  a  grove  where  the  jackdaws  and  ravens 
have  appointed  a  diet;  and  there  is  such  a  coming 
and-  going,  and  such  a  hubbub,  day  and  night,  that 
you  would  think  them  all  tipsy.  Old  and  young 
keep  up  such  a  cackling,  that  I  wonder  how  their 
breath  holds  out  so  long.  I  should  like  to  know  if 
there  are  any  of  these  nobles  and  knights  with  you, 
for  it  seemeth  to  me  that  all  in  the  world  are  gathered 
together  here.  I  have  not  yet  seen  their  emperor, 
but  the  nobles  and  great  ones  are  all  the  time  mov- 
ing and  frisking  before  us;  not  gayly  attired,  but  of 
one  uniform  colour,  all  black  and  all  gray-eyed. 
They  all  sing  the  same  song,  though  with  the  pleas- 
ing diversity  of  young  and  old,  great  and  small. 
They  pay  no  regard  to  the  great  palace  and  hall,  for 
their  hall  hath  the  high  blue  heavens  for  its  ceiling, 
the  ground  for  its  floor,  the  beautiful  green  branches 
for  its  panelling,  and  the  ends  of  the  world  for  its 
walls.  They  don't  trouble  themselves  about  horses 
and  wagons,  for  they  have  winged  wheels  where- 
with they  escape  from  fire-arms.  They  are  great 
and  mighty  lords;  but  to  what  decisions  they  come 
I  know  not.  But,  so  far  as  I  can  learn  through  an 
interpreter,  they  meditate  a  mighty  crusade  against 
wheat,  barley,  oats,  malt,  and  all  kinds  of  com  and 
37* 


438  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1530. 

grain,  and  there  is  here  many  a  hero,  who  will  per- 
form great  deeds.  ...  I  consider  all  these  nothing 
but  the  sophists  and  Papists,  with  their  preachers 
and  secretaries,  and  must  have  them  all  before  me 
thus  at  once,  that  I  may  hear  their  lovely  voices  and 
their  preaching,  and  see  how  useful  a  class  they  are, 
to  devour  all  that  the  earth  briugeth  forth,  and  cackle 
for  it  a  long  while." 

Perhaps  Luther  and  his  family  were  nowhere  more 
intimate  than  with  the  family  of  Jonas.  The  wife 
of  this  friend  of  Luther  seems  to  have  been  the  one 
to  whom  all  domestic  anxieties  and  interests  were 
freely  unbosomed  by  Luther  and  his  household. 
On  the  24th  of  April,  1530,  while  at  Coburg,  mid- 
way between  her,  at  Wittenberg,  and  Jonas,  now  at 
Augsburg,  he  wrote  to  her  as  follows :  "Dear  friend, 
I  have  read  your  letter  to  your  husband,  and  was 
glad  to  learn  that  God  hath  given  you  a  more  cheer- 
ful mind  touching  your  delicate  situation,  and  the 
injury  which  has  befallen  your  house.  Your  hus- 
band is  not  so  cheerful,  but  is  very  anxious  for  you, 
and  is  quite  angry  and  scoldeth  about  the  breaking 
of  the  wall,  and  is  as  near  to  being  offended  with  Mr. 
Blank  as  your  house  is  near  to  his.  But  be  not 
troubled ;  there  will  be  no  difficulty  about  the  house, 
for  an  arrangement  is  already  made  to  remedy  the 
evil.  .  .  .  You  will,  I  think,  be  blessed  with  a 
daughter,  they  have  now  become  so  seldom  and  are 
so  shy,  a  single  house  not  being  large  enough  for 
them;  just  as  their  mothers  can  hardly  get  along 
with  a  husband  and  the  whole  world  besides.  Salute 
your  dear  [son]  Justus,  the  grandmother,  and  accept 
a  salutation  for  yourself."  The  child  alluded  to 
died  in  May,  while  the  father  was  still  at  Augsburg. 
The  following  letter  to  Melancthon  on  the  occasion 


JE.  46.]  EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  439 

explains  itself:  "I  have  directed  this  letter  to  be 
delivered  to  you  separately,  for  there  was  no  other 
way  of  broaching  the  matter  to  Justus  Jonas.  See 
that  in  the  gentlest  way  possible  he  be  informed  of 
the  loss  of  his  infant  child.  His  wife  and  servant 
have  written  to  him  that  the  child  is  ill,  but  in 
language  removed  from  all  ideas  of  death.  My  wife 
writeth  that  she  was  present  when  it  died.  It  was 
with  the  same  disease  that  carried  off  her  little  Fre- 
deric. ...  I  was  unwilling  to  write  to  him  about 
it,  lest  his  sorrow  should  be  too  great;  and  I  wish 
to  keep  it  back  from  him,  and  write  him  another 
time.  Perhaps  this  is  the  hour  when  our  gospel  is 
also  in  child-birth;  but  we  will,  when  the  sorrow  is 
over,  rejoice  that  a  man  is  born  into  the  world.  If 
our  word  is  true,  which  the  rage  and  fury  of  our 
enemies  sufficiently  declare,  our  cause  is  safe.  .  .  , 
Do  you,  therefore,  solace  the  man,  who  so  sinketh 
in  worldly  trouble,  that  he  may  be  able  to  rejoice 
while  we  are  sad."  A  few  days  later,  he  writes  a 
letter  of  condolence  to  Jonas,  full  of  tenderness, 
saying,  among  many  other  things,  "You  have  many 
great  blessings  to  set  over  against  this  calamity," 
and  then  mentions  the  excellent  character  of  his  wife. 
Luther's  engagements  and  state  of  mind  were  such 
that  he  was  disinclined  to  see  so  many  visitors  as 
were  constantly  calling  upon  him.  "Yesterday," 
says  he  to  Melancthon,  under  date  of  June  2,  "John 
Reineck  of  Mansfeld  [his  old  school  companion  at 
Magdeburg]  and  George  Homer  were  here;  and 
to-day  Argula  von  Staufen.  As  I  perceive  that  this 
place  will  be  too  much  frequented,  I  am  determined, 
after  the  manner  of  your  Stromer,  to  pretend  to  go 
away,  or  actually  go  for  a  single  day,  that  the  report 
may  go  out  that  I  am  no  longer  here.  Do  you  and 


440  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1530. 

your  friends,  therefore,  tell  people  not  to  call  on  me 
so  much.  I  wish  to  be  secluded." 

Near  the  end  of  May,  Luther's  father  died.  With 
what  feelings  he  received  the  intelligence  we  may 
best  learn  from  his  own  words  in  a  letter  to  Melanc- 
thon:  " To-day,"  he  there  remarks,  "John  Reineck 
hath  written  to  me  that  my  dearest  father  departed 
this  life,  Sunday,  the  29th  of  May.  This  death  hath 
plunged  me  into  deep  sorrow,  being  affected  not 
only  by  nature,  but  by  the  most  tender  love,  for 
through  him  my  Creator  gave  me  whatsoever  I  am 
and  have.  And  though  what  he  writeth  to  me, 
namely,  that ( strong  in  the  faith  of  Christ,  he  sweetly 
fell  asleep/  nevertheless  my  sorrow  for  him  and  the 
memory  of  his  most  delicious  intercourse  shake  my 
whole  frame.  ...  I  now  succeed  next  in  the  family 
name,  and  am  the  senior  Luther  in  my  family.  .  .  . 
It  is  right  and  fit  that  I,  a  son,  should  mourn  for 
such  a  father,  ...  by  whose  sweat  I  was  supported 
and  made  whatsoever  I  am.  I  rejoice  that  he  lived 
in  these  times,  when  he  could  behold  the  light  of 
truth." 

At  a  later  period  when,  for  four  days,  he  could,  as 
he  says,  neither  read  nor  write,  he  chanced  to  find  in 
the  ditch  a  mutilated  piece  of  music  in  three  parts. 
He  corrected  and  altered  it,  added  a  fourth  part,  and 
composed  words  for  it,  and  sportively  sent  it  to  his 
friend,  Agricola,  to  show  to  his  chorister  as  the  song 
with  which  the  emperor  and  his  brother  were  greeted 
on  their  entrance  into  Augsburg.  He  amused  him- 
self by  seeing  whether  he  could  thus  mislead  the 
chorister,  and,  to  make  the  attempt  the  more  suc- 
cessful, he  requested  Agricola  to  praise  the  piece. 

During  Luther's  absence,  a  student  by  the  name 
of  Weller  became  private  tutor  to  his  son  John,  now 


M.  46.]  EXTRACTS   FROM   LETTERS.  441 

four  years  old.  To  him  Luther  wrote,  June  19 : 
"I  have  received  your  two  letters,  both  of  which 
are  very  agreeable,  but  the  last  by  far  the  most  so, 
because,  in  it,  you  write  concerning  my  John,  say- 
ing that  you  have  become  his  teacher,  and  that  he 
is  a  sedulous  and  diligent  pupil.  I  wish  I  could 
make  you  a  suitable  return,  but  what  I  cannot,  may 
Christ  repay.  Master  Dietrich  hath  signified  to  me 
that  you  have  a  spirit  of  melancholy,  which  is  very 
hurtful  to  a  young  man." 

If  we  consider  what  the  habits  of  our  fathers 
were,  as  compared  with  those  of  most  Christians  of 
the  present  day,  in  respect  to  temperance,  we  shall 
hardly  expect  to  find  Luther  or  any  man  of  that  age 
conforming  to  all  our  stricter  views  or  practices  in 
this  regard.  There  was  indeed  a  society  formed 
among  the  noblemen  of  Austria  against  drunken- 
ness and  profane  swearing  in  the  year  1517.  But 
it  was  only  when  a  member  drank  more  than  seven 
glasses  of  wine  at  one  dinner  that  he  was  regarded 
as  a  transgressor,  and  was  then  to  pay  the  fine  of  a 
horse.  Luther  drank  wine  and  beer  habitually,  but 
with  moderation.  He  one  time  apologizes  to  some 
young  men  present  for  taking  wine  in  the  evening, 
by  saying  that  old  men  sometimes  need  it  to  induce 
sleep.  At  Coburg,  he  wrote,  June  19,  to  a  friend : 
"I  am  well  and  live  splendidly,  save  that  I  have 
for  a  month  had,  not  a  tinkling,  but  a  thundering 
in  my  head,  whether  it  be  from  the  wine,  or  whether 
Satan  thus  playeth  his  game  with  me.  I  have 
finished  Ezekiel,  and  now  shall  proceed  to  translate 
the  other  Prophets.  Be  diligent  both  you  and  the 
church  in  praying  for  the  elector.  Pray  for  him 
and  for  the  whole  diet,  and  be  assured  that  prayer 
is  not  in  vain.  The  power  thereof  is  manifest  and 


442  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1530. 

great."  This  was  the  time  that  tested  the  character 
of  the  Elector  John,  and  well  did  it  pass  the  ordeal. 
An  expression  of  Luther's,  the  following  January, 
states  more  explicitly  one  cause  of  his  illness. 
"The  Wittenberg  beer/'  he  says,  "hath  not  yet 
conquered  the  disease  of  the  head  contracted  at 
Coburg  by  the  old  wine.  I  must  therefore  moderate 
my  labours,  and  give  my  head  its  Sabbaths,  a  great 
evil  to  me  and  to  the  printers."  He  was  then 
superintending  the  printing  of  the  various  works 
prepared  at  Coburg. 

Although  Luther  approved  of  Melancthon's 
draft  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  said  of  it, 
in  a  letter  to  the  elector,  "It  pleaseth  me  exceed- 
ingly well.  I  know  not  what  improvement  or 
change  to  make,  nor  would  any  alteration  of  mine 
be  in  place,  for  I  cannot  step  so  softly  and  gently;" 
yet  he  disapproved  of  Melancthon's  caution  and  pru- 
dence as  excessive.  Therefore  he  writes  to  Jonas, 
(June  20  :)  "I  greatly  and  wonderfully  exult  in  the 
abundant  grace  of  God,  in  that  our  elector  is  of  so 
firm  and  calm  a  mind.  I  think  our  prayers  for  him 
have  been  heard.  .  .  .  This  my  joy  is  increased  as  I 
learn  that  you  also  are  confident  in  God  against  this 
fury  of  Satan,  [the  violent  proceedings  of  the  diet.] 
Melancthon  is  swayed  by  his  philosophy,  and  by 
nothing  else;  for  he  will  have  the  whole  matter  in 
his  own  hand.  ...  I  would  not  have  it  in  mine,  nor 
would  it  be  best.  I  have  had  much  in  my  own 
hand,  and  lost  it  all,  and  saved  nothing.  But  what 
I  have  put  out  of  my  hands,  [and  into  the  hand  of 
the  Lord,]  that  have  I  secured  and  saved.  ...  I  have 
here  [in  Coburg]  become  a  new  pupil  of  the  deca- 
logue, and  am  making  myself  a  boy  again,  and 
learning  it  by  heart.  ...  I  begin  to  consider  the 


JE.  46.]  EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  443 

decalogue  as  the  logic  of  the  gospel,  and  the  gospel 
as  the  rhetoric  of  the  decalogue ;  and  Christ  as 
having  all  that  is  in  Moses,  though  Moses  hath  not 
all  that  is  in  Christ."  To  Brentz,  he  expressed  his 
feelings  (June  30)  more  fully  in  regard  to  Melanc- 
thon's  over-much  solicitude.  "From  your  letters, 
and  from  those  of  Melancthon  and  others,  my 
Brentz,"  he  observes,  "I  perceive  that  you  are  all  in 
like  manner  troubled  by  that  idolatrous  diet.  It  is 
the  example  of  Melancthon  that  so  affecteth  you.  For 
he  is  anxious  for  the  public  peace  and  tranquillity, 
and  that  piously  too ;  but  his  zeal  is  not  according 
to  knowledge.  Just  as  if  our  forefathers  by  their 
care  and  solicitude  made  us  what  we  are,  and  not 
rather  the  counsel  of  God  alone,  who  will  be  Creator 
after  us,  as  he  was  before  us.  He  will  not  die  with 
us,  or  cease  to  be  God,  governing  the  thoughts  of 
men.  .  .  .  These  things  I  write  to  you  and  to  others 
that,  by  the  persuasion  of  Briick,  [Pontanus,]  or 
some  other  one  of  you,  Melancthon  may  cease  to 
desire  to  be  ruler  of  the  world,  that  is,  to  excruciate 
himself.  If  I  should  die,  or  be  slain  by  the  Papists, 
I  shall  still  mightily  defend  our  posterity,  and  be 
revenged  upon  those  ferocious  beasts  enough,  and 
more  than  I  desire;  for  I  know  that  there  will  be 
one  to  say,  '  Where  is  thy  brother  Abel  ?'  and  he 
will  make  them  fugitives  in  the  earth.  ...  If  there 
is  a  God,  we  shall  live  not  only  here,  but  where  he 
liveth  also.  And  if  this  is  so,  what,  I  ask,  are  all 
these  furious  threats  of  idols,  which  are  already,  not 
barely  mortal,  but  dead?  He  who  created  me  will 
be  the  father  of  my  son,  the  husband  of  my  wife, 
the  ruler  of  the  people,  the  preacher  of  the  parish, 
and  will  be,  after  I  am  dead,  more  and  better  than 
I  am  while  alive." 


444  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1530. 

The  important  and  yet  delicate  relations  which 
the  two  reformers,  Luther  and  Melancthon,  sustained 
to  each  other,  are  perhaps  nowhere  more  apparent 
than  in  the  letter  of  the  former  to  the  latter,  written 
June  29,  1530.  Neither  the  gentle  influence  of 
Melancthon  upon  Luther,  nor  the  invigorating,  em- 
boldening influence  of  Luther  upon  Melancthon, 
could  safely  have  been  dispensed  with.  But,  at  this 
time,  unfortunately,  both  were  in  a  state  of  nervous 
excitement  and  irritability. 

"I  have  read  your  rhetoric,"  says  Luther,  "by 
which  you  excuse  your  silence  to  me.  In  the  mean 
time,  I  have  written  to  you  twice,  explaining  the 
cause  of  my  silence.  To-day  I  have  received  your 
last  letter,  in  which  you  admonish  me  of  your  labours, 
perils  and  tears,  so  that  I  seem  unworthily  to  add 
sorrow  to  sorrow  by  my  silence,  as  if  I  were  ignorant 
of  these  things,  or  were  sitting  here  upon  a  bed  of 
roses,  not  bearing  your  cares  with  you.  Unless 
your  letter  had  reached  me  last  night,  ...  I  should 
have  sent  you  a  messenger  at  my  own  expense.  .  .  . 
I  have  received  your  Apology,  [the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession,] and  wonder  what  you  wish  or  desire, — what 
and  how  much  is  to  be  conceded  to  the  Papists. 
How  much  is  to  be  yielded  to  the  elector,  if  he  is 
in  danger,  is  another  question.  For  myself,  more 
than  enough  is  already  conceded  in  the  Apology; 
and  if  they  refuse  this,  I  see  not  how  any  thing 
more  can  be  conceded,  unless  I  can  see  better  rea- 
sons and  clearer  passages  of  Scripture  than  I  have 
yet  seen.  I  am  occupied  with  this  subject  day  and 
night,  thinking,  revolving,  reasoning  and  surveying 
the  whole  Bible,  and  my  assurance  in  our  doctrine 
increaseth,  and  I  am  more  and  more  confirmed,  so 
that,  God  helping  me,  I  will  suffer  nothing  more  to  be 


JE.  46.]  EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  445 

taken  from  it,  come  what  may.  ...  I  am  not  pleased 
with  your  saying  in  your  letter,  that  you  'follow 
my  authority.'  I  do  not  wish  to  be,  or  to  be  called 
an  authority  in  this  cause ;  and  even  if  it  could  be 
so  explained,  I  do  not  like  the  term.  If  it  be  not, 
at  the  same  time,  equally  your  cause,  I  am  unwilling 
it  should  be  said  to  be  mine  and  imposed  upon  you. 
If  it  be  mine,  I  will  act  for  myself.  ...  It  is  the 
result  and  issue  of  this  cause  that  troubleth  you, 
because  you  cannot  grasp  it.  If  you  could  grasp  it, 
I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it,  much  less  be 
the  author  of  it.  God  hath  put  it  into  that  chapter 
which  is  not  included  in  your  rhetoric  nor  philo- 
sophy. That  chapter  is  called  faith,  in  which  are 
placed  all  those  things  'which  are  not  seen  and  do 
not  appear ;'  and  if  any  one  attempt  to  render  them 
visible,  apparent  and  comprehensible,  as  you  do,  he 
will  have  troubles  and  tears  as  the  reward  of  his 
labour,  such  as  you  now  complain  of,  notwithstand- 
ing all  our  persuasions. 

"  Postscript.  After  closing  my  letter,  the  thought 
hath  occurred  to  me,  that  I  might  seem  to  you  not 
to  have  replied  specifically  to  your  inquiries,  how 
much  and  how  far  we  should  concede  to  our  oppo- 
nents. But  your  inquiries  are  general ;  you  do  not 
signify  what  and  how  much  you  think  will  be  de- 
manded of  us.  I  am  ready,  as  I  have  always  said, 
to  concede  every  thing,  if  only  the  gospel  be  left 
free  unto  us.  But  any  thing  repugnant  to  the  gos- 
pel, I  cannot  concede." 

He  also  said,  "I  wish  I  could  be  allowed  to  come 
to  you ;  I  burn  with  desire  to  conie  unbidden  and 
uninvited."  The  elector  knew  why  he  would  have 
Luther  not  so  far  from  the  diet  as  Wittenberg,  nor 
so  near  as  Augsburg. 

38 


446  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1530. 

The  first  paragraph  of  the  above  letter  is  well 
interpreted  by  another,  written  in  a  more  playful 
mood,  the  day  after,  to  Spalatin.  Five  long  letters 
to  his  friends  at  Augsburg,  to  Brentz,  to  Spalatin, 
to  Agricola,  to  Melancthon,  and  to  the  elector,  bear 
date  June  30.  To  Spalatin  he  writes  :  "You  said 
you  would  not  suffer  yourself  to  be  called  dilatory 
in  correspondence,  and  yet  you  are  obliged  to  do 
so.  You  promised  me  and  the  Wittenberg  friends 
that  you  would  write  abundantly  by  the  messenger 
of  Jonas  and  of  Dr.  Apel,  so  that  we  might  both 
expect  and  fear  a  whole  forest  of  letters,  which 
should  be  more  obstreperous  than  my  jackdaws. 
But  when  the  messenger  came,  bringing  letters 
from  Jonas  alone  for  Wittenberg,  I  said,  'Do  you 
bring  any  letters  for  me?'  Reply,  'No.'  'How 
is  it  with  the  men  there?'  Answer,  'Well.'  Of 
this  case  I  have  just  made  complaint  to  Melancthon. 
Afterward  came  a  messenger  on  horseback  sent  to 
Torgau,  with  letters  from  the  elector.  I  asked  him, 
'Do  you  bring  any  letters  for  me?'  Reply,  'No.' 
'  How  is  it  with  the  men  there  ?'  Reply,  '  Well.' 
Then,  when  a  wagon  was  going  to  Augsburg  with 
flour,  I  wrote  again  to  Melancthon,  and  that  returned 
bringing  no  letters.  Now  I  began  to  have  gloomy 
thoughts,  and  to  suspect  you  wished  to  conceal 
something  from  me.  A  fourth  person  came.  I  asked 
him,  'Do  you  bring  me  any  letters?'  Reply,  'No.' 
'  How  is  it  with  the  men  there  ?'  Answer,  '  Well.' 
I  will  not  tell  you  how  often  our  questor  has,  in  the 
mean  time,  had  letters  from  his  brother  Falkenstein, 
while  we  have  been  kept  for  more  than  three  weeks 
hungering  and  thirsting  by  the  favour  of  your 
silence.  From  his  letters  have  I  been  obliged  to 
learn  what  I  would  know.  Now  I  ask  tf  you 


.33.  46.]  EXTRACTS  FROM   LETTERS.  447 

would  not  call  me  a  dilatory  correspondent,  if  I 
were  to  do  so  to  you.  I  confess  I  was  offended 
and  alarmed,  knowing,  as  I  did,  the  anxiety  of 
Melancthon  and  the  trials  of  the  elector.  .  .  .  But 
enough  of  this.  Do  not  dispute,  nor  think  any 
more  about  it." 

If  we  desire  still  more  light  on  this  temporary 
ruffling  of  the  feelings  of  the  two  reformers,  it 
can  be  found  in  the  letters  of  Melancthon  and 
others.  On  the  25th  of  June,  he  wrote  to  Luther: 
"The  letter  in  which  you  complain  of  my  silence 
givcth  me  great  pain.  I  have  written  very  fully 
every  week.  I  know  not  how  it  happeneth  that 
this  evil  should  be  added  to  the  great  and  distress- 
ing cares  which  I  have  in  this  place,  namely,  that  I 
should  be  judged  so  much  in  fault  that  you  will  not 
write  to  me."  The  next  day,  he  wrote  to  Veit 
Dietrich,  [Vitus  Theodorus  :]  "  I  cannot  express  how 
much  it  distresseth  me  that,  in  your  letter,  you  say 
the  doctor  is  so  angry  with  me  that  he  will  not  even 
read  my  letters.  You  know  how  I  am  situated,  and 
in  what  peril  we  all  stand.  We  here  are  in  greatest 
need  of  his  counsel  and  consolation.  I  have,  there- 
fore, hired  a  special  messenger  to  take  this  letter, 
that  I  may  appease  him  and  make  some  inquiries. 
I  have  left  it  unsealed,  in  order  that  you  may  read 
it  and  repeat  it  to  him,  if  he  will  not  read  it."  The 
letter  to  Luther  commences  thus:  "I  am  here  in  a 
wretched  state  of  anxiety  and  in  perpetual  tears. 
Besides  this,  a  strange  consternation  hath  to-day 
seized  my  mind  on  reading  Dietrich's  letter,  in 
which  he  saith  you  are  so  angry,  &c.  ...  I  will 
not,  my  father,  exaggerate  my  sorrow  to  you ;  but  I 
beg  you  to  consider  what  is  niy  condition,  and  what 
are  my  perils,  where  I  have  no  solace  but  in  your 


448  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1530. 

consolations.  Every  day  the  sophists  and  monks 
are  flocking  to  the  emperor  to  imbitter  him  against 
me.  The  bishops  already  hate  me.  Friends,  if  I 
ever  had  any,  are  now  away.  Alone  and  deserted, 
I  am  here  struggling  with  great  dangers.  I  entreat 
you  to  consider  either  me,  who  follow  your  author- 
ity in  the  most  important  matters,  or  the  public, 
and  not  refuse  to  read  my  letters  and  reply,  both 
that  you  may  govern  my  conduct  and  comfort  me." 
Osiander  wrote  to  his  Nuremberg  friends,  July  4, 
saying,  among  other  things  :  "  Melancthon,  worn  out 
and  exhausted  with  many  labours,  vigils  and  cares, 
is  sometimes  troubled  with  melancholy  and  almost 
desperation,  without  any  good  reason,  which  greatly 
dejecteth  most  of  our  party.  I  soon  perceived,  and 
learned  from  others,  that  he  hath  a  natural  inclina- 
tion to  melancholy.  In  such  a  state  of  mind,  he 
thinketh,  speaketh,  writeth  and  acteth,  which  doth 
not  help  our  cause,  so  that  he  must  be  watched  and 
chided,  that  he  do  nothing  which  will  make  us  all 
repent.  Luther,  knowing  this,  took  occasion  to 
write  pungently  to  him,  and  to  exhort  others  to 
chide  him."  Melancthon  thanks  Luther,  July  8, 
for  answering  his  letters,  and  from  that  time  the 
current  of  good  feeling  flows  clear  again. 

Luther  had  just  finished  his  commentary  on  the 
118th  Psalm,  which  he  dedicated  to  Frederic, 
abbot  at  Nuremberg,  of  whom  mention  has  been 
already  made.  In  the  dedicatory  epistle,  dated 
July  1,  he  says :  "  Venerable  and  dear  friend  and 
patron,  I  have  desired  to  manifest  my  gratitude  for 
your  love  and  favour ;  but,  in  worldly  estate,  I  am 
a  poor  beggar ;  and  had  I  ever  so  much,  your  condi- 
tion is  such  that  I  could  effect  but  little.  I  have, 
therefore,  turned  to  my  wealth,  my  treasure,  and 


JE   46.]  EXTRACTS  FROM   LETTERS.  449 

taken  from  it  my  favourite  psalm.  I  have  put  my 
thoughts  upon  it  on  paper,  because  I  had  so  much 
leisure  here  in  my  desert,  and  because  I  wished,  at 
times,  to  rest  and  relieve  my  mind  from  severer 
labours,  namely,  the  complete  translation  of  the 
Prophets,  which  I  hope  soon  to  finish.  These 
thoughts  of  mine  I  have  desired  to  dedicate  and 
present  to  you,  having  nothing  better  to  give. 
Though  some  may  regard  it  a  profuse  and,  perhaps, 
useless  expectoration,  yet  I  am  sure  it  containeth 
nothing  evil  or  unchristian.  For  it  is  my  psalm, 
the  one  I  love.  Though  all  the  psalms  and  the 
whole  Bible  are  very  dear  to  me,  as  my  only  conso- 
lation and  life,  still  I  am  wonderfully  attached  to 
this  psalm,  so  that  I  may  call  it  mine.  For  it  hath 
often  done  me  great  service,  and  helped  me  out  of 
many  sore  troubles,  when  neither  emperors,  kings, 
sages,  nor  saints  could  have  helped  me.  I  value  it 
more  than  I  should  the  favour,  wealth  and  power 
of  the  pope,  the  Turks,  the  emperor  and  all  the 
world ;  and  I  would  not  exchange  this  psalm  for 
them  all  together." 

To  Spengler  he  thus  describes  the  device  which 
he  had  decided  to  have  for  his  seal :  "  First,  a  black 
cross  in  a  heart  of  the  natural  colour,  to  remind  me 
that  faith  in  him  who  died  on  the  cross  saveth  us. 
.  .  .  Though  the  cross  is  black,  mortifieth  and 
giveth  pain,  still  it  leaveth  the  heart  in  its  own 
colour,  doth  not  destroy  nature,  doth  not  kill,  but 
maketh  alive.  .  .  .  Such  a  heart  is  enveloped  in  a 
white  rose,  to  show  that  faith  giveth  joy,  comfort 
and  peace.  It  is  set  in  a  white  rose,  and  not  a  red 
one,  because  it  giveth  peace  and  joy  not  las  the  world 
giveth.  .  .  .  This  rose  is  placed  in  an  azure  field, 
to  signify  that  such  spiritual  joy  is  the  beginning  of 
as* 


450  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1530. 

future  heavenly  joy,  already  .apprehended  and  in- 
cluded in  hope,  but  not  yet  manifest.  In  the  azure 
field  is  a  gold  ring,  to  signify  that  the  bliss  of  heaven 
is  everlasting,  and  the  most  precious  of  all  posses- 
sions, as  gold  is  the  most  precious  metal." 

SECTION  II. — From  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in  1530  to  Luther's 
Death  in  1546. 

THE  purpose  for  which  the  emperor  had  sum- 
moned the  diet  was  not  answered.  On  his  part, 
there  was  to  be  seen  nothing  of  that  clemency  men- 
tioned in  his  summons,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  close 
adhesion  to  the  papal  party,  and  a  menacing  seve- 
rity toward  the  Protestants,  and  most  of  all  toward 
the  Elector  of  Saxony.  But  the  latter,  together 
with  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  manifested  a 
firmness  and  courage  superior  to  all  such  intimida- 
tions. Indeed,  the  excessive  violence  of  the  empe- 
ror and  the  severity  of  the  decision  of  the  diet,  both 
bound  the  Protestant  princes  more  closely  together, 
and  provoked  an  opposition,'  which,  when  organized 
at  successive  conventions  at  Smalcald,  became  too 
powerful  to  be  despised,  and  the  emperor,  at  last, 
saw  the  necessity  of  coming  to  an  agreement  with 
them.  At  the  Nuremberg  pacification,  in  1532, 
articles  were  agreed  upon  and  signed  by  both  par- 
ties. 

The  course  pursued  by  Luther  during  this  busy 
period  of  two  years,  in  which  he  was  consulted  in 
respect  to  all  the  public  measures  adopted  by  the 
Protestant  statesmen,  was  somewhat  peculiar,  pre- 
senting a  singular  compound  of  opinionated  perti^ 
nacity  and  of  submissive  compliance.  In  his  un- 
charitableness  toward  the  Zwinglian  party,  he  per- 
sisted so  far  as  to  exclude  them  from  any  participa- 


.flS.  47-63.]  WANT  OP  CHARITY.  451 

tion  in  the  Protestant  cause,  neither  admitting  them 
as  associates  at  Augsburg,  nor  as  members  of  the 
Smalcald  confederacy  for  mutual  protection  and 
defence.  The  Landgrave  Philip,  who  sympathized 
with  Zwingle  in  his  view,  exhausted  all  his  influence 
upon  Luther,  in  endeavouring  to  persuade  him  that 
the  differences  of  opinion  which  prevailed  respecting 
the  Lord's  supper  were  not  so  fundamental  as  to 
require  the  utter  rejection  of  the  Swiss  churches. 
But  it  was  all  in  vain.  Luther's  pious  abhorrence 
of  their  doctrines  was  as  deeply  and  as  immovably 
fixed  in  his  mind  as  was  that  against  the  Anabaptists. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  maintained  that  the  Pro- 
testant rulers  had  no  right  to  combine  together  for 
mutual  defence,  if  the  emperor  should  make  war 
upon  them  for  their  religion.  When  the  Saxon 
jurists  decided,  that,  according  to  the  constitutional 
principles  of  the  empire,  the  electors  and  other 
princes  had,  clearly,  the  right  to  protect  themselves 
against  the  illegal  encroachments  of  emperors,  Lu- 
ther merely  admitted  that  it  might  be  so  according 
to  the  civil  law;  but  adhered  to  his  original  opinion 
in  a  theological  point  of  view.  But  what  is  still 
more  strange,  he  resisted  nearly  all  the  statesmen 
of  his  own  party,  who  insisted,  that,  not  only  those 
who  had  already  embraced  the  Protestant  doctrines, 
but  those  who  should  hereafter  embrace  them, 
ought  to  have  their  rights  secured  in  the  articles  of 
pacification  with  the  emperor.  Luther  said  it  was 
but  reasonable  that  the  emperor  should  insist 
on  excluding  the  latter  from  the  benefits  of  the 
articles  of  agreement.  If  men  will  not  come  out 
and  show  themselves  openly  in  times  of  danger, 
they  are  not  entitled,  he  maintained,  to  the  quiet 
and  security  acquired  by  others  at  their  peril,  and 


452  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1630-46, 

so  he  prevailed  against  the  landgrave,  who  main- 
tained the  contrary.  However  great  we  may  admit 
the  urgency  to  have  been  to  secure  a  peace  with 
the  emperor,  and  to  avoid  a  religious  war,  the  prin- 
ciple here  avowed  by  Luther  savours  little  of  that 
brotherly  love  which  is  an  essential  part  of  true 
religion. 

The  emperor  was  obliged  to  be  often  absent  from 
Germany,  in  order  to  attend  to  his  affairs  in  Spain 
and  Italy.  As  he  had  taken  decided  ground  against 
the  Protestants,  and  as  the  dukes  of  Bavaria  were 
jealous  of  the  house  of  Austria,  it  seemed  neces- 
sary to  the  emperor  to  have  some  one  on  whom  he 
could  rely  to  protect  his  interests  in  Germany  dur- 
ing his  absence.  The  Elector  of  Saxony  was, 
properly,  the  vicar  of  the  empire ;  but  he  was  the 
leader  of  the  Protestants,  and  a  league  between 
them  and  the  disaffected  Catholic  dukes  of  Bavaria 
might  endanger  the  emperor's  interests.  Charles 
decided  to  secure  the  coronation  of  his  brother 
Ferdinand  as  King  of  Rome,  the  effect  of  which 
would  be  to  make  him  successor  to  the  imperial 
throne,  thus  establishing  his  own  family  in  power, 
and  excluding  the  rival  Bavarian  family ;  and  also 
to  place  the  government  of  Germany  in  Ferdi- 
nand's hands,  whenever  he  himself  should  have 
occasion  to  be  absent.  Luther,  with  less  wisdom 
and  less  knowledge  of  political  affairs  than  the 
advisers  of  the  elector,  advocated  the  propriety  of 
yielding  this  point  to  the  emperor,  greatly  to  the 
grief  of  the  elector. 

The  latter  part  of  Luther's  life  is  not  susceptible 
of  the  same  treatment  as  the  former.  It  has  less 
unity,  and  must  either  be  presented  without  a  very 
consecutive  chain  of  events,  or  must  be  spread  out 


JE.  47-63.1        DEATH  OF   HIS   MOTHER.  453 

* 

into  a  general  history  of  the  times,  so  widely  as  to 
lose  the  character  of  a  biography.  The  choice 
between  the  two  courses  cannot,  in  the  present 
work,  be  doubtful.  Leaving,  therefore,  the  tenor 
of  general  history,  we  revert  to  the  narrative  of 
events  of  a  more  personal  character. 

The  irregular  and  harsh  proceedings  of  the  ma- 
gistrates of  Zwickau,  in  relation  to  the  clergy  of 
the  place,  were  doubly  wounding  to  Luther's  feel- 
ings. He  was  grieved  that  such  an  example  should 
be  set  to  the  newly-organized  churches;  and  he 
almost  regarded  it  as  a  personal  injury  that  the 
pastor,  Hausmann,  his  confidential  friend,  should 
be  treated  with  such  indignity.  He,  therefore, 
used  his  influence  with  the  elector  in  favour  of 
Hausmann's  removal  from  "  the  beastly  inhabitants 
of  Zwickau"  to  a  people  of  a  more  congenial  spirit; 
and  the  result  was,  the  settlement  of  his  friend  in 
Dessau,  where  he  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the 
princes  of  Anhalt. 

In  the  same  year,  that  is,  in  1531,  Luther  was 
afflicted  by  the  death  of  his  mother.  He  was  not 
able  to  visit  her  in  her  last  illness,  but  wrote  her 
an  affectionate  letter  to  confirm  her  faith  and  to  pre- 
pare her  mind  for  the  event  that  was  near  at  hand, 
and  closed  by  saying,  "All  the  children  and  my 
Katy  pray  for  you.  Some  of  them  weep,  and 
some  eat  and  say, '  Grandmother  is  very  sick.'  The 
grace  of  God  be  with  us  all." 

The  next  year  was  made  one  of  sadness  to  Luther 
by  the  death  of  the  Elector  John,  surnamed  the 
Constant.  He  went  to  Schweinitz,  a  summer  resi- 
dence a  few  miles  to  the  east  of  Wittenberg,  for  the 
purpose  of  indulging  in  the  chase,  and  was  taken 
suddenly  ill.  Luther,  Melancthon  and  Schurf  ar- 


454  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

rived  a  short  time  before  his  death.  "  Alas  I"  said 
Luther,  "  how  a  great  prince  dieth  here  alone, 
without  the  presence  of  a  son,  relative,  or  friend  to 
witness  his  departure  !  The  physicians  say  he  died 
of  the  cramp.  Just  as  children  are  born  without 
sorrow,  live  without  sorrow,  and  die  without  sorrow, 
so  will  our  dear  prince,  at  the  last  day,  come  to  him- 
self, as  if  fresh  from  the  chase  in  the  Lochau 
Forest,  and  will  not  be  conscious  of  what  happened 
to  him."  His  son,  John  Frederic,  then  in  his 
twenty-ninth  year,  succeeded  him.  Though  a  firm 
and  faithful  friend  of  the  Reformation,  and  already 
conversant  with  public  affairs,  he  had  not  the  high 
qualities  of  wisdom  and  firmness  which  characterized 
his  predecessors,  Frederic  and  John. 

Many  of  Luther's  letters,  written  about  this  pe 
riod,  were  letters  of  consolation  to  the  afflicted,  the 
tempted  and  the  persecuted,  or  of  warning  to  rulers 
and  magistrates  against  disturbers  of  the  public 
peace,  particularly  the  Anabaptists,  who  were  be- 
ginning, at  Munster  and  other  places,  to  lift  their 
heads  again.  In  1533  and  1534,  he  was  employed 
in  preparing  a  new  edition  of  his  hymns,  in  com- 
pleting his  translation  of  the  Bible,  in  comforting 
and  aiding  Christians  who  had  been  banished  from 
Leipsic  by  Duke  George,  and  in  other  labours  of 
piety  and  charity. 

Luther,  from  the  beginning  of  his  public  career 
as  a  reformer,  had  always  desired  and  demanded 
that  a  general  and  free  council  of  the  church  should 
be  held,  before  which  both  religious  parties  might 
bring  their  complaints  for  adjudication.  The  Ger- 
man diets  had  joined  with  Luther  in  this  request, 
and  even  the  emperor  promised  that  such  a  council 
should  be  held.  But  the  Roman  pontiffs  had  op- 


JE.  47-G3.]      GENERAL  COUNCIL  PROPOSED.  455 

posed  the  project,  or,  if  they  seemed  to  yield,  they 
required  that  it  be  held  in  Italy)  be  constituted  and 
organized  by  the  pope,  and,  moreover,  that  it  decide 
tfie  questions  submitted  to  it  by  the  traditions  and 
usages  of  the  church.  The  Protestants,  on  the  con- 
trary, demanded  that  the  council  should  be  held  in 
Germany,  where  the  troubles  existed;  that  it  should 
not  be  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  pope,  but  that 
he,  as  one  of  the  parties,  should  be  subject  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  council ;  and  that  its  decisions  should 
be  formed,  not  according  to  human  traditions,  but  ac- 
cording to  the  word  of  God.  Charles  V.,  on  his  way 
to  Spain  in  1532,  had  an  interview  with  the  pope, 
Clement  VII.,  on  the  subject,  in  consequence  of  which 
a  papal  ambassador  and  an  imperial  orator  appeared 
with  the  proposal  before  the  elector  at  Weimar,  but 
were  referred  by  him  to  the  assembly  of  Protestant 
princes  to  be  held  the  year  following  at  Smalcald. 
At  that  meeting  they  received  answer,  as  stated 
above,  that  the  council  must  be  held  in  Germany, 
that  the  pope  must  not  be  both  party  and  judge,  and 
that  the  Scriptures,  and  not  human  opinions,  must  be 
ultimate  authority. 

Two  years  later,  in  1535,  the  project  was  renewed 
by  Paul  III.,  Clement's  successor,  and  the  elector 
asked  the  opinion  of  Luther  whether  any  other 
answer  should  be  given  to  the  pope  than  that  given 
before.  Luther  replied  that  he  believed  the  whole 
matter  to  be  a  mere  feint,  and  therefore  was  not  dis- 
posed to  trouble  himself  about  the  conditions.  Lu- 
ther had  good  reasons  for  such  an  opinion,  for  the 
previous  proposal  for  a  council  on  the  part  of  the 
pope  was  undoubtedly  made  for  no  other  purpose 
than  that  of  preventing  a  German  diet  which,  he 
feared,  would  meet  to  act  on  the  same  subject,  at 


156  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

that  unfavourable  time,  when  the  Protestant  power 
was  strong.  The  papal  legate,  Vergerio,  came,  in 
this  instance,  to  Wittenberg,  to  hold  an  interview 
with  Luther  himself,  and  the  morning  after  his 
arrival  invited  Luther  and  Bugenhagen  to  break- 
fast. Early  in  the  morning,  Luther  sent  for  a  barber 
to  prepare  him  for  the  occasion,  who,  when  he  had 
come,  said,  "  How  is  it  that  you  wish  to  be  shaved 
so  early."  "  I  am  to  go,"  replied  Luther,  "  to  the 
legate  of  his  holiness  the  pope,  and  I  must  adorn  my- 
self, so  as  to  appear  young ;  and  the  legate  will  then 
say  to  himself,  '  Zounds !  is  Luther  so  young,  and 
yet  hath  done  so  much  mischief?  What  then  will 
he  yet  do?' "  When  his  head  was  dressed,  he  put 
on  his  best  clothes,  and  laid  his  jewel,  set  in  gold, 
around  his  neck.  The  barber  said  to  him,  "Doctor, 
that  will  be  offensive  to  them."  "  For  that  reason 
I  do  it,"  said  Luther ;  "  they  have  conducted  offen- 
sively enough  toward  us ;  and  we  must  manage  in 
this  way  with  those  serpents  and  foxes."  "  Go,  then, 
doctor,"  said  the  barber,  "  in  God's  name,  and  the 
Lord  be  with  you,  that  you  may  convert  them." 
"That,"  said  the  doctor,  "I  shall  not  doj  but  it 
may  be  that  I  shall  read  them  a  good  lesson,  and 
let  them  go."  He  then  mounted  the  carriage  with 
Bugenhagen  and  drove  off  to  the  castle,  to  the 
legate.  On  the  way,  he  smiled  and  said  to  his  com- 
panion, "  Here  go  the  German  pope  and  Cardinal 
Bugenhagen ;  these  are  God's  instruments  and  ar- 
tillery." ' 

On  arriving  at  the  place,  he  was  announced  and 
immediately  admitted  and  kindly  received,  and  he 
greeted  the  legate  in  turn,  but  not  with  the  high- 
sounding  titles  which  were  formerly  used  on  such 
occasions.  They  soon  began  to  speak  of  a  council, 


JE.  47-63.]    INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  LEGATE.  457 

and  Luther  said,  "You  are  not  in  earnest  about 
holding  a  council ;  it  is  only  a  trick ;  and  if  you 
were  to  hold  one,  it  would  concern  itself  only  about 
cowls,  shorn  heads,  meats,  drinks,  and  such-like 
foolish  things,  and  others  still  more  useless,  which 
we  know,  at  the  outset,  to  be  nothing.  But  of  faith 
and  justification,  and  other  useful  and  weighty  mat- 
ters, such  as  how  believers  may  be  united  in  spirit 
and  in  faith,  you  do  not  wish  to  confer,  nor  would 
it  be  for  your  interest.  .  .  .  But  if  you  desire  to 
have  a  council,  very  well :  have  one,  and  I  will 
come,  though  I  should  know  you  would  burn  me  at 
the  stake."  "Where?"  answered  the  legate.  "In 
what  city  will  you  have  the  council  ?"  "  Where  you 
please,"  was  the  answer,  "  at  Mantua,  or  Padua,  or 
Florence,  or  wheresoever  you  please."  "Will  you 
come  to  Bologna?"  said  the  legate.  "  To  whom  does 
that  place  belong?"  inquired  Luther.  "To  the  pope." 
"  Gracious  Lord,  hath  the  pope  got  his  clutches  on 
this  city,  too !  Well,  I  will  come,"  said  Luther. 
The  legate  added,  "  The  pope  would  not  refuse  to 
come  to  you  at  Wittenberg."  "  Well,  then,"  said  Lu- 
ther, "  let  him  come  j  we  should  like  to  see  him." 
"  How  would  you  like  to  see  him,"  replied  the  legate, 
"with  an  army  or  without?"  "Just  as  best  pleas- 
eth  him,"  said  Luther;  "we  will  be  ready  for  either." 
Then  the  legate  asked,  "Do  you  consecrate  priests?" 
"  To  be  sure,"  said  Luther,  "  for  the  pope  will  not 
consecrate  or  ordain  any  for  us.  Here  you  see  a 
bishop,  (pointing  to  Bugenhagen,)  whom  we  have  con- 
secrated." After  the  interview  was  over,  and  when 
the  legate  was  seated  upon  his  horse,  he  said  to  Luther, 
"  See  that  you  are  prepared  for  the  council."  Luther 
replied,  "  I  will  come,  sir,  with  this  neck  of  mine." 
Through  the  influence  of  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 

39 


458  LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

and  Bucer,  who  were  extremely  desirous  for  the 
union  of  the  two  Protestant  parties,  efforts  were 
made  in  1534,  1535,  and  1536,  to  agree  upon  arti- 
cles of  concord  relating  to  the  eucharist.  The  cities 
of  Strasburg,  Augsburg,  Ulm,  and  Esslingen  in 
particular,  which  were  situated  in  the  south-west  of 
Germany,  along  the  borders,  between  the  Luthe- 
ran influence  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Zwinglian 
on  the  other,  were  inclined  to  the  extreme  views  of 
neither  party,  and  were  anxious  that  both  should 
agree  on  some  common  intermediate  ground.  A 
convention  was  finally  held  at  Wittenberg,  May, 
1536,  for  the  purpose,  and  Luther  succeeded  in 
bringing  the  Upper  Germans,  as  they  were  called, 
to  subscribe  to  his  views. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1536,  as  the  pope 
had  proposed  to  the  Protestants  to  hold  a  general 
council,  the  theologians  of  Wittenberg  were  directed 
by  the  elector  to  draw  up  articles  in  respect  to  it, 
which  might  be  presented  to  the  convention  about 
to  be  held  on  that  subject  at  Smalcald.  This  is  the 
origin  of  the  Smalcald  Articles.  Luther,  Melanc- 
thon,  Bugenhagen  and  others  from  Wittenberg  at- 
tended this  convention,  which  resulted  in  a  refusal 
on  the  part  of  the  Protestants  to  participate  in  the 
council.  Luther  and  his  companions,  who  went  by 
the  way  of  Grimma,  Altenburg  and  Weimar,  ar 
rived  at  Smalcald,  near  the  south-western  border  of 
Saxony,  the  7th  of  January,  1537.  The  first  week 
he  had  little  to  do,  and  complained  that  business 
proceeded  so  slowly.  The  second,  he  suffered  so 
severely  from  the  stone  that  he  did  not  expect  to 
live  to  return  home.  The  elector,  Melancthon, 
Spalatin  and  Myconius  were  often  at  his  bed-side. 
The  elector  said  to  him  :  "  If,  contrary  to  our  hopes, 


JE.  47-63.]      DECLENSION  OF  AGRICOLA.  459 

it  be  the  will  of  God  to  take  you  from  us,  be  not 
concerned  about  your  wife  and  children,  for  they 
shall  be  my  wife  and  children."  Getting  no  relief 
for  more  than  a  week,  he  decided  to  be  removed 
from  Smalcald,  as  medicines  could  not  be  procured 
there.  At  Tambach,  he  experienced  relief;  but 
while  at  Gotha  he  had  a  return  of  his  excruciating 
pains,  and  six  stones,  one  of  nearly  the  size  of  a 
bean,  passed  from  him.  He  was  able  to  proceed  to 
Erfurt,  and  then,  after  a  pause,  to  Weimar.  At  Al- 
tenburg,  he  stopped  at  the  house  of  Spalatin.  Me- 
lancthon  wrote  afterward  from  Grimma  that  Luther 
had  some  rest  and  could  take  a  little  food ;  and,  after 
a  little  more  than  two  weeks  from  the  time  of  leaving 
Smalcald,  he  reached  home  in  extreme  weakness. 

The  following  year  was  imbittered  by  one  of  the 
severest  trials  which  Luther  had  been  called  to  en- 
dure. Agricola,  of  Eisleben,  one  of  his  dearest 
and  most  confidential  friends,  led  on,  perhaps,  by 
some  of  Luther's  unguarded  and  unadvised  expres- 
sions, became  an  avowed  Antinomian,  and  maintained 
that  Christians  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  law  of 
God,  but  were  to  concern  themselves  simply  with 
Christ  crucified.  The  enemies  of  Luther  rejoiced 
in  this  new  schism,  and  maintained  that  it  was  the 
legitimate  fruit  of  his  doctrines.  He  wrote  six 
elaborate  disputations  in  the  course  of  four  years  to 
disprove  the  positions  of  Agricola,  and  took  from  him 
the  license  to  preach  which  he  had  formerly  given  him. 

For  twenty  years,  ever  since  the  Leipsic  Disputa- 
tion in  1519,  Duke  George  had  been  among  the 
bitterest  of  Luther's  enemies.  He  imprisoned  and 
put  to  death  Luther's  followers,  and  at  one  time 
banished  eight  hundred  souls  from  Leipsic.  But, 
Connected  as  his  territories  were  with  those  of  the 


460  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

elector,  it  was  impossible  to  keep  them  free  from  the 
influence  of  the  Reformation.  Even  his  brother 
Henry,  who  held  his  court  at  Freiberg,  favoured  the 
evangelical  doctrines.  Finally,  Prince  John,  son 
of  the  duke,  on  whom  he  relied  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Catholic  faith  after  his  death,  died  before 
him,  and  afterward  another  son ;  and  the  Protestant 
Henry  was  the  next  heir  to  the  throne.  Just  at 
the  time  that  a  dangerous  league  of  Catholic  princes 
was  expected  to  open  an  attack  upon  the  Protestants, 
George,  a  leader  among  them,  suddenly  died,  and 
all  their  plans  were  destroyed  in  a  moment. 

Luther  and  his  associates  were  now  called  upon 
by  Duke  Henry  of  Saxony  to  introduce  the  Refor- 
mation into  his  dominions,  beginning  at  Leipsic. 
Luther  preached  his  first  sermon  on  this  occasion, 
May  24,  1539,  in  the -chapel  of  the  same  palace 
where,  twenty  years  before,  he  had  held  his  debate 
with  Eck.  This  was  in  fulfilment  of  his  own  pre- 
diction:— "I  see,  that  Duke  George  will  not  cease 
opposing  the  word  of  God  and  the  poor  Lutherans. 
But  I  shall  live  to  see  him  and  his  whole  family 
perish,  and  shall  one  day  preach  God's  word  in  Leip- 
sic." The  next  day,  when  he  preached  in  St.  Nicho- 
las' church,  there  was  such  a  crowd  that  all  the 
space  about  the  pillars  and  railings  and  passages 
was  full,  and  many  stood  out  of  doors  and  heard 
him  through  the  windows.  The  hearers  fell  upon 
their  knees,  and  with  tears  thanked  God  that  the 
day  of  their  deliverance  had  come  ! 

It  was  at  the  close  of  the  same  year,  that  the  un- 
happy consultations  commenced  about  the  bigamy 
of  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse.  Luther  and  Melancthon 
were  involved  in  inextricable  difficulties  by  the  false 
principles  on  which  they  suffered  themselves  to  act. 


M.  47-63.]     INEFFECTUAL  CONFERENCES.  461 

That  they  acted  hypocritically,  out  of  fear  of  offend- 
ing the  landgrave,  as  has  often  been  said,  is  hardly 
credible ;  that  they  were  misled  by  their  ill-advised 
casuistry,  is  but  too  evident.  Nothing  was  ever 
thrown  into  their  teeth  with  more  bitterness  and  scorn 
by  the  Catholics,  than  their  secret  approval  of  this 
flagrant  violation  of  Christian  morals.  A  sufficient 
apology  for  their  conduct  in  the  unhappy  affair  can- 
not be  given.  It  so  wore  upon  Melancthon's  feel- 
ings as  to  bring  on  a  sickness  which  came  very  near 
proving  fatal. 

Conventions,  conferences  and  diets  were  still  held, 
during  the  next  succeeding  two  or  three  years,  at 
Smalcald,  Worms,  Ratisbon  and  Spire,  to  settle  the 
difficulties  between  the  Catholics  and  Protestants; 
but  Luther,  who  was  tired  of  these  useless  endea- 
vours, excused  himself  from  attending  them,  and 
the  task  was  imposed  upon  Melancthon  and  others, 
whom  Luther  aided  by  his  counsels.  The  last  years 
of  Luther's  life  were  rendered  cheerless,  partly  by 
the  death  of  many  dear  friends,  and  partly  by  the 
unhappiness  which  sprung  up  between  himself  and 
the  living.  These  events  will  be  sufficiently  pre- 
sented in  the  extracts  from  his  letters  which  follow. 

Although  more  than  thirteen  hundred  octavo  pages 
of  letters  were  written  by  Luther  after  his  return 
from  Coburg  in  1530,  only  a  small  part  of  them 
relate  to  his  private  history.  The  remainder  are 
connected  with  public  transactions,  of  so  complicated 
a  character,  that  a  full  explanation  of  them  would  of 
itself  constitute  a  general  history  of  Germany  for 
the  times.  Only  a  few  selections,  therefore,  can,  in 
accordance  with  the  plan  of  this  work,  find  a  place 
here. 

The  third  letter  written  after  his  return  to  Wit- 

39* 


462  LIFE   OF  LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

tenberg  was  addressed  to  Amsdorf,  his  confidential 
friend.  In  this  he  says :  "  In  complaining  unto  me 
of  my  silence,  most  excellent  Amsdorf,  you  do  but 
furnish  me  with  an  occasion  of  justly  expostulating 
with  you  for  yours,  which  hath  been  so  obstinate 
and  persevering.  For  when  you  did  know  of  my 
solitude,  you  were  not  only  wanting  in  commisera- 
tion, so  as  not  to  comfort  me  with  your  letters,  but 
you  added  grief  to  grief,  by  afflicting  me  with 
perpetual  silence.  And  now  you  even  add  to  your 
sin  by  gratuitously  reproving  and  censuring  me  for 
a  fault,  not  my  own,  but  yours.  You  compel  me 
to  suspect  that  you  have  meanwhile,  perhaps,  been 
made  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg  and  Primate  of 
Germany,  so  that  you  easily  forget  me  in  my  poverty, 
and  proudly  censure  me.  Hence  it  cometh,  I  think, 
that  you  complain  of  my  calling  the  Archbishop  of 
Mainz  'most  reverend  father/  lest  I  may  thereby 
detract  somewhat  from  your  honour;  though  I  only 
used  the  language  of  courts,  in  which  even  ferocious 
demons  are  called  'gracious  lords.'  In  one  thing 
you  gratify  me,  namely,  in  approving  the  books  I 
have  published  this  summer.  More  I  could  not 
write,  by  reason  of  my  poor  health;  and  on  those 
which  were  written,  only  half,  or  a  little  more,  of 
the  time  I  was  in  my  solitude,  stolen  with  difficulty 
from  sickness,  could  be  employed.  The  printers 
proceeded  with  a  pace  equally  slow,  for  they  still 
have  in  press  two  books  written  long  ago.  Of  the 
rest  I  will  speak  when  you  come  to  visit  me,  which 
I  hope  will  be  very  soon,  in  order  that  we  may  re- 
fresh ourselves  in  each  other's  company,  before  we 
are  separated  for  ever.  For  I  feel  that  I  am  fast 
growing  old,  at  least,  am  losing  my  strength.  A 


JE.  47-63.]      EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  463 

messenger  of  Satan  hath  severely  buffeted  me.    The 
Lord  be  with  you  in  grace  and  truth." 

The  name  of  Jerome  Weller  has  already  been 
mentioned  as  a  tutor  to  Luther's  son,  and  as  a  young 
man  of  fine  talents,  but  of  melancholy  disposition. 
His  brother  Peter  was  also  a  friend  of  Luther,  and 
even  lived  in  his  house.  To  the  former,  in  a  state 
of  despondency,  Luther,  whose  experience  well  quali- 
fied him  for  the  office,  wrote  the  following  words  of 
encouragement,  under  date  of  November  6,  1530: 
"My  dearest  Jerome,  you  ought  to  consider  that 
this  temptation  of  yours  is  from  the  devil ;  and  that 
he  thus  vexeth  you  because  you  believe  in  Christ. 
For  you  see  how  secure  and  joyful  he  lets  those  be 
who  are  most  hostile  to  the  gospel,  as  Eck,  Zwin- 
gle  and  others.  .  .  .  You  ought  to  rejoice  in  this 
temptation  of  the  devil,  because  it  is  a  sure  sign  that 
God  is  propitious  and  merciful  to  you.  You  will 
say,  'The  temptation  is  heavier  than  I  can  bear,'  and 
will  fear  lest  it  so  prostrate  and  oppress  you  that  you 
will  fall  into  desperation  and  blasphemy.  I  know  this 
art  of  the  devil :  whom  he  cannot  by  the  first  assault 
lay  prostrate,  he  endeavoureth  assiduously  to  harass 
and  debilitate,  that  he  may  fall  and  confess  himself 
vanquished.  Wherefore,  as  often  as  this  temptation 
cometh  upon  you,  take  care  that  you  do  not  debate 
with  the  devil,  or  indulge  in  these  deadly  cogitations. 
For  this  is  but  to  believe  the  devil,  and  to  yield 
to  him.  But  rather  boldly  despise  these  cogitations 
suggested  by  the  devil.  In  this  kind  of  temptation 
contempt  is  the  best  and  easiest  means  of  overcom- 
ing the  devil.  Laugh  your  adversary  to  scorn,  then, 
and  seek  for  a  companion  or  friend.  Flee  solitude, 
for  he  then  lieth  in  wait  for  you,  and  catcheth  you 
when  you  are  alone.  This  devil  is  overcome,  not  by 


464  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [153CM6. 

resistance  and  disputation,  but  by  ridicule  and  con- 
tempt. Indulge,  therefore,  in  playfulness  and  face- 
tiousness  with  my  wife  and  others,  and  by  that  means 
delude  those  diabolical  machinations,  and  be  of  good 
cheer.  This  temptation  is  more  needful  to  you  than 
your  meat  and  drink.  I  wish  to  relate  what  hap- 
pened unto  me  when  I  was  about  your  age.  When 
I  first  went  into  the  monastery,  it  happened  that  I 
was  always  falling  sad  and  melancholy,  nor  could  I 
lay  this  sadness  aside.  Wherefore  I  consulted  Dr. 
Staupitz,  and  confessed  to  him,  whom  I  love  to  men- 
tion, and  disclosed  to  him  what  horrid  and  terrific 
cogitations  I  had.  He  said :  '  You  know  not,  Mar- 
tin, how  useful  and  necessary  this  temptation  is  to 
you.  For  God  doth  not  so  exercise  you  in  vain; 
you  will  see  that  he  will  employ  you  to  do  great 
things.'  And  so  it  hath  turned  out.  For  I  am  be- 
come (this  I  may  justly  say  of  myself)  a  great  doctor, 
which  at  that  time,  when  I  was  under  the  temptation, 
I  would  never  have  believed.  So,  beyond  all  doubt, 
will  it  be  with  you.  You  will  become  a  great  man. 
See  that  you  be  of  good  heart,  and  be  assured  that 
such  words,  coming  from  the  lips  of  learned  and  great 
men,  are  a  sort  of  oracle  and  divination." 

To  Veit  Dietrich,  now  in  Coburg,  he  writes:  "I 
have  succeeded  to  the  labours  of  Bugenhagen,  [the 
city  pastor;]  I  preach,  lecture  [in  the  university,] 
am  distracted  with  causes  to  be  decided,  and  am  busy 
in  writing  letters,  so  that  I  can  do  no  more.  Salute 
all  in  my  name.  I  must  seize  time  by  force,  if  I 
would  do  any  thing  out  of  my  line  of  duties.  My 
head  still  roareth,  especially  in  the  morning." 

As  pastor,  he  had  occasion  to  perform  new  duties, 
one  of  which,  relating  to  a  breach  of  promise,  we 
find  represented  in  the  following  official  letter :  "  I, 


JE.  47-63.]     EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  465 

Martin  Luther,  doctor  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and 
preacher  at  Wittenberg,  do  you,  Brosius  Heinrich  of 
Dittersdorf,  to  wit,  that  the  honourable  lady  Anna, 
widow  of  Wetzel  of  Zernegal,  hath  appeared  before 
me,  and  entered  complaint  that  you  promised  her 
proper  marriage,  and  was  therefore  publicly  affianced 
to  her;  and,  notwithstanding  this,  have  abandoned 
her,  and  refused  to  fulfil,  according  to  promise  and 
duty,  (which  are  binding  before  God  and  all  the 
world,)  to  consummate  the  marriage  with  the  afore- 
said lady.  Wherefore  she  hath  called  upon  me,  as 
pastor,  for  the  time  being,  at  Wittenberg,  to  protect 
her  in  her  rights.  In  place,  therefore,  of  the  pastor, 
I  hereby  peremptorily  summon  and  cite  you  to  ap- 
pear before  me  and  others,  who  have  such  things  in 
charge,  here  at  Wittenberg,  to  hear  said  complaint, 
and  whatever  else  is  right  and  proper." 

The  deliberation  of  Luther  with  his  young  friend 
Jerome  Weller,  in  regard  to  his  marriage  celebra- 
tion, is  not  without  interest  to  us.  "  I  have  learned 
with  satisfaction,"  says  Luther  in  a  letter  to  him, 
"  that  you  have  become  a  man,  and  have  obtained  a 
companion.  .  .  .  May  Christ  bless  you  and  your 
spouse,  and  grant  that  you  may  always  live  together 
with  kindness  and  affection.  I  do  not  entirely  ap- 
prove of  your  plan  for  the  wedding.  You  know  the 
difficulty  under  which  we  labour  here  because  of  our 
market,  so  that  neither  I  nor  my  Katy  can  coa- 
ceive  how,  in  such  a  destitution  of  all  things,  we 
can  provide  a  suitable  dinner  for  such  a  multitude. 
I  would  not  like  to  leave  any  stain  upon  your 
honour  or  mine.  I  think  it  would  be  better  to  cele- 
brate the  marriage  in  Freiberg,  [Weller's  residence,] 
or,  if  that  cannot  be  done,  to  take  leave  of  your 
friends  there  with  a  splendid  entertainment  for  as 


LIFE  OP  LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

many  as  would  be  convenient,  and  then  come  hither 
with  a  small  company,  as  Cruciger,  Dr.  Briick  and 
others  did,  and  prepare  a  collation  or  dinner  of  two 
or  three  tables.  ...  If  you  were  to  invite  all  the 
university  and  the  families  of  the  professors,  and 
others,  who  could  not  on  my  account  be  omitted, 
you  would  need  nine  or  twelve  tables.  You  remem- 
ber that  on  receiving  your  doctorate,  you  invited  the 
men  without  their  wives  and  children,  and  yet  seven 
or  eight  tables  were  filled."  In  another  letter,  he 
says  such  a  public  wedding  in  Wittenberg  would 
cost  one  hundred  gulden. 

In  January  of  1537,  Luther  wrote  to  his  son 
John,  who  was  at  school,  these  affectionate  and  judi- 
cious lines :  "  Thus  far,  my  dearest  John,  your 
studies  and  the  letters  you  have  written  please  me. 
If  you  go  on  thus,  you  will  not  only  gratify  me,  a 
tender  father,  but  will  chiefly  benefit  yourself  in  not 
becoming  degenerate.  Wherefore  proceed  diligently 
as  you  have  begun.  For  God,  who  commandeth 
children  to  obey  their  parents,  promiseth  blessings 
to  obedient  children.  See  that  you  regard  this 
blessing  only,  and  that  you  do  not  allow  yourself  to 
be  misled  by  bad  examples.  For  the  same  God 
threateneth  disobedient  children  with  cursing.  Fear 
God,  then,  who  blesseth  and  curseth,  and  who, 
though  he  delay  his  promises  and  threatenings  to 
the  destruction  of  the  wicked,  fulfilleth  them  soon 
enough  for  the  salvation  of  the  good.  Fear  God, 
then,  and  listen  to  your  parents,  who  desire  nothing 
but  your  good,  and  flee  base  and  evil  conversation. 
Your  mother  heartily  saluteth  you,  as  also  aunt 
Lene,  with  your  sisters  and  brothers,  who  also  all 
look  forward  to  your  happy  career  and  the  end  of 
your  studies.  Your  mother  biddeth  you  salute  your 


M.  47-63.]    EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  467 

preceptor  and  his  wife.  If  they  wish  to  come  with 
you  this  carnival  or  vacation,  very  well,  though  I 
shall  be  absent.  Aunt  Lene  desireth  it  very  much. 
Farewell,  my  son ;  learn  and  practise  the  counsels 
of  good  men.  The  Lord  be  with  you." 

The  Smalcald  convention  was  held  in  February 
of  this  year.  A  few  words  from  Luther's  letters 
will  sufficiently  represent  to  us  the  character  of  that 
convention,  and  the  feelings  which  he  cherished  in 
respect  to  it.  "Although,  my  dear  Jonas,"  he  writes 
to  him  from  Altenburg,  "this  letter,  as  I  suppose, 
will  not  come  to  hand  immediately,  nevertheless  I 
desire  to  say  that  I  hope  you  are  by  this  time  re- 
covered from  the  gravel,  and  that  my  prayers  are 
heard.  It  is  rumoured  that  the  holy  legate,  [Peter 
Vorst,]  Bishop  of  Aix,  is  on  his  way  from  Nurem- 
berg to  visit  our  prince.  This  hath  been  written  to 
him  from  Coburg,  whereunto  he  replied,  that  the 
legate  must  come  to  Smalcald,  if  he  desired  to  see 
him.  .  .  .  The  imperial  chancellor,  Matthias  Held, 
will  be  there.  The  convention  will,  perhaps,  be 
greater  than  either  party  expected.  God  grant  that 
it  may  be  a  true  council.  ...  I  miss  your  company 
exceedingly.  Visit  my  family,  and  also  the  Pome- 
ranian Rome  [the  family  of  Pomeranus,  or  Bugen- 
hagen]  and  its  Quirites,  [citizens.]  We  are  well 
and  happy,  and  have  been  sumptuously  entertained 
by  the  prince  in  his  castles  at  Grimma  and  Alten- 
burg. We  had  hoped  to  be  guests  of  that  old 
Pylades  [true  friend]  and  Theseus,  [namely,  Spa- 
latin;]  and  therefore  amused  ourselves,  after  our 
manner,  which  you  know,  in  making  Latin  verses 
on  him. 

"I  wish  to  write  to  you  while  I  have  leisure;  for 
after  a  little  time  we  shall  be  engaged  in  delibera- 


468  LIFE  OF  LUTHER.  [1530-46 

tion.  .  .  .  Many  think  there  will  not  be  as  many 
men  at  the  council  of  Mantua  as  here,  though  there 
may  be  more  mules,  asses  and  horses,  with  riders 
like  themselves.  .  .  .  Yesterday  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse  and  the  Duke  of  Wirtemberg  made  a  splendid 
entry  into  the  city.  To-day,  the  princes  are  in  secret 
council,  while  we  are  at  leisure,  and  can  write. 
What  will  be  done  I  do  not  know,  nor  can  I  divine. 
Yesterday  Spalatin  preached ;  to-day  I  shall  do  the 
same  before  the  princes,  in  the  lofty  and  spacious 
parish  church,  which  is  so  large  that  our  voices  will 
sound  like  that  of  a  mouse  in  it.  The  place  and  the 
climate  are  healthy,  and  we  are  well.  You  only  are 
missed.  You  would  like  to  see  so  many  great  men, 
and  to  be  seen  among  them.  Yesterday  I  suffered 
from  the  gravel."  The  dangerous  illness,  already 
described,  immediately  ensued. 

In  May,  1538,  he  wrote  to  Duke  Albert  of  Prus 
sia,  on  the  Vistula,  in  behalf  of  his  brother-in-law, 
,rho  wished  to  enter  again  into  the  service  of  that 
excellent  prince.  "My  brother-in-law,"  he  says, 
"John  von  Bora,  who  was  formerly  in  your  service 
at  Memel,  [near  the  borders  of  Russia,]  hath  de 
sired  me  to  write  to  you.  He  was  forced  to  stay 
away  from  you  long,  to  marry  and  settle  on  his 
estate,  in  order  to  hold  possession  of  it^  but  hath 
never  wished  to  abandon  your  service,  He  hath 
always  spoken  in  your  praise,  and  desired  to  be  in 
your  employ;  and  now  it  is  his  request  that  you 
will  take  his  long  absence  in  good  part,  which  was 
caused  only  by  the  necessity  of  securing  his  own 
and  his  brother's  estate."  This  brother  of  Catharine 
von  Bora,  Luther's  wife,  is  often  mentioned  by  Lu- 
ther in  his  letters.  In  1539,  failing  of  an  appoint- 
ment in  the  service  of  Duke  Albert,  he  was  made 


JE.  47-63.]        EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  469 

overseer  of  a  Benedictine  nunnery  in  Leipsic,  by 
Henry,  Duke  of  Saxony.  Afterward  he  obtained 
from  the  Elector  John  Frederic,  a  small  estate,  a 
little  south  of  Altenburg,  which  he  retained  from 
1545  to  1560. 

Not  long  after  writing  the  letter  quoted  in  part 
above,  he  wrote  the  following  lines  to  a  judge  in 
Torgau :  "  '  Serve  the  Lord  with  fear,  and  be  in- 
structed, ye  judges  of  the  earth.'  These  words 
should  be  the  judge's  daily  motto ;  and  it  is,  I  think, 
yours.  For  you  are  such  a  pious  and  Christian 
judge,  as  all  who  know  you  testify.  I  thank  you, 
my  dear  Judge  Antony,  that  you  gave  your  assist- 
ance to  Margaret  Dorste,  and  did  not  allow  the 
nobles  to  take  away  her  property  and  her  very  blood. 
You  know  that  Dr.  Martin  is  not  only  a  theologian 
and  a  champion  of  the  faith,  but  a  defender  of  the 
rights  of  the  poor  people,  who  come  to  him  from  all 
quarters  to  get  help  before  magistrates,  so  that  he" 
would  have  enough  to  do,  if  he  had  no  other  busi- " 
ness.  But  Dr.  Luther  loveth  to  serve  the  poor,  as 
do  you  also;  for  you  fear  the  Lord ;  you  love  Christ ; 
you  study  the  word  of  God,  and  still  learn  your 
catechism  daily  no  less  than  the  children  in  the 
school.  Christ,  the  Lord,  will  remember  this  of 
you.  But,  dear  Judge  Antony,  it  was  not  enough 
for  you  to  listen  to  my  request  and  entreaty,  and  to 
give  me  pleasing  intelligence  of  your  love  and  readi- 
ness to  grant  my  request,  but  you  must  honour  me 
with  a  present— with  a  whole  cask  of  Torgau  beer 
of  your  own  brewing.  I  am  unworthy  of  such  kind- 
ness ;  and,  though  I  know  that  you  are  not  poor, 
but  that  God  hath  blest  you  with  abundance,  still  I 
should  have  liked  better  that  you  should  have  given 
it  to  the  poor,  and  from  their  prayers  have  received 

40 


470  LIFE    OP   LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

a  greater  blessing  than  you  can  from  poor  Martin's 
alone." 

The  following  touching  allusion  to  the  death  of 
the  companion  who  went  with  him,  when  a  boy,  to 
the  school  at  Magdeburg,  will  be  read  with  interest. 
"It  is  strange/'  says  he,  in  writing  to  a  citizen  of 
Mansfeld,  "how  carefully  all  my  friends  and  rela- 
tions concealed  from  me  the  death  of  John  Reineck, 
your  brother-in-law,  and  my  best  friend.  Neither 
my  brother  Jacob  nor  my  Katy  was  willing  that  I 
should  know  any  thing  of  it  in  my  sickness.  Yet  I 
rejoice  that  he  died  so  happily  and  piously,  though 
I  bear  with  reluctance  and  grief  the  loss  of  such  a 
man." 

Under  date  of.  1539,  we  find  a  letter  of  Luther  to 
his  sister,  whom  he  addresses  as  "Lady  Dorothy, 
wife  of  Balthasar  Mackenrot,  in  the  service  of  the 
elector  at  Rossla,"  in  the  vicinity  of  Nordhausen. 
He  there  says :  "Dear  sister,  I  see  from  your  letter 
to  me  that  your  highly  burdened  conscience  longs 
after  the  comforting  preaching  of  the  gospel,  and 
that  you  desire  it  to  be  introduced  into  your  church 
at  Rossla.  Rejoicing  thereat,  I  have  resolved  to  be 
with  you  at  Christmas,  if  God  shall  spare  my  life 
and  health,  and  to  introduce,  with  God's  help,  the 
first  evangelical  preaching  myself  both  at  Rossla 
and  Upper  Rossla,  and  to  establish  it  as  a  memorial. 
Greet  your  husband,  and  your  little  daughter  Mar- 
garet, for  whom  I  will  bring  some  present."  This 
sister  survived  Luther  several  years. 

When  his  daughter  Magdalene  was  apparently 
near  her  end,  Luther  wrote  to  Torgau,  September  6, 
1542,  for  his  son  John,  who  was  attending  school 
there.  "I  request  you,"  he  said  to  Marcus  Crodel, 
"  to  keep  from  my  son  John  what  I  now  write  you. 


M.  47-63.]         EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS.  471 

My  daughter  Magdalene  is  drawing  near  to  death, 
and  will  soon  be  with  her  true  Father  in  heaven, 
unless  it  shall  seem  best  to  God  that  it  should  be 
otherwise.  But  she  longeth  so  much  to  see  her 
brother,  that  I  am  constrained  to  send  a  carriage  for 
him,  hoping  she  may  live  till  he  returneth.  They 
were  very  fond  of  each  other.  I  do  whatsoever  I 
can,  that  my  conscience  may  not  afterward  reproach 
me.  Direct  him,  therefore,  without  mentioning  the 
reason,  to  hasten  home  in  this  carriage,  by  which 
time  she  will  either  be  with  the  Lord,  or  be  re- 
stored." The  daughter  lived  but  two  weeks.  He 
says,  in  a  letter  to  Justus  Jonas,  after  her  death, 
that,  notwithstanding  her  peaceful  and  happy  depart- 
ure, "The  power  of  parental  affection  is  such,  that 
he  cannot  suppress  his  sighs  and  groans."  "The 
countenance,  words  and  motions  of  the  living  and 
dying  daughter,  so  obedient  and  reverent,  remain 
deeply  fixed  in  my  heart." 

The  same  year,  Jonas  experienced  a  great  be- 
reavement in  the  death  of  his  wife,  the  most  inti- 
mate of  all  the  friends  of  Luther's  family.  The 
latter  wrote  to  Jonas  thus  :  "  What  to  write  I  know 
not,  so  suddenly  hath  your  calamity  stricken  me 
down.  We  have  all  lost  one  of  the  sweetest  of 
companions.  She  was  not  only  beloved  by  me,  but 
her  countenance  was  always  pleasant  and  full  of 
consolation,  so  that  we  had  all  our  joys  and  sorrows 
in  common,  and  bitter  indeed  is  the  separation.  I 
had  hoped  she  would  survive  me,  as  the  best  and 
first  comforter  among  women  for  my  wife  and  chil- 
dren." 

In  1545,  the  year  before  his  death,  Luther  be- 
came dissatisfied,  as  he  had  often  done  before, 
with  the  people  of  Wittenberg  for  their  luxury  and 


472  LIFE   OP  LUTHER.  [1530-46 

wanton  pleasures.  He  even  resolved  to  leave  the 
place  and  sp"  end  the  remnant  of  his  days  elsewhere ; 
and  in  May  actually  forsook  Wittenberg,  and  went 
first  to  Lbbnitz  to  his  friend  Ernest  von  Schonfeld; 
then  to  Leipsic  to  see  a  mercantile  friend  by  the 
name  of  Scherle;  afterward  to  Merseburg  to  the 
provost,  Prince  George  of  Anhalt;  and  finally,  to 
Zeitz  to  visit  Amsdorf,  now  bishop.  But  the  en- 
treaties of  a  deputation  from  the  elector  and  from 
the  university  induced  him  to  return.  His  last 
work  was  the  completion  of  his  Commentary  on 
Genesis,  on  which  he  had  laboured  diligently  ten 
years.  The  closing  words  are:  "I  am  weak,  and 
can  do  no  more.  Pray  God  that  he  may  grant  me 
a  peaceful,  happy  death." 

The  Counts  of  Mansfeld  had  been  for  several 
years  at  variance  with  some  of  their  subjects,  whom 
they  wished  to  deprive  of  their  furnaces.  Luther's 
brother-in-law,  Mackenrot,  was  in  danger  of  losing 
his.  Luther  had  written  to  Count  Albert  on  the 
subject  in  1540  and  in  1542,  and  also  to  the  other 
two  counts,  Philip  and  George.  These  counts  were 
in  controversy  also  with  each  other,  in  respect  to 
what  is  called  the  right  of  patronage.  Luther,  who 
had  advised  them  to  settle  the  matter  by  a  reference, 
was  himself  requested  to  be  one  of  the  referees,  and 
gave  his  consent.  Though  it  was  contrary  to  his 
custom  to  intermeddle  in  secular  disputes,  he  yielded 
in  this  case,  because  he  was  a  native  of  Mansfeld, 
and  owed  it  a  service.  He  left  Wittenberg,  January 
23,  1546,  with  his  three  sons,  John,  Martin  and 
Paul.  On  the  25th  he 'reached  Halle,  and  stopped 
with  Jonas  the  three  following  days,  on  account  of 
the  flood  in  the  river  Saale.  From  this  place  he 
wrote  to  his  wife  :  "  Dear  Katy.  We  came  hither  at 


JE.  47-63.]  AT  EISLEBEN.  473 

eleven  o'clock,  but  did  not  proceed  to  Eisleben ;  for 
a  great  Anabaptist  met  us  with  his  waves  and  blocks 
of  ice.  We  could  not  return  on  account  of  the  river 
Mulda.  Therefore  we  were  forced  to  remain  at 
Halle  between  two  floods,  not  that  we  were  thirsting 
for  these  waters,  for  we  have  good  Torgau  beer  and 
Rhenish  wine,  and  indulged  in  these  till  the  wrath 
of  the  Saale  should  cool  off." 

On  the  28th,  Luther,  his  three  sons  and  Jonas, 
crossed  the  river  in  a  boat,  not  without  danger,  that 
they  might  proceed  to  Eisleben.  No  sooner  had 
they  reached  the  boundaries  of  the  county  of  Mans- 
feld,  than  the  counts  met  them  with  an  escort  of  one 
hundred  and  thirteen  horsemen.  Before  reaching 
Eisleben,  Luther  was  very  ill,  but  recovered  after 
being  rubbed  with  warm  cloths.  From  January  29th 
to  February  17th,  he  was  engaged  every  day  at  Eisle- 
ben with  the  counts  in  settling  their  difficulties.  He 
Decame  impatient  at  his  apparent  want  of  success, 
and  often  wished  himself  at  home  again. 

February  6,  he  wrote  as  follows :  "  To  the  pro- 
foundly learned  lady,  Catharine  Luther,  my  gracious 
housewife  at  Wittenberg.  Dear  Katy.  We  continue 
here  in  a  state  of  vexation,  and  wish  ourselves  away; 
but  that  cannot  be,  I  think,  within  a  week.  You 
may  tell  Melancthon  to  correct  his  Postil,  for  he  did 
not  understand  why  the  Lord  called  riches  thorns. 
This  is  a  school  for  learning  to  understand  that. 
.  .  .  Your  sons  are  at  Mansfeld.  We  have  enough 
to  eat  and  to  drink,  and  should  have  good  times, 
were  it  not  for  these  disagreeable  transactions." 

While  at  Eisleben,  his  native  place,  he  communed 
twice,  ordained  two  priests,  and  preached  four  times. 
Three  days  before  his  death,  he  preached  in  the 
pulpit,  which  is  still  standing,  his  last  sermon,  from 

40* 


474  LIFE   OP   LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

Matt.  xi.  25-30,  and  closed  by  saying :  "  This,  and 
much  more,  may  be  said  from  the  passage,  but  I 
am  too  weak,  and  here  we  will  stop."  During  his 
stay  at  Eisleben,  his  conversation  was  unusually 
rich  and  impressive,  both  on  religious  and  othei 
subjects.  He  experienced  all  that  exhilaration  which 
an  old  man  is  wont  to  have  in  visiting  the  place  of 
his  birth.  Every  evening,  for  those  twenty-one  days, 
he  retired,  about  eight  o'clock,  from  the  great  hall, 
where  the  company  transacted  their  business  and 
took  their  meals,  to  his  private  apartment,  and, 
standing  by  the  window,  prayed  for  a  long  time  so 
earnestly  that  Dr.  Jonas,  M.  Ccelius,  preacher  at 
Mansfeld,  his  servant  Ambrose,  and  Aurifaber  of 
Weimar,  often  overheard  him. 

On  Wednesday,  the  17th  of  February,  the  Princes 
of  Anhalt  and  Count  Albert  of  Mansfeld  and  his 
friends  generally  entreated  him  not  to  enter  the 
great  hall  during  the  business  in  the  forenoon,  but 
to  take  repose  in  his  own  room.  He  did  so,  lying  a 
part  of  the  time  upon  his  leathern  couch,  walking  the 
room  a  part  of  the  time,  and  going  to  the  window  at 
times,  and  praying  so  that  Jonas  and  Ccelius,  who 
were  with  him  in  the  room,  could  hear  him.  At 
noon  he  left  his  own  apartment,  and  dined  in  the 
great  hall  with  the  company.  At  table  he  was  heard 
to  say:  "If  I  could  only  reconcile  the  rulers  of  my 
native  place  with  one  another,  and  then,  with  God's 
permission,  make  the  journey,  I  would  go  home,  and 
lay  myself  down  to  sleep  in  my  grave,  and  let  the 
worms  devour  my  body."  In  the  afternoon,  before 
supper,  he  complained  of  a  painful  pressure  at  the 
breast,  and  requested  that  he  might,  according  to  his 
custom,  be  rubbed  with  warm  cloths.  He  expe 
rienced  a  little  relief,  and  was  able  to  take  his  supper 


M.  47-63.]  DEATH-SCENE.  475 

in  the  hall.  His  conversation  at  this  time,  which  is 
recorded,  related  to  death,  eternity  and  the  recogni- 
tion of  friends  in  a  future  state.  As  he  arose  from 
supper,  he  went  to  his  room,  accompanied  by  his  two 
sons,  Martin  and  Paul,  then  fourteen  and  thirteen 
years  of  age  respectively,  and  Coelius.  Soon  the 
latter  left  the  room,  and  Aurifaber  entered.  Luther 
now  complained  of  a  pain  in  the  breast,  as  before. 
Jonas  and  Coelius  were  immediately  called,  who 
rubbed  him  with  warm  cloths,  and  Count  Albert, 
who  brought  with  him  the  shavings  from  the  tooth  of 
a  sea-unicorn,  a  favourite  medicine  in  those  days, 
and  Luther  took  it.  He  slept  till  tt-u  o'clock  in  the 
evening,  and  Jonas,  Coelius,  his  host  Albrecht,  and 
his  wife,  Ambrose  and  Luther's  two  sons  watched 
with  him.  At  ten  he  arose,  and  attempted  to  walk, 
but  was  obliged  to  return  to  his  bed.  He  afterward 
slept  till  one  o'clock,  and  when  he  awoke  he  requested 
Ambrose  to  make  more  fire,  although  the  room  had 
been  kept  very  warm.  As  Jonas  asked  him  whether 
he  felt  weak,  he  replied:  "Oh!  how  I  suffer.  Oh! 
niy  dear  Jonas,  I  think  I  shall  die  here  at  Eisleben, 
where  I  was  born  and  baptized."  The  friends  were 
awaked  and  called  in.  When  Jonas  spoke  encou- 
ragingly of  his  profuse  sweat,  Luther  said,  "  It  is  a 
cold  death-sweat;  I  must  yield  up  my  spirit,  for  my 
malady  increaseth."  He  then  prayed  fervently,  and 
commended  his  siul  confidently  to  God.  After  tak- 
ing a  little  medicine,  and  assuring  hia  friends  that 
he  should  die,  he  repeated  three  times  quickly  the 
words:  "Father,  into  thy  hands  do  I  commend  my 
spirit;  thou  hast  redeemed  me,  thou  faithful  God." 
He  then  became  quiet.  The  attendants  shook  him, 
rubbed  him,  and  spoke  to  him,  but  he  closed  his  eyes 
and  made  no  reply.  Jonas  and  Coulius  then  spoke 


476  LIFE   OF   LUTHER.  [1530-46. 

very  loud,  and  said,  "Venerable  father,  do  you  die 
trusting  in  Christ  and  in  the  doctrine  which  you 
have  preached  ?"  and  he  answered  distinctly,  "  Yes," 
and  turned  upon  his  right  side  and  seemed  to  sleep 
for  nearly  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  His  friends  were 
encouraged,  but  the  physician  told  them  that  it  was 
no  favourable  symptom.  A  light  was  brought  near 
his  face,  and  it  was  evidently  turning  pale ;  and  his 
forehead,  face  and  feet  were  becoming  cold.  After 
one  gentle  breath  and  sigh,  with  folded  hands,  he 
quietly  died,  on  Thursday,  the  18th  of  February, 
1546,  between  two  and  three  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
at  the  age  of  sixty-two  years,  three  months  and  eight 
days.  He  was  laid  out  upon  a  bed  till  a  lead  coffin 
could  be  cast;  and  two  painters  were  employed  to 
take  his  likeness. 

On  the  19th  of  February,  at  two  o'clock,  a  funeral 
discourse  was  preached  by  Justus  Jonas  before  a 
large  audience  at  St.  Andrew's  church,  which  stands 
nearly  opposite  the  house  where  Luther  died.  The 
corpse  remained  over  night  in  the  church,  guarded 
by  ten  men.  The  Counts  of  Mansfeld  desired  that 
he  might  be  buried  at  Eisleben,  where  he  was  born 
and  where  he  died.  But  the  Elector  of  Saxony  was 
desirous  that  his  remains  should  be  brought  to  Wit- 
tenberg, and  deposited  in  the  collegiate  or  electoral 
church,  and  the  counts  yielded  to  his  wishes.  An- 
other funeral  discourse,  however,  was  pronounced 
by  Michael  Coelius,  of  Mansfeld,  before  the  body 
was  removed  from  Eisleben. 

The  same  day,  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock, 
the  corpse  was  removed,  a  great  company  following 
it  to  the  gate  of  the  city,  and  the  Counts  of  Mans- 
feld with  about  fifty-five  horsemen  proceeding  with 
it  to  Wittenberg.  As  they  passed  along  the  way 


JE.  47-63.]  FUNERAL   CEREMONIES.  477 

to  Halle,  the  bells  were  tolled  in  the  villages  and 
many  people  came  to  express  their  grief.  At  five 
o'clock,  as  they  approached  Halle,  the  clergy,  civil 
authorities,  citizens,  schools,  matrons,  virgins  and 
children  in  great  multitudes  came  out  in  mourning, 
and  singing  funeral  hymns,  to  meet  the  procession. 
At  one  of  the  churches,  to  which  the  body  was  con- 
veyed at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  one  .of  Lu- 
ther's hymns  was  sung  amid  a  flood  of  tears,  and 
then  a  watch  was  stationed  there  for  the  night.  The 
next  morning,  which  was  Sunday,  the  procession  left 
the  city  in  the  same  manner  in  which  they  entered 
it,  and  reached  Bitterfeld  at  noon,  where  they  were 
received  with  becoming  ceremony.  Here  they  were 
met  by  the  delegation  from  Wittenberg  sent  by  the 
elector.  They  came  as  far  as  Kemberg,  and  it  was 
evening.  The  next  morning,  they  approached  the 
eastern  gate  of  Wittenberg,  and  were  joined  by  the 
widow  and  sons  of  the  deceased,  and  a  great  multi- 
tude from  the  university  and  the  city,  and  passed 
amid  crowds  of  people  to  the  church  at  the  other 
end  of  the  town.  Here  the  funeral  ceremonies  took 
place,  and  a  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  Bugen- 
hagen,  and  an  address  was  delivered  by  Melancthon, 
after  which  the  remains  of  Luther  were  deposited 
near  the  pulpit  where  he  had  preached,  where  they 
still  lie  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  thousands 
who,  after  three  centuries,  still  continue  to  visit 
Wittenberg,  THE  SEAT  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


INDEX. 


A. 

AOB.ICOLA,  459.     His  wife,  419. 

Albert,  archbishop  of  Mainz,  186,  327. 

Alexius,  66. 

Altstedt,  49. 

Anabaptists  at  Wittenberg,  332.    Luther  counteracts  their 

influence,  338.     Luther's  severity  towards,  433. 
Anne,  St.,  67. 
Augsburg,  Luther  there  before  Cajetan,  235. 

Diet  of,  in  1530,  406,  434. 

Confession,  442. 

Augustinian  monks  in  Saxony,  74. 

B. 

Bacchant,  28. 

Bible,  first  seen  by  Luther,  63. 

Biel,  99. 

Biblicus,  degree  of,  128. 

Bora,  Catharine  von,  367,  376.     Her  marriage,  372. 

John  von,  468. 

Breslau,  schools  of,  27. 

c. 

Cajetan,  233,  244. 

Carlstadt,  282,  284.     His  disorders  at  Wittenberg,  331. 

Carlstadt,  doctrines  of,  358. 

470 


480  INDEX. 

Catacombs  at  Rome,  139. 

Catharine  Von  Bora.     See  Bora. 

Charles    V.  writes,   requesting    that    Luther    come    to 

Worms,  295. 

Coburg,  Luther's  residence  there,  407,  434. 
Cotta,  Madam,  54. 

D. 

D'Aubigne",  error  of,  15,  (note). 
Doctor  of  Divinity,  Luther's  view  of,  143. 
Dorothy,  Luther's  sister,  470. 
Dressel,  164. 

E. 

Eck,  Prof.,  263.     His  obelisks,  221. 

Education,  Luther's  domestic,  19.     At  Mansfeld,  21.     At 

Magdeburg,  46.    At  Eisenach,  50.    At  Erfurt,  56.     His 

religious  education,  30. 

Education,  promoted  by  Luther,  15,  394,  419,  430. 
Eisenach,  Luther's  removal  thither,  48,  55. 
Eisleben,    Luther's   birth-place,    description   of,   12,   15. 

Founds  a  Latin  school  at,  15.     His  last  visit  to,  472. 

His  death  at,  476. 

Erasmus,  Luther's  controversy  with,  354. 
Erfurt,  57. 
Erfurt  University,  57,  58.     Luther's  trouble  with,  148. 

F. 

Feldkirch,  167,  321. 
Franciscan  monks,  47. 

Frederick  the  Wise,    123,   252.     Negotiates    respecting 
Luther's  going  to  Worms,  295. 

G. 

George,  Duke  of  Saxony,  123,  459. 
German  (Catholic)  church,  31. 
Glapio,  302. 
Goch,  191. 


INDEX.  481 


Golden  Meadow,  49. 
Grimma,  162,  367. 
Gulden,  106  (note),  380. 


H. 


Halle,  scenery  between  it  and  Eisleben,  11. 
Helme,  scenery  of,  49,  (note). 
Henry,  Duke  of  Saxony,  460. 
Hutten,  307. 

I. 

Indulgences,  origin  of,  178.    Theory  of,  179. 

J. 

Jena,  Luther's  appearance  as  knight  there,  334. 

Jerome,  70. 

Jodocus  of  Eisenach.     See  Truttvetter. 

John,  Elector,  405.     His  death,  453. 

John,  Luther's  son,  384,  466. 

Justification,  Luther's  first  glimpse  of,  109,  112. 

K. 

Kessler,  334. 


Lange,  155. 

Leiffer,  165. 

Leipsic  Disputation,  262. 

Link,  224. 

Luther,  Hans,  Martin's  father,  16.     Piety  of,  21.     Dig- 

pleased  with  Martin,  102.     His  death,  434,  440. 
Luther,  Hans,  Martin's  son,  416,  384. 
Luther,  Margaret  Lindemann,  Martin's  mother,  18. 
Luther,  Martin,  his  birth-place,  14.     His  birth,  14. 

founds  a  Latin  school  at  Eisleben,  15. 

— —  his  parents,  16—18.     Their  residence,  15. 


482  INDEX. 

Luther,  in  the  Mansfeld  school,  17. 

his  mother,  18. 

his  education,  domestic,  19.   At  Mansfeld,  21.  At 

Magdeburg,  41.  At  Eisenach,  51.  At  Erfurt, 
66.  His  religious  education,  30,  33,  35,  55. 
his  ecclesiastical  education,  how  viewed  by 
himself,  34.  Luther  a  promoter  of  education, 
392,  419,  430. 

his  studies  in  Mansfeld,  21,  23,  29.     Eisenach, 

50.  In  Erfurt  University,  60.  In  the  Erfurt 
cloister,  scholastic  theology,  97. 

his  teachers,  22,  23,  51,  61. 

simplicity  of,  34. 

witches,  his  belief  in,  38. 

mining,  his  knowledge  of,  40. 

a  peasant's  son,  41. 

his  position,  social,  41.     Geographical,  43. 

in  Magdeburg,  41     18. 

in  Eisenach,  48. 

his  early  poverty,  52. 

a  singer  in  the  streets,  54. 

wounded,  60. 

made  Master  of  Arts,  62. 

first  sees  the  Bible,  63,  83.     He  is  made  Biblicut, 

128.     Studies  the  Bible,  144. 

in  the  cloister  at  Erfurt,   66.      His  subsequent 

troubles  with,  148. 

becomes  a  monk,  66,  71.     Motives,  69,  78. 

his  novitiate,  73. 

his  humiliation  in  the  cloister  of  Erfurt,  76. 

his  distress  in  the  convent,  79 — 84,  95,  100, 108. 

he  takes  the  vow,  86. 

first  sees  Staupitz,  90. 

becomes  priest,  102. 

holds  mass,  104—107. 

his  first  glimpse  of  justification,  109 — 112. 

justification,  his  early  views  of,  110. 

Wittenberg,  his  first  visit  to,  116. 

he  removes  to  Wittenberg,   116.     His  early  la- 

bours there,  126.  Troubles  there  and  Luther's 
return,  329,  338. 


INDEX.  483 

Luther,  his  first  preaching,  131. 

his  journey  to  Rome,  132.     In  Rome,  134. 

he  is  made  Doctor  of  Divinity,  142. 

his  Lectures  on  the  Psalms,  147. 

his  transition  state,  154. 

his  religious  feelings,  159. 

he  is  made  vicar  of  his  order,  160. 

his  duties  numerous,  169,  429. 

his  collision  with  Tetzel,  193. 

his  ninety-five  theses,  196. 

Indulgences,  his  theses  on,  196.     His  sermon  on, 

197. 

at  Heidelberg,  205. 

his  citation,  to  Rome,  226.     To  Augsburg,  233. 

he  replies  to  Prierias,  232. 

at  Augsburg,  235. 

at  the  Leipsic  Disputation,  266,  279,  284. 

his  works  on  practical  religion,  287.     He  sets  out 

for  Worms,  298.     Enters  Worms,  301. 

at  the  diet  of  Worms,  301.     Luther  appears  be- 

fore the  diet,  305.     His  account  of  his  bear- 
ing, 312.     He  leaves  Worms,  314. 

conducted  to  Wartburg,  315. 

his  condition  there,  318,  823.     His  occupations 

there,  325. 

his  appearance  as  knight,  at  Jena,  334. 

at  Zwickau,  344. 

controversy  with  Erasmus,  354. 

his  marriage,  872. 

his  domestic  life,  377. 

his  improvidence,  380. 

his  possessions,  381. 

his  children,  384. 

as  a  preacher,  387. 

his  love  of  music,  400. 

his  severity,  433. 

at  Coburg,  435. 

his  misunderstanding  with  Melancthon,  442. 

— —  his  seal,  449. 

his  sister  Dorothy,  470. 

his  death  at  Eisleben,  476. 


484  INDEX. 


Magdeburg,  46.     Luther's  journey  thither,  44. 
Madeline,  Luther's  daughter,  377,  386.     Her  death,  470. 
Mansfeld,  county  of,  15,  (note). 

town  of,  15.     Luther's  removal  to,  15. 

Luther  in  the  school  of,  21.     School  of,  23,  28. 

Mass,  101.    Abuse  of,  106. 

Melancthon,  229.     Misunderstanding  with  Luther,  442. 

Michelet,  error  of,  17,  (note). 

Miltitz,  246,  253,  259,  278. 

Mining,  Luther's  knowledge  of,  40. 

Monk,  Luther,  66.     Novice,  77.     Priest,  98. 

Monks,  their  preaching,  37.     Their  view  of  baptism,  38, 

88.     Franciscan,  47.     Augustinian,  74,  76. 
Mora,  the  homestead  of  Luther's  ancestors,  13. 
Mosellanus,  223. 
Muncer,  49 — 50. 
Music,  Luther's  estimate  of,  400. 
Mutianus,  163. 

N. 

Nathin,  Master  of  Erfurt,  149. 
Nimptschen,  nunnery  of,  367. 
Novitiate,  Luther's,  73. 
Nuremburg,  424. 

0. 

Oemler,  Nicholas,  22. 

P. 

Painting,  symbolical,  seen  by  Luther,  47. 

Papacy,  characteristics  of,  31,  98,  177. 

Papal  schools,  24 — 29.    Education,  34.    Preaching,  37. 

Platter,  Thomas,  25. 

Preaching  of  Luther,  387. 

heard  by  Luther  in  his  childhood,  37. 

Prierias,  204,  226. 

Priesthood,  Luther's,  102.     Studies  for,  98. 


INDEX.  485 

R. 

Reformation  defined,  190. 

-  its  origin  in  Luther's  experience,  65. 
Eeineck,  John,  44,  439,  470. 

Beuchlin,  152,  250. 

Home,  135.     Luther  there,  134. 

S. 

Safe-conduct,  Luther's  to  Worms,  304. 

Saxony,  house  of,  123. 

Scheurl,  171. 

Scholastic  theology,  Luther  studies  it,  97. 

Schools  in  the  Middle  Ages,  24—29. 

Schools  at  Mansfeld,  23. 

Smalcald  convention,  467. 

Spalatin,  226,  409,  411. 

Spenlein,  156. 

Staffelstein,  69. 

Staupitz,  90. 

-  Luther's  letters  to  him,  215,  249. 

-  his  superstition,  427. 

T. 

Teachers  of  schools  in  the  Middle  Ages,  24. 

Tetzel,  his  life,  183.     Luther's  collision  with,  193,  208. 

Theses,  the  ninety-five  of  Luther,  196. 

Thuringia,  12—13. 

Thuringian  forest,  13. 

-  character,  32. 
Trebonius,  Luther's  teacher,  51. 
Truttvetter,  62,  213,  152. 

u. 

Usingen,  61. 


Veronica,  St.,  138. 
Visitation  of  Saxony,  426. 
Vow,  Luther's,  86. 


486 


INDEX. 


w. 


Walther,  the  musician,  401. 

Wartburg,  how  situated,  18.  Luther  conducted  thither, 
315.  His  condition  there,  318,  323.  His  occupations 
there,  325. 

Weller,  463,  465. 

Wessel,  192. 

Winkler,  George,  murdered,  422. 

Witches,  Luther's  belief  in,  38. 

Wittenberg,  117.  Luther's  removal  to,  116.  University 
of,  119.  Languishes,  410.  Churches  of,  121.  Troubles 
there  and  Luther's  return,  329.  Luther  forsakes  the 
city,  472. 

Worms,  diet  of,  294.  What  was  done  there  before  Luther's 
arrival,  302.  Luther  sets  out  for  Worms,  298.  Enters 
Worms,  301.  Appears  before  the  diet,  305.  Luther's 
account  of  his  hearing,  312.  He  leaves  Worms,  314. 

z. 

Zollsdorf,  382. 

Zwinglians,  excluded  by  Luther,  450. 


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